Claims Under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment: Protecting Victims of Non- Class Based Discrimination from Vindictive State Action
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Rational Basis "Plus" Thomas B
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2017 Rational Basis "Plus" Thomas B. Nachbar Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Nachbar, Thomas B., "Rational Basis "Plus"" (2017). Constitutional Commentary. 1094. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/1094 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NACHBAR_DRAFT 4.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 7/13/17 12:45 PM RATIONAL BASIS “PLUS” Thomas B. Nachbar* INTRODUCTION The Supreme Court has asserted the power to review the substance of state and federal law for its reasonableness for almost 200 years.1 Since the mid-1960s, that review has taken the form of the “familiar ‘rational basis’ test,”2 under which the Court will strike a statute if it is not rationally related to a legitimate governmental interest.3 The test is hardly perfect. It lacks, for one thing any textual basis in the Constitution.4 It has been criticized from both ends, as alternatively a judicial usurpation of legislative power5 or “tantamount to no review at all.”6 But the Court has applied it for decades,7 and while the test is not universally loved, neither is it particularly controversial, at least as rules of constitutional law go. If rational basis scrutiny itself is largely uncontroversial, the same cannot be said for so-called “rational basis with bite,” “rational basis with teeth,” or—as I shall call it—“rational basis plus” review.8 Rational basis plus is, as Justice O’Connor * Professor of Law, University of Virginia School of Law. -
The Framers' Constitution: Toward a Theory of Principled Constitutionalism
The Framers’ Constitution: Toward a Theory of Principled Constitutionalism By Geoffrey R. Stone and William P. Marshall September 2011 All expressions of opinion are those of the author or authors. The American Constitution Society (ACS) takes no position on specific legal or policy initiatives. The Framers’ Constitution: Toward a Theory of Principled Constitutionalism Geoffrey R. Stone* & William P. Marshall** For the past forty years, political conservatives have effectively framed the national debate over constitutional interpretation. According to the conservatives’ narrative, their approach to constitutional interpretation adheres to the true meaning of the Constitution and to the Rule of Law, whereas “liberal” jurisprudence is concerned only with achieving specific desired outcomes, without regard to the text, history or meaning of the Constitution. The gains that conservatives have achieved by characterizing the debate in this manner cannot be overstated. Because the public has generally accepted the conservative account, Republican presidents have been much more aggressive than their Democratic counterparts in appointing judges with strongly ideological inclinations, and constitutional doctrine has veered sharply to the right as conservative jurists have become ever bolder in their pursuit of politically conservative results. Meanwhile, at the grassroots level, a new strain of conservative constitutionalism has recently emerged that insists that even such traditional legislative measures as civil rights laws and social welfare programs are unconstitutional, reflecting an even more aggressive conception of conservative judicial ideology. The conservative constitutional narrative is deeply unprincipled and patently wrong, both in its defense of conservative judicial ideology and in its attack on what conservatives deride as a result-oriented “liberal” jurisprudence. -
Guantanamo, Boumediene, and Jurisdiction-Stripping: the Mpei Rial President Meets the Imperial Court" (2009)
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2009 Guantanamo, Boumediene, and Jurisdiction- Stripping: The mpI erial President Meets the Imperial Court Martin J. Katz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Katz, Martin J., "Guantanamo, Boumediene, and Jurisdiction-Stripping: The mpeI rial President Meets the Imperial Court" (2009). Constitutional Commentary. 699. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/699 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Article GUANTANAMO, BOUMEDIENE, AND JURISDICTION-STRIPPING: THE IMPERIAL PRESIDENT MEETS THE IMPERIAL COURT Martin J. Katz* INTRODUCTION In Boumediene v. Bush,1 the Supreme Court struck down a major pillar of President Bush's war on terror: the indefinite de tention of terror suspects in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The Court held that even non-citizen prisoners held by the United States government on foreign soil could challenge their confinement by seeking a writ of habeas corpus in federal court, and that the procedures the government had provided for such challenges were not an adequate substitute for the writ." As a habeas corpus case, Boumediene may well be revolu tionary.3 However, Boumediene is more than merely a habeas * Interim Dean and Associate Professor of Law. University of Denver College of Law; Yale Law School. J.D. 1991: Harvard College. A.B. 1987. Thanks to Alan Chen. -
Religion in the Public Schools November 2019
