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theory can be traced back to the s and s, but for- A New Look at mal presentations of their research and hypotheses started in  and extended through the s. In the  years & since Bowlby and Ainsworth’s initial work in attachment theory, its basic premises have become well recognized “Attachment” Behavior and largely accepted into mainstream and into popular culture as well. More recent theoretical and research interests have been directed toward “the relation- Barry J. Berghaus ship between attachment and adult rela- tionships and psychopathology” (Berman & Sperling, Capella University , pp. –; for other examples, see Bretherton, ; Hazen & Shaver, ; Simonelli, Ray, & Pincus, ). he original work on attachment theory occurred dur- If anyone doubts the impact attachment theory has ing the period of time when behaviorology and psychol- had on psychology during the past fifty years, one has only ogy shared their history as two incommensurable to go to the World Wide Web to discover the volume of disciplines under the initial disciplinary label, psycholo- books, journal articles, and essays currently available. For gy (see Ledoux, /, for an overview of this situa- example, a Google search of “attachment theory” pro- tion; see Fraley & Ledoux, /, for details). Since duced ,, hits. The same search at Academic then, most of the efforts to apply attachment theory have Search Premier yielded , hits of articles currently in occurred well within the traditional psychology field the data base; , of those were published within the where scientific progress is constrained by unending last ten years. Also, the Barnes and Noble website commitments to mystical, untestable, redundant agential (www.barnesandnoble.com) lists  book titles related to origins of people’s activities (Fraley, ). This paper attachment theory. Attachment theory is covered rou- considers that if scientific progress can or is to be made tinely in current textbooks in social, child, adult, and with attachment theory, that progress will more likely oc- life–span development psychologies. In fact, Simonelli, cur by reexamination through behaviorological analysis Ray, and Pincus () write, “Attachment theory has and research. become the dominant approach in understanding inter- personal relationships.” Several authors suggest that there is clinical utility in Introduction employing the framework of attachment theory to the diagnosis and treatment of psychological problems in Attachment theory has many proponents. Its simplicity teens and . (For some examples, see Adam, , makes it attractive to social, developmental, and clinical who discusses suicide and attachment; Parker, , who behaviorologists and . Over the past  discusses depression and attachment; West & Keller, years, attempts have been made to extend the premises of , who discuss attachment and personality disorders; attachment theory into adult relationships of all kinds in- Sperling & Lyons, , who discuss attachment theory cluding, for example, workplace behaviors. Much has representations in psychotherapeutic change; and Rholes been written about early attachment and its role in psy- & Simpson, , who discuss such things as the influ- chopathology in children and adults. This paper exam- ences of attachment on cognitive functioning, implica- ines some of the strengths and weaknesses of attachment tions for the ways individuals experience intimacy and theory and suggests that it could be made better by aban- conflict in adult relationships, and how attachment doning internal working models. theory can inform the clinician’s understanding of such “Attachment theory is the joint work of significant clinical problems as depression and post trau- and ” (Bretherton, ). Bowlby began matic disorder.) his studies of attachment when he researched the earliest Since attachment theory and, more recently, its appli- developmental origins of childhood and psychopathology cability to adult relational behavior have been so gener- at London’s Tavistock Clinic (Berman & Sperling, , ally accepted, it seems important for students of behavior p. ). Mary Ainsworth’s contributions, including her Strange to look carefully at the objective scientific evidence that Situation research methodology and supports or questions the premises of attachment theory, orientation, propelled attachment theory into the main- and also to look at possible alternative explanations for stream of child development and social psychologies. The the findings reported in attachment literature. roots of their work on, and thinking about, attachment Page 4 (issn 1536–6669) ehaviorology oday  Volume 14, Number 2, Fall 2011

