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Popular Music Journalism As Public Sphere

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CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by OpenGrey Repository UNIVERSITY OF STIRLING PEDRO NUNES Department of Film and Media POPULAR MUSIC AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE: THE CASE OF PORTUGUESE MUSIC JOURNALISM Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January, 2004 i Abstract Music journalism has been acknowledged as an important space of mediation between artists and consumers. Journalists and critics have played an historical role in the creation of discourse on popular music and are acknowledged by the music industry as an important referent in promotion strategies. Research on the subject has been mostly focused either on the relationship between music journalism and the wider music industry in which it operates or on its status as a field of cultural production. Little consideration has been given to the role played by music journalists in articulating popular music with wider political, social and cultural concerns. This thesis will examine the case-study of Portuguese popular music journalism. It will address its historical evolution and current status by taking into consideration some dimensions, namely, the wider institutional contexts that frame the status of music journalism and how they work upon it, the ideologies and values realised in journalistic discourse, the journalists’ relationship to the music industry (as represented by record labels/companies and concert promotion companies) and issues of interactivity with readers. The thesis will draw on theories of the public sphere and, to a lesser extent, on Bourdieu’s notions of field, capital and habitus to assess the possibilities for music journalism to create reasoned discourse on ii popular music and, therefore, contribute to wider debates on the public sphere of culture. 75,653 words. iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Professor Simon Frith for his enduring guidance and support. Thanks must also go to Professor Philip Schlesinger for his invaluable comments on earlier drafts of this thesis. I would also like to acknowledge the support from Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia and from the FSE (Fundo Social Europeu) who funded this research. I am very grateful to all my interviewees whose contributions were very much appreciated. Thanks to all the journalists, press-officers, label managers, retailers and participants in Forum Sons for their availability. A special thanks must go to Rachel Lawlor for the many hours spent proof-reading all chapters. Also to Claire Lightowler for proof- reading two chapters and to Nuno Jorge who hasn’t seen his archives of music and arts/culture supplements for nearly three years. Of course, any errors that may still remain should not be associated with the names mentioned. They are entirely my own. Thanks to my friends who have made these four years in Stirling so enjoyable: Una, Janina, Mark P., Maggie, Matt, Miriam, Shane and Eileen, Nick, Olivier, Wei-Chen and Miwa. iv For Miwa v TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION I CHAPTER ONE 16 FRAMING THE SUBJECT: POPULAR MUSIC AND POPULAR MUSIC JOURNALISM 16 The politics of popular music: from Adorno to the globalisation debate 16 Popular music journalism 43 The Portuguese case 62 Conclusion 65 CHAPTER TWO 69 THE SPACE OF POPULAR MUSIC JOURNALISM: HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ANGLO-SAXON AND PORTUGUESE CASES 69 The popular music press: a brief British and American account 70 Popular music journalism in Portugal 78 Blitz 81 Music and arts/culture supplements 86 Pop/Rock, Sons, Y 88 DN+ 97 A Revista and Cartaz 101 Conclusion 103 CHAPTER THREE 106 METHODOLOGY 106 Exploratory interviews and questionnaires 112 Semi-directed interviews 113 E-mail questionnaire 117 Content analysis of the press 117 Content analysis of forum of discussion 119 vi Additional information and methods 119 CHAPTER FOUR 121 THE STATUS OF POPULAR MUSIC JOURNALISM 121 Music journalism, radio and television 122 Synergies with radio 127 The challenge of IT 129 Music journalism and the fields of journalism and culture 132 Personal taste and public interest 139 Conclusion 155 CHAPTER FIVE 160 MUSIC JOURNALISTS AND THE MUSIC INDUSTRY 160 Music journalists and record labels 164 Press-officers and music journalists 171 Social and symbolic capital 181 Conclusion 186 CHAPTER SIX 190 COVERAGE AND DISCOURSE ON POPULAR MUSIC IN THE PRESS: FROM IDEOLOGICAL JOURNALISM TO CONSUMER GUIDES 190 1985-1988: militant journalism and the ideology of difference 192 1992-1995: pluralistic and “objective” coverage 212 1999-2002: consumer guides 220 Conclusion 229 v ii CHAPTER SEVEN 234 CASE STUDY: IDEOLOGIES OF MUSIC JOURNALISTS TOWARDS PORTUGUESE MUSIC 234 Context 237 Ideologies in music journalism: militant journalism, desk journalism and proactive journalism 241 Conclusion 261 CHAPTER EIGHT 268 A VOICE FOR THE READERS: INTERACTIVITY IN THE MUSIC PRESS 268 A short account of interactivity in Portuguese music journalism 269 Case-study: Forum Sons 272 Features of the forum 275 Contents 277 Impacts of the forum 283 Conclusion 290 CHAPTER NINE 296 POPULAR MUSIC JOURNALISM AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE 296 The public sphere: Habermas and his revisionists 299 Journalism and the public sphere 306 Popular music and the public sphere of culture 310 Portuguese popular music journalism and the public sphere 318 Bourdieu and the field of cultural production 326 Conclusion 334 CONCLUSION 340 BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 APPENDIX 24 v iii Introduction In a feature article, covering the upcoming gig in Lisbon from veteran pop band Supertramp published last year in a music supplement, the introductory strapline read, “the market has been devolved to aged forty-somethings. The generation that buys a house and a car, also buys compilations – like Supertramp’s – and sells-out concerts, like Supertramp’s. This was one of the bands they listened to in their youth before they reached positions of power in record companies and in the mass media” (in Y, 19/4/2002). The article then went on to explain Supertramp’s success in terms of their appeal to the aforementioned generation and to the recent loss of impact from younger audiences on sales figures. While not much was said about their music, the article was implicitly dismissive, alluding to their “irritating perfectionism” and lack of novelty (ibid.). About one week later, journalist Pedro Rolo Duarte responded to the article in his editorial for DNa, the culture/lifestyle supplement for Diário de Notícias. The editorial, titled “I like Supertramp. Am I allowed to?”, cheered the perfectionism and lack of novelty as good reasons to attend the gig (and, indeed, to have enjoyed it as was the case for the writer). He criticised the music journalist for his conformity to the idea, common among music journalists, that the 1970s were if anything to be dismissed. Furthermore, he claimed that the journalist 1 was not atypical of “a vast majority of journalists who despise the creativity of popular music for the masses and are consumed by the idea of novelty.” He went on writing that “beyond this idea are an array of complexes and prejudices towards the music market which makes the critics nest in small cultural ghettos, ignoring and dismissing everything out of their universe” (in DNa, 27/4/2002). The argument could be contextualised in many ways. It may be seen as a conflict of values between agents in the field of culture and entertainment where the position occupied by music journalists conflicts with the position occupied by entertainment/lifestyle journalists. Alternatively, it can be seen as a conflict between competing titles, one being more populist (Diário de Notícias), the other more elitist (Público). It may be regarded as a conflict of generations between one journalist who lived his youth in the 1970s and whose taste was informed by the music of that period and another who grew up in the 1980s when the soundscape was much different from the previous decade. Or it can be stated more simply as an argument between a journalist who likes Supertramp and one who does not. But what is striking about the argument is that it reveals how popular music (like all popular culture in general) can be a site of argument and struggle between different actors. Additionally, it highlights the ways in which the articulation of opinions about and stances towards popular music are wrapped up 2 with broader cultural and political concerns in such a way that it can inform the reader while stimulating critical discussion. Or to put it more straightforwardly, if popular music is just entertainment, then what are these people arguing about? Elvis Costello is rumoured to have said that “talking about music is like dancing about architecture”. Yet popular music is the subject of passionate discussion in a variety of contexts. People talk about it over a pint when gathering with friends in the pub. We read about it in the newspapers, either in general or specialised titles and rant and rave over the writer’s judgements on our favourite band. Music fans discuss it on the web through bulletin boards and forums, where they are able to connect with those who share similar tastes and interests. However, discussing popular music is often dismissed and trivialised as a mundane activity. There is an underlying assumption that popular music is something not to be taken too seriously. This dismissal of popular music as having no significance beyond its entertainment value, while being a general feature in contemporary culture, is definitely more visible in Portugal than in Britain. The British have long acknowledged popular music as a key element of their cultural identity and it is often incorporated into discussions of public affairs.1 There is an underlying assumption that popular music is important to debates on British identity - as well as 3 on the nation’s economics.2 Not surprisingly, popular music has been embraced as an area of study in academic departments while receiving considerable attention in the media too.
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