Religion in the Public Schools Published online in TASB School Law eSource TASB Legal Services Texas Association of School Boards 512.467.3610 • 800.580.5345 [email protected] Religion in the Public Schools TASB Legal Services Legal Background Several federal and state laws form the foundation that guides public school districts in navigating the complex area of religion in schools. First Amendment The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution states, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech . .” U.S. Const. amend. I. The First Amendment applies to school districts as political subdivisions of the state through the Fourteenth Amendment. Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421 (1962). Together, these laws protect private religious expression but prohibit government action to advance, coerce, or endorse religion in the public schools. Plaintiffs may sue the government for violations of the First Amendment through 42 U.S.C. § 1983 (Section 1983). Establishment Clause The First Amendment Establishment Clause, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion . ,” prohibits school districts and their employees from establishing religion. U.S. Const. amend. I. Schools must not advance, coerce, or endorse a particular religion or religion over non-religion. Cnty. of Allegheny v. ACLU Greater Pittsburgh Chapter, 492 U.S. 573 (1989). The U.S. Supreme Court has exercised special vigilance over compliance with the Establishment Clause in elementary and secondary schools because “families entrust public schools with the education of their children, but condition their trust on the understanding that the classroom will not purposely be used to advance religious views that may conflict with the private beliefs of the student and his or her family.” Edwards v. -
Chapter 6 Constitutional Principles Affecting a Locality's Land Use
Chapter 6 Constitutional Principles Affecting a Locality’s Land Use Powers 6-100 Introduction The power to regulate the use of land is a legislative power, residing in the state, which must be exercised in accordance with constitutional principles. Board of Supervisors of Fairfax County v. Southland Corp., 224 Va. 514, 297 S.E.2d 718 (1982). A locality’s exercise of its land use powers, particularly the zoning power, invokes numerous constitutional principles: Constitutional Principles That May Be Affected By the Exercise of Local Land Use Powers Procedural due process Free exercise of religion Substantive due process Free speech Equal protection The right to bear arms Just compensation or takings Search and seizure (see section 27-400) Establishment of religion Supremacy (preemption) (see chapter 7) The numerous constitutional principles that may be affected by local land use regulations may have inspired a United States Supreme Court justice to ask in a dissenting opinion: “[I]f a policeman must know the Constitution, then why not a planner?” San Diego Gas & Electric Co. v. San Diego, 450 U.S. 621, 661, 101 S. Ct. 1287, 1309, 579 fn. 26 (1981) (Brennan, J.). At bottom, in the land use context these constitutional principles seek to ensure: (1) fairness in the procedures; (2) fairness in the regulations; (3) fairness in the implementation of the regulations; (4) protection of certain individual activities; and (5) freedom from certain governmental activities. 6-200 The due process clause The Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution provides in part that “No person shall . be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law . -
The Seventh Circuit's Application of the Substantive Due Process Right Of
SEVENTH CIRCUIT REVIEW Volume 3, Issue 1 Fall 2007 FAMILIA INTERRUPTUS: THE SEVENTH CIRCUIT’S APPLICATION OF THE SUBSTANTIVE DUE PROCESS RIGHT OF FAMILIAL RELATIONS ∗ SCOTT J. RICHARD Cite as: Scott J. Richard, Familia Interruptus: The Seventh Circuit’s Application of the Substantive Due Process Right of Familial Relations, 3 SEVENTH CIRCUIT REV. 140 (2007), at http://www.kentlaw.edu/7cr/v3-1/richard.pdf. INTRODUCTION One of the oldest substantive due process rights derived from the Fourteenth Amendment and recognized by the Supreme Court is the right of individuals to be free from government intrusion into the control and management of their families.1 Despite its rhetoric that familial rights are a fundamental liberty interest protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, the Supreme Court’s recognition of this right has been far from clear. Until recently,2 the articulation of this right has been enmeshed in the analysis of other constitutional rights, and even the recent Supreme Court jurisprudence is ambivalent towards this liberty interest, making it difficult to decipher the scope of this right and the appropriate standard to determine when it should be protected. ∗ J.D. candidate, May 2008, Chicago-Kent College of Law, Illinois Institute of Technology; A.M., 2001, University of Chicago; B.A., 1999, Hamilton College. I would like to acknowledge Nikolai G. Guerra and Nicole L. Little for their careful edits of this Note. 1 Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390, 399 (1923). 2 Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57 (2000). 140 SEVENTH CIRCUIT REVIEW Volume 3, Issue 1 Fall 2007 The Seventh Circuit’s most recent case involving a claim of familial rights, United States v. -