vations on cards to be used in subsequent discussion of the children’s development” (Bretherton, ). Discussion Bowlby’s first presentation of formal attachment theory occurred before the British Psychoanalytic Society Attachment Theory: in . He presented a theory heavily influenced by John Bowlby’s Contributions , especially ’s studies of imprint- John Bowlby’s (–) work on the earliest de- ing (Bretherton, ) and ’s studies of velopmental origins of childhood and adult psychopa- monkeys with surrogate “wire and cloth” mothers thology provided the foundation for the study and (Garelli, n.d.), and heavily critical of the psychoanalytic conceptualization of attachment theory (Bretherton, doctrine regarding the nature of a child’s libidinal ties to ). The titles of his early works reveal his developing the mother. The psychoanalytic explanations for the sup- interest in attachment and separation and their effects on posed libidinal ties to the mother, including theories of child development and psychopathology (for example, a secondary drive, primary object sucking, primary object  article entitled “Some pathological processes set in clinging, and a primary craving to return to the womb, train by early mother–child separation” [Bowlby, ]). made little sense in light of Bowlby’s observations and By , Bowlby was already expressing the ideas that ethological viewpoint. Needless to say, Bowlby’s theory were to become attachment theory (Bowlby, , as was not well received in psychoanalytic circles, being, cited in Bowlby’s Biography, n.d.). Bowlby believed that as they were, still heavily influenced by Freud (Bowlby’s was putting too little emphasis on actual Biography, n.d.). events in the lives of children and too much emphasis on By , Bowlby and his colleague James Robertson their fantasy lives. He is quoted as saying, “psychoanalysts had identified three phases of the separation response: like the nurserymen should study intensively, rigorously, () Protest (related to separation anxiety), () Despair and at first hand, the nature of the organism, the proper- (related to grief and mourning for the lost mother), and ties of the soil and the interaction of the two” (Bowlby’s () Detachment or denial (related to defense). These Biography, n.d.). In this regard, Bowlby seems to have proved the crucial point in Bowlby’s attachment theory: been influenced by the behaviorists and natural scientists “separation anxiety is experienced when attachment be- of his day who believed that behavior could be havior is activated and cannot be terminated unless re- better understood by naturalistic analyses rather than by union is restored” (Bowlby’s Biography, n.d.). Bowlby symbolic explorations of introspectively derived psycho- came to believe that separation anxiety was caused by ad- dynamic operations (see Ledoux, /). verse experiences. During his early years at the Tavistock Clinic (Bowlby At the time, psychoanalysts believed children did not became head of the children’s department there in ), experience grief because of childhood narcissism. Anna Bowlby was disappointed that much of the clinical work Freud’s view was that children were unable to mourn due being done with disturbed children was based on to insufficient ego development and so experienced noth- Kleinian psychoanalysis which regarded actual family inter- ing more than brief periods of separation anxiety which actions as completely irrelevant to children’s behavior. He abated whenever a satisfactory substitute be- was deeply interested in discovering the actual family inter- came available. Melanie Klien believed that the loss of the action patterns involved in both normal and pathological breast was the most meaningful loss suffered during in- childhood development (Bowlby’s Biography, n.d.). fancy. In direct opposition to the psychoanalysts of the Bowlby focused his research efforts on mother–child day, Bowlby believed that childhood grief and mourning separation because the separation event is well–defined and occurred whenever attachment behaviors were activated clear–cut, and either happens or does not (Bowlby’s Biog- and the mother continued to be unavailable (Bowlby’s raphy, n.d.). As such, Bowlby introduced scientifically Biography, n.d.). objective environmental observations into a previously Bowlby’s rejection of mainstream psychoanalytic subjective world where “research” was largely done by theory and insistence on objective environmental obser- case studies based of symbolic and psycho- vations of family interactions are significant positive at- analytically based interpretations of interactions between tributes of early attachment theory. analyst and patient. Interestingly, however, Bowlby’s col- league James Robertson “had obtained his training in ob- Attachment Theory: servation while working (as a boilerman [Bretherton, Mary Ainsworth’s Contributions ]) at ’s residential nursery for evacuated Mary Ainsworth (–) is the other key figure in children where all members of the staff, no matter what the foundation of attachment theory. In fact, Ainsworth’s their job description, were required to write their obser- Uganda study—“the first developmental study viewing –mother attachment from an evolutionary perspec- ehaviorology oday  Volume 14, Number 2, Fall 2011 (issn 1536–6669) Page 5