Human Rights and Constitution Making Human Rights and Constitution Making
HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTION MAKING HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTION MAKING New York and Geneva, 2018 II HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTION MAKING Requests to reproduce excerpts or to photocopy should be addressed to the Copyright Clearance Center at copyright.com. All other queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to: United Nations Publications, 300 East 42nd St, New York, NY 10017, United States of America. E-mail: [email protected]; website: un.org/publications United Nations publication issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Photo credit: © Ververidis Vasilis / Shutterstock.com The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a figure indicates a reference to a United Nations document. HR/PUB/17/5 © 2018 United Nations All worldwide rights reserved Sales no.: E.17.XIV.4 ISBN: 978-92-1-154221-9 eISBN: 978-92-1-362251-3 CONTENTS III CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. 1 I. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS AND HUMAN RIGHTS ......................... 2 A. Why a rights-based approach to constitutional reform? .................... 3 1. Framing the issue .......................................................................3 2. The constitutional State ................................................................6 3. Functions of the constitution in the contemporary world ...................7 4. The constitution and democratic governance ..................................8 5. -
A Tale of Two Textualists: a Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia Michael J
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 1994 A Tale of Two Textualists: A Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia Michael J. Gerhardt Repository Citation Gerhardt, Michael J., "A Tale of Two Textualists: A Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia" (1994). Faculty Publications. 990. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/990 Copyright c 1994 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs ARTICLES A TALE OF TWO TEXTUALISTS: A CRITICAL COMPARISON OF JUSTICES BLACK AND SCALIA MICHAEL J. GERHARDT* The idea that Justices Hugo Black and Antonin Scalia have anything in common jurisprudentially is counterintuitive. Justice Black is associated with the progressive social and economic legislation symbolized by the New Deal and with judicial activism in protecting the poor and disen franchised.1 He is beloved by many liberals as a champion of individual rights, especially freedom of speech and of the press. In contrast, Justice Scalia is revered by conservatives as a true believer-combating the rising tide of liberalism, big government, and judicial activism-set on restoring traditional notions of federalism and judicial restraint.2 Any effort to liken these two Justices makes both liberals and conservatives recoil. * Professor of Law, Marshall-Wythe School of Law, The College of William and Mary. B.A. Yale University; M.Sc. London School of Economics; J.D. University of Chicago. I am grateful for the encouragement and helpful comments on earlier drafts I received from Marc Arkin, Erwin Chemerinsky, George Cochran, Neal Devins, Jill Fisch, Tracy Higgins, Michael Herz, Sandy Levinson, Chip Lupu, Tracey Maclin, John McGinnis, Peter Shane, Bill Treanor, Steve Wermiel, and Ron Wright. -
What the Heller?: an Originalist Critique of Justice Scalia's Second Amendment Jurisprudence
University of Cincinnati Law Review Volume 82 Issue 3 Article 3 August 2018 What the Heller?: An Originalist Critique of Justice Scalia's Second Amendment Jurisprudence Enrique Schaerer Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.uc.edu/uclr Recommended Citation Enrique Schaerer, What the Heller?: An Originalist Critique of Justice Scalia's Second Amendment Jurisprudence, 82 U. Cin. L. Rev. 795 (2018) Available at: https://scholarship.law.uc.edu/uclr/vol82/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by University of Cincinnati College of Law Scholarship and Publications. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Cincinnati Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Cincinnati College of Law Scholarship and Publications. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Schaerer: What the Heller?: An Originalist Critique of Justice Scalia's Sec WHAT THE HELLER?: AN ORIGINALIST CRITIQUE OF JUSTICE SCALIA'S SECOND AMENDMENT JURISPRUDENCE Enrique Schaerer* In District of Columbia v. Heller, Justice Scalia construed the Second Amendment based on sound textualist principles, as guaranteeing an individual right to keep and bear arms. But to the extent he defined the scope of this right indeterminately, he failed to abide by his originalist principles. This Article argues that the Second Amendment should protect, as a threshold, weapons that can be fairly traced back to weapons in common use at the time of the Framing, rather than, as Justice Scalia suggested, weapons in common use at some ever- changing "present" time. To subject the Second Amendment right to a present-daypopularity contest, as Justice Scalia appears to do, is to put this right on ground that is forever uncertain, unstable, and ultimately nonoriginalist. -