tive” (Bretherton, )—which was begun in , pre- collection was completed in . “Analyses of mother– dated Bowlby’s presentation of his formal account of infant interaction sequences during feeding, close body attachment theory to the British Psychoanalytic Society , face–to–face , and crying yielded clear evi- by four years. dence that when a mother responded to her infant with However, Ainsworth’s work in Uganda was clearly sensitive responsiveness during the first three months of influenced by her previous affiliation with Bowlby at the life, the pair had a more harmonious relationship during Tavistock Clinic. There, “Ainsworth became intrigued the last quarter of the first year” (Bretherton, ). with Bowlby’s quest to find a more compelling explana- In an article discussing the findings of the Baltimore tion for young children’s distress in response to enduring Study, Bell and Ainsworth (, as cited in Bretherton, separation from than the current view. This view, ) reported that a mother’s prompt and sensitive re- shared by psychoanalysts and learning theorists alike, was sponse to crying during an infant’s early months of life that babies became attached to their mothers because resulted in less crying later in the first year. This finding they (mothers) feed them and fulfill the babies’ other ba- seemed to contradict the learning theories of the day; sic needs” (Bretherton, ). When she went to Uganda, what are usually observed to be reinforcing (i.e., rate–in- Ainsworth was interested in studying the Ugandan tradition creasing) consequences of crying seemed instead to be re- of sending away from the mother for a few days sulting in less crying rather than more. However, the at weaning so that the infants will “forget the breast.” status of the studied crying as respondent behavior or op- However, she quickly learned that most Ugandans had erant behavior received inadequate attention perhaps be- given up the tradition, so she began to carefully document cause the differences between respondent behavior and the normative development and individual differences in operant behavior, including crying behavior, were not yet infant–mother interactions (Bretherton, ). well analyzed, although these have been more recently Ainsworth finally presented findings from the clarified (see Fraley, ). In any case, later researchers Uganda study to Bowlby’s Mother–Infant Interaction (for example, Hart & Risely, , ; Flora, ) Study Group in . Even though her work was heavily again reliably demonstrated that crying is reinforced by influenced by Bowlby’s, her reception by the Study immediate parental responsiveness, and that responsive Group was lukewarm at best (Bretherton, ). It is parents quickly shape communicative crying into more clear that her thinking had been heavily influenced by socially desirable behaviors—short communicative cries, William Emet Blatz, her doctoral mentor, founder of the communication, and talking. Institute of Child Study at the , and It was near the end of the Baltimore Study that the “Dr. Spock” of Canada. Blatz had proposed security Ainsworth developed the which, if not theory in which “secure dependence on parents enables in- her most important contribution to attachment theory, is fants and young children to muster the courage to ex- probably her most famous. She was likely inspired by plore the unfamiliar, and thus to develop towards Harry Harlow’s experiments with infant rhesus monkeys independent security (or self–reliance)” (Bretherton, ). in which he demonstrated that infant monkeys explored Much of Ainsworth’s later thinking about primary caregiv- more when they were with a cloth mother than they did ers as a secure base for exploration, and the ways in which when with a wire mother. Ainsworth devised a controlled some children mature into independent security while laboratory situation analogous to both Harlow’s monkey other do not, can be found in Blatz’s security theory. setup and real–life examples of human infant separation Ainsworth’s most famous work, the Baltimore Study, and attachment. was conducted at and reported The Strange Situation as conceptualized by Ainsworth in several journal articles and book chapters, and in a is essentially a  minute mini–drama with eight episodes. book titled Patterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of The infant and its mother are introduced to a laboratory the Strange Situation (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, playroom. Later they are joined by an unfamiliar woman. , as cited in Bretherton, ) where Ainsworth sum- The strange woman plays with the infant and the mother marized her findings and thinking about attachment leaves the room and then returns. A second separation (Bretherton, ). occurs when the mother leaves the child alone in the For the Baltimore study, Ainsworth and her col- room then returns with the (Bretherton, ). leagues recruited  through their pediatricians. Ainsworth found that most one–year–old children They visited each family once a month for a year with explored the toys in the room, cried when their mothers each visit lasting four hours. Observers noted interactions left the room, sought brief interaction and settled upon between infants and their mothers in shorthand during the mother’s return, and then returned to room exploration. their observations and dictated a detailed narrative into a However, not all children followed the expected pattern. tape recorder immediately after each session. The re- Some children appeared to snub the mother when she re- corded narratives became the basis for data analysis. Data turned from her brief absence. 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her by looking away and refusing to interact even when The exploration behavior system is activated only when the mother made attempts to interact with the child. A the infant is secure enough to explore safely. Onset of at- third and smaller group of children protested loudly when tachment produces offset of exploration, and offset of at- their mothers left the room, but appeared angry when she tachment allows onset of exploration. returned, even though they often attempted to make Bretherton () writes, “ behavior systems contact with their mothers. Ainsworth labeled the three can work with foresight in organisms that have evolved groups as securely attached, avoidantly attached, and the ability to construct internal working models of the ambivalently attached, respectively (Bretherton, ). environment and of their own actions in it.” Here, It is important to note here that despite the plethora Bretherton presents a fundamental assumption of attach- of research on attachment theory that has gone on since, ment theory—“in order to activate and deactivate the at- much of what modern attachment theorists believe to be tachment system efficiently, the child must develop true about mother–infant attachments and their effects ‘internal working models’ of the attachment figure and of are based on Ainsworth’s single study of  Baltimore the self in interaction with the attachment figure” families. And much of what is believed about the pur- (Bowlby, , as cited in Berman & Sperling, , p. ). ported effects of attachment on infant development is At this point a brief summary seems in order. Attach- based on Ainsworth’s conclusions based on a single ment theory says that evolved an attachment be- twenty minute Strange Situation conducted with each havior system because it offers those who have it an mother–infant pair at the end of the Baltimore study. It’s evolutionary advantage, that is, infants who seek the not that Ainsworth didn’t recognize the shortcomings of closeness and security of their mothers (or other primary her single study and small sample size. She did, and in caregiver) are more likely to survive, and mothers who are fact she intended to replicate her study, but was denied responsive to their infant’s needs and provide security are funding by a federal review panel which, “while respect- more likely to have their infants survive, thereby passing ful of her research capabilities, replied that there was no on their genes. The attachment behavior system becomes point in replicating something of so little value” (Karen, active through the course of normal development at , p. , as cited in Bretherton, ). about the same time as the exploration behavior system which also provides evolutionary advantage for the devel- Attachment Theory: The Theory oping infant by, for example, encouraging learning about Attachment theory “rests on the concept of an ‘at- the environment, muscle development, and the begin- tachment behavioral system’—a homeostatic process that ning stages of the separation that occurs when the child regulates infant proximity–seeking and contact–main- may leave mother and family to establish a family of his taining behaviors with specific individuals to provide or her own. Both systems become active because of devel- physical or psychological safety and security” (Berman & opmental changes in the infant such as locomotion and Sperling, , p. ). In general, behavioral systems are which facilitate the necessary behav- thought to be evolved, cybernetically–controlled systems iors within each system. However, the systems require a that provide a clear adaptive benefit to individuals and counterbalancing of opposing forces. As the infant en- species (Bretherton, ). As evolved systems, behavioral gages in attachment behaviors with the caregiver, the in- systems are likely to be expressed differently in different fant experiences either responsiveness, rejection, or some members of a species with some members displaying combination of both. Eventually, the infant learns to pre- “more” and some “less.” They are also influenced by en- dict caregiver responses based on actual experience. vironmental factors so that their onset and offset may oc- Those infants who most often experience responsiveness cur in response to specific environmental events, and they become securely attached; those infants who most often may change over time in response to environmental con- experience rejection become avoidant; and