Motive Crimes and Other Minds
COMMENTS MOTIVE CRIMES AND OTHER MINDS ADAM CANDEUBt INTRODUCTION Early Sunday morning, March 3, 1991, after a car chase through the Los Angeles freeways, police officers ordered Rodney King to exit his car; King got out of the car and was ordered to lie down on the ground.' A dozen officers soon surrounded him, and one, Stacey Koon, fired two shots from his stun gun at King's chest, without effect.2 Laurence Powell began to hit King repeatedly with a night stick as others joined in. King then rose to his knees and received ten quick baton blows.' As if to ward off the onslaught, King raised his arm and then tumbled to the ground, falling on his stomach.' In all, the officers hit the man at least forty times.5 On Wednesday, April 29, 1992, at the corner of Florence and Normandie Avenues in downtown Los Angeles, rioters stopped an eighteen-wheel truck and dragged its driver, Reginald Denny, out of the cab. Using his right leg, Keith Watson forced Denny's face down to the pavement as others beat him with a ball-peen hammer and other objects. Then, Damian Williams, at a range of three feet, threw a brick that smashed Denny's head. Williams then proceeded to dance what appeared to be ajubilant jig and left Denny bleeding t B.A. 1990, Yale University; J.D. Candidate 1995, University of Pennsylvania. Thanks, as always, to my most valued editor, H.W.C. Thanks to the heroic efforts of the Law Review's Executive Editors: Adam Cutler, Chris Evison, Valerie Kelly, Sandy Stape and, especially, my good friends, Dan Dex and Jennifer Wolgemuth-whose editorial perspicacity often inspires awe. -
Rationalizing Rational Basis Review
Copyright 2017 by Todd Shaw Printed in U.S.A. Vol. 112, No. 3 RATIONALIZING RATIONAL BASIS REVIEW Todd W. Shaw ABSTRACT—As a government attorney defending economic legislation from a constitutional challenge under the Fourteenth Amendment—How would you rate your chances of success? Surely excellent. After all, hornbook constitutional law requires only the assembly of a flimsy underlying factual record for economic legislation to pass rational basis review. But the recent uptick in courts questioning the credibility of legislative records might give pause to your optimism. As a growing body of scholarship has identified, the Supreme Court and federal courts of appeals increasingly invalidate laws under rational basis review despite the presence of an otherwise constitutionally sufficient legislative record. Under this “credibility-questioning” rational basis review, courts both ignore post hoc rationales that would legitimate a government interest and scrutinize the fit between the challenged statute’s means and ends. Nevertheless, recent scholarship has overlooked why courts have, and should, engage in credibility-questioning rational basis review, particularly of economic legislation. This Note proposes an answer: Courts should apply credibility- questioning rational basis review to economic legislation that (1) impedes liberty interests central to personhood, (2) burdens politically unpopular minority groups, or (3) benefits concentrated interest groups at the expense of diffuse majorities. AUTHOR—J.D. candidate, Northwestern Pritzker School of Law, 2018; B.A., Oklahoma State University, 2012. For helpful comments and conversation, thanks to Professors Steven G. Calabresi and Leonard S. Rubinowitz, George F. Will, Jentry Lanza, Sheridan Caldwell, Connor Madden, Patrick Sullivan, and Arielle W. -
Obergefell V. Hodges: Same-Sex Marriage Legalized
Obergefell v. Hodges: Same-Sex Marriage Legalized Rodney M. Perry Legislative Attorney August 7, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44143 Obergefell v. Hodges: Same-Sex Marriage Legalized Summary On June 26, 2015, the Supreme Court issued its decision in Obergefell v. Hodges requiring states to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples and to recognize same-sex marriages that were legally formed in other states. In doing so, the Court resolved a circuit split regarding the constitutionality of state same-sex marriage bans and legalized same-sex marriage throughout the country. The Court’s decision relied on the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection and due process guarantees. Under the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause, state action that classifies groups of individuals may be subject to heightened levels of judicial scrutiny, depending on the type of classification involved or whether the classification interferes with a fundamental right. Additionally, under the Fourteenth Amendment’s substantive due process guarantees, state action that infringes upon a fundamental right—such as the right to marry—is subject to a high level of judicial scrutiny. In striking down state same-sex marriage bans as unconstitutional in Obergefell, the Court rested its decision upon the fundamental right to marry. The Court acknowledged that its precedents have described the fundamental right to marry in terms of opposite-sex relationships. Even so, the Court determined that the reasons why the right to marry is considered fundamental apply equally to same-sex marriages. The Court thus held that the fundamental right to marry extends to same- sex couples, and that state same-sex marriage bans unconstitutionally interfere with this right.