those infants sequences, in both the species and in particular individu- who experience an unpredictable combination of both als (Bretherton, ; Garelli, n.d.). responsiveness and rejection become anxious and am- Development of the putative attachment behavior bivalent. These experiences become transformed into the system coincides with the development of locomotion child’s internal working model of relational expectations. and object permanence in infant humans (Berman & The internal working model carries the person’s expecta- Sperling, , p. ). Onset, or activation, occurs when- tions for all attachment relationships on into the future, ever the infant is separated from the primary caregiver, and remains generally stable unless altered by significant and offset, or deactivation, occurs when the two are re- new experiences. united. However, and importantly, the attachment be- havior system is said to exist in opposition to an Attachment Theory: Some Criticisms “exploration behavior system” that develops at around Most theories have their proponents and detractors. the same time and drives infants to explore the world. Certainly that is the case with attachment theory. 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ever, in many cases proponents become incautious apolo- findings. For example, Hart and Risley (, ) stud- gists. That seems to be the case in attachment theory ied  families over . years and found that the number when proponents suggest, fairly commonly, that critics of and quality of social interactions between parents and attachment theory don’t really understand the theory and their children showed a strong positive relationship to its supporting evidence (for example, Bretherton, , later behavioral and developmental accomplishments, so- ; Sperling & Berman, ; Hazan & Shaver, ). cial behavior, and language abilities. In effect, they found At this point in the history of attachment theory, it that positive behaviors produce much more would be nearly impossible to read every published ar- than secure attachment (see Latham, , , ; ticle and book on the subject, so I concede that some crit- Ledoux, ). ics, including this one, may remain unaware of all the Harvard () writes, research that’s been reported. However, this does little to “the concept of attachment has a noncontroversial, factual detract from the major criticisms of attachment theory basis… it is reasonable to regard Bowlby’s concept of the which are based on what may be fundamental flaws in attachment bond, representing the product of the thousand some major premises of attachment theory. In addition, or more hours of nurturing interactions between adults these same proponents often point out attachment and infants during their first year, as a useful construct.” theory’s utter simplicity, and recommend that as one of Bowlby and Ainsworth were rigorous in their observa- their theory’s strengths (for example, Sperling & Berman, tions, data collection, and pursuit of objective measures. , Bretherton, ). If the theory really is so simple They based their theorizing on well documented facts (and it is certainly and admittedly more complex than the from ethology, sociobiology, psychobiology, , brief presentation made here), it seems unlikely that all of and general behavior theory (Garelli, n.d., Bretherton, the theory’s critics misunderstand the fundamentals of ) as well as what they believed to be true from psy- attachment theory. Perhaps some understand it too well. choanalysis and the modern approach to structural cog- Attachment theory may have some strengths. One nitive development theory (Garelli, n.d.). However, strength may be its common sense appeal. In addition, Bowlby and Ainsworth strayed from a natural science ap- many early studies in attachment followed the model proach, and their followers have strayed further still. provided by ethologists as they attempted to make objec- Jerome Kagan, in his article “Three Pleasing Ideas” tive observations of organisms as they behaved in their (Kagan, ) describes three attractive yet scientifically natural environments. unsupported premises common in psychological theoriz- Bowlby may be credited with almost single–handedly ing. The first of these is what he calls the “unencumbered changing the way the modern world looks at parenting power of early experience” (the other two being “abstract roles (Bowlby’s Biography, n.d.). He wrote, “The infant processes” and “sensory pleasure as a primary motivator and young child should experience a warm, intimate, and of behavior”—we will deal with the first of these later). continuous relationship with his mother (or permanent Kagan () writes that psychologists commonly believe mother substitute) in which both find satisfaction and “that the experiences of infants can create schemata, hab- enjoyment” (Bowlby, , p. , as cited in Bretherton, its, and that are enduring, perhaps indefi- ). And equally impactfully, “Just as children are abso- nitely.” This belief is seen clearly in the works of lutely dependent on their parents for sustenance, so in all psychodynamic giants like Freud and Erikson, attach- but the most primitive communities, are parents, espe- ment theorists, early behaviorists, and nearly every other cially mothers, dependent on the greater society for eco- school of psychology. For example, Kagan () cites nomic provision. If a community values its children it Fogel (, p. ) writing about attachment theory: “In- must cherish their parents” (Bowlby, , p. , as cited dividuals acquire particular expectations from their early in Bretherton, ). Statements like these were in direct social relationships that they then carry over to other re- opposition to the thinking and recommendations being lationships. Because internal working models are rela- made by most commentators of the day who often rec- tively stable and only get changed very slowly, they may ommended distant and minimally responsive behavior account for the long term consistencies in attachment on the part of parents. But as we can see, society has across time.” The same belief is expressed here by Berman hardly heeded Bowlby’s words (Bretherton, ). and Sperling (, p. ): “Mary Ainsworth contributed the concept of the at- Adult attachment is the stable tendency of tachment figure as a secure base from which an infant can an individual to make substantial efforts explore the world. In addition, she formulated the con- to seek and maintain proximity to and cept of to infant signals and its role in contact with one or a few specific indi- the development of infant–mother attachment patterns” viduals who provide the subjective poten- (Bretherton, ). Researchers far removed from attach- tial for physical and/or psychological ment theory have reaffirmed Bowlby and Ainsworth’s safety and security. The stable tendency is Page 8 (issn 1536–6669) ehaviorology oday  Volume 14, Number 2, Fall 2011

regulated by internal working models memory, and fear, that fail to specify the of attachment, which are cognitive– species or the type of person being stud- affective–motivational schemata built ied, the context of observation, and the from the individual’s experience in his evidence used to infer the process... Sci- or her interpersonal world. entific theories must posit constructs that Fogel and Berman and Sperling describe the founda- stand for presumed commonalities tional belief on which adult attachment is built—that in- among related events. But scholars must ternal working models are created early in life and affect not assume, unless the evidence is strong, behavior later in life. But the scientific evidence does not that these invented constructs, most of support that belief. Kagan () writes, “Infant tempera- which are impermanent, apply to agents ments, based in part on inherited physiology, make a and contexts that were not part of the modest contribution to future behavior (Kagan, ), original empirical foundation for the including reactions that are most often used to evaluate idea. (Kagan, ) infant’s security of attachment (Seifer, Schiller, Sameroff, Furthermore, the continued allegiance to putative inter- Resnick, & Riordan, ).” nal agents, agents that supposedly self–initiate behavior Even when adult attachment theorists admit that at- by telling the behaving body what to do, even further re- tachment styles don’t always remain stable into and moves the topic from the context of natural science, since through adulthood, they promptly ignore that fact and natural science by definition excludes all such mystical go on about their business of describing how attachment notions (Ledoux, ). styles developed during the first year of life affect adult Attachment theorists simply accept/presume that in- relationships (for example, Simonelli, Ray, & Pincus, ; ternal working models exist, and from there assume that Bretherton, ; Sperling & Berman, ; Hazen & internal working models have a causal relationship with Shaver, ). It is particularly unclear what effects early behavior. This is an example of the “transformation para- attachment interactions might have on relationships in digm” (Fraley & Ledoux, /). In the transforma- older adults who are likely to have experienced a variety tion paradigm, inputs (in the case of attachment theory, of types and levels of relationships with others. inputs would include parenting responses during the first In Bowlby’s Biography (n.d.) we find: few months of life) are some how transformed into stored …scholars are currently almost exclu- “internal working models,” (an example of Kagan’s first sively working on instruments, such as and second attractive ideas) somewhere in the “mind.” questionnaires and interviews with These transformed entities are later transformed yet again adults; they have given up direct observa- into behavior. However, since this processes responsible tions of children, and most important for these transformations cannot be objectively defined, they have given up one of the most im- measured, or quantified, and because the structures in portant tenets of Attachment Theory: which such transformed entities reside are purely hypo- that of replacing by objec- thetical, the adherence to the transformation paradigm tive observation. As things stand right (and other concerns) prevents psychology from being a now, psychology as enhanced by Bowlby natural science. It therefore remains largely a philosophi- has backtracked to Freudian times, even cal (some commentators prefer superstitious; see Fraley, Pre–Freudian times. ) endeavor. The extension of objectively derived data to adults, However, attachment theory does not require the especially when backtracked from effects in adulthood to transformation paradigm to be useful. As demonstrated causes in childhood, is a decidedly unscientific pursuit by Ainsworth in her Baltimore study, inputs and outputs depending on introspection and memory of vaguely de- can be observed and measured objectively. Hart and fined experiences. And researchers know that no autobio- Risley (, ) conducted many hours of observa- graphical memory for these early experiences exists since tions, recorded and interpreted data, and published their the most formative experiences in attachment are pur- results and conclusions which sound surprisingly like the ported to have occurred during the first year of life. conclusions reached by Bowlby and Ainsworth, yet they Kagan () points out another belief commonly never resorted to abstractions and transformations to ex- held by psychologists but not supported by scientific evi- plain their results. That behavior is controlled by its en- dence, the almost casual acceptance of abstract processes. vironment is a well established fact in learning theory and He writes: behaviorology (Skinner, ; Fraley, ). No transfor- A second favorite premise is the positing mations are required to explain how parental interactions of highly abstract psychological processes, with their children affect their children’s behavior. Had such as attention, learning, regulation, Bowlby and Ainsworth not been so taken with psycho- ehaviorology oday  Volume 14, Number 2, Fall 2011 (issn 1536–6669) Page 9

analysis, they may have been able to separate their scien- tific findings from their pseudoscientific beliefs and pre- sented a theory devoid of mysticism and nonscientific Endnotes premises. Had their successors been more attracted to scientific rather than mystical explanations of behavior, The original version of this paper was completed as part they may have avoided backtracking to pre–Freudian times. of the requirements for a doctoral graduate course at Capella University. Address correspondence to the author at  State Highway , Ogdensburg  . Summary Social critic Jane Jacobs, in her book Dark Age Ahead References () describes the problems societies face when they abandon science in favor of pseudoscientific and Adam, K.S. (). Suicidal behavior and attachment: A postmodernist thinking. She demonstrates how societies developmental model. In M.B. Sperling & W.H. that have abandoned science have spiraled downward Berman (Eds.). : Clinical and into dark ages and dissolution. Jacobs also describes how Developmental Perspectives (pp. –). New York: pockets of societies or even single professions have aban- Guilford Press. doned science and spiraled downward into irrelevance. Ainsworth, M.D.S., Blehar, M.C., Waters, E, & Wall, S. She provides illuminating examples of the neglect of sci- (). Patterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of entific principles in traffic engineering, community dis- the Strange Situation. Hillsdale, : Erlbaum. ease control, and economics. In each case she shows how Bell, S.M. & Ainsworth, M.D.S. (). professionals, while purporting to be scientists, ignored and maternal responsiveness. Child Development, , available scientific evidence and acting on unsubstanti- –. ated belief, made huge blunders that affected thousands Berman, W.H. & Sperling, M.B. (). The structure of people, resulting in needless suffering and death. and function of adult attachment. In M.B. Sperling Jacobs provides a modern day cautionary tale revealing & W.H. Berman (Eds.). Attachment in Adults: Clini- how postmodernist thinkers purport to be experts but cal and Developmental Perspectives (pp. –). New practice something quite different from science. If psych- York: Guilford Press. ology is to have any enduring relevance, it must certainly Bretherton, I. (). The origins of attachment theory: heed Jacob’s warning instead of holding as it does to its John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. Developmental mystical roots and promoting essential postmodernism Psychology, , –. by considering the discipline as an eclectic aggregate where Bretherton, I. (). Mary Ainsworth: Insightful ob- nearly anything goes. server and courageous theoretician. In G.A. Kimble In science, good theories survive, poor theories are & M. Wertheimer (Ed.s). Portraits and Pioneers in discarded. Some theories prove themselves to be better Psychology (th ed.). Hillsdale, : Erlbaum. than others because of there ability to explain and predict Bowlby, J. (). The influence of early environment in and control phenomena. But more than this, good theo- the development of neurosis and neurotic character. ries must be consistent with other scientific theories and International Journal of Psycho–Analysis, , –. follow basic laws of the universe. Bowlby, J. (). Maternal Care and . Attachment theory may have its strengths, but its World Health Organization Monograph (Serial No. ). modern proponents have lost their way. As they try to Bowlby, J. (). Some pathological processes set in train make attachment related to everything that comes after, by early mother–child separation. Journal of Mental and a major component of psychopathology, they ignore Science, , –. much of the scientific evidence. Bowlby, J. (). Developmental psychiatry comes of Perhaps, as Bowlby’s contemporaries asserted age. American Journal of Psychiatry, , –. (Bretherton, ); attachment theory really is too simple Bowlby’s Biography (n.d.). A brief sketch of John to explain adult relationships and psychopathology. Per- Bowlby’s biography. Retrieved March ,  from: haps we should look to the many millions of interactions “http://attachment.edu.ar/bio.html” between children and their environments, including their Flora, S.R. (). The Power of Reinforcement. Albany, interactions with their , to explain security and :  Press. attachment, along with all of the rest of their develop- Fraley, L.E. (2008). General Behaviorology: The Natural ment and behavior (Novak, ). Science of . Canton, : ABCs.) Page 10 (issn 1536–6669) ehaviorology oday  Volume 14, Number 2, Fall 2011

Fraley, L.E. & Ledoux, S.F. (/) Origins, status, Seifer, R., Schiller, M., Sameroff, A., Resnick, S., & and mission of behaviorology. In S.F. Ledoux. (). Riordan, K. (). Attachment, maternal sensitivity, Origins and Components of Behaviorology—Second and infant temperament during the first year of life. Edition (pp. –). Canton, : ABCs. Reprinted , , –. (‒) in five parts in Behaviorology Today: Simonelli, L.E., Ray, W.J., & Pincus, A.L. (). At- Chs.   :  (), –. Ch. :  (), –. Ch. :  tachment models and their relationships with anxiety, (), –. Ch. :  (), –. Chs.   :  (), –. worry, and depression. Counseling and Clinical Psych- Fogel, A. (). Infancy (nd ed.). New York: West. ology Journal,  (), –. Garelli, J.C. (n.d.). Outline of the theory of attachment. Skinner, B.F. (1953). Science and Human Behavior. New Retrieved June ,  from: “http:// York: The Free Press. attachment.edu.ar/outline.html” Sperling, M.B. & Berman. W.H. (Eds.). (). Attach- Hart, B., & Risley, T.R. (). Meaningful Differences in ment in Adults: Clinical and Developmental Perspec- the Everyday Experience of Young American Children. tives. New York: Guilford Press. Baltimore, : Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co. Sperling, M.B. & Lyons, L.S. (). Representations of Hart, B., & Risley, T.R. (). The Social World of Chil- attachment and psychotherapeutic change. In M.B. dren Learning to Talk. Baltimore, : Paul H. Sperling & W.H. Berman (Eds.). Attachment in Brookes Publishing Co. Adults: Clinical and Developmental Perspectives (pp. Hazen, C., & Shaver, P.R. (). and work: An at- –). New York: Guilford Press. tachment–theoretical perspective. Journal of Personal- West, M. & Keller, A. (). strategies ity and ,  (), –. for insecure attachment in personality disorders. In Jacobs, J. (). Dark Age Ahead. New York: Ran- M.B. Sperling & W.H. Berman (Eds.). Attachment in dom House. Adults: Clinical and Developmental Perspectives (pp. Kagan, J. (). Galen’s Prophecy. New York: Basic Books. –). New York: Guilford Press. Kagan, J. (). Three pleasing ideas. American Psycholo- gist,  (), –. Karen, R. (). Becoming Attached: First relationships and how they shape our Capacity to love. New York: Oxford University Press. Latham, G.I. (). The Power of Positive Parenting. Logan, : P&T ink. TIBI Donors & Levels Latham, G.I. (). Parenting with Love: Making a difference in a day. Salt Lake City, : Bookcraft. s contributions to the Institute are tax deductable, Latham, G.I. (). Single parenting: When its all up to tibi has adopted these policies for donors: you. Behaviorology Today,  (), –. Ledoux, S.F. (). Study Questions for Glenn Latham’s Donors’ Benefits, and Amounts and Titles The Power of Positive Parenting. Canton, : ABCs. Benefits: All donors (a) receive at least the benefits of Ledoux, S.F. (/). An introduction to the origins, the Affiliate member level (as described in TIBIA Mem- status, and mission of behaviorology: An established berships & Benefits in this issue) and (b) have their name science with developed applications and a new name. listed (unless they wish otherwise) under their donor title In S.F. Ledoux. (). Origins and Components of in Behaviorology Today. Behaviorology—Second Edition (pp. –). Canton, : ABCs. Reprinted () in Behaviorology Today, Per Year Donors  (), –. $20 (to $99): Contributor Ledoux, S.F. (). Defining Natural Sciences. Behav- $100 (to $249): Supporter iorology Today,  (), –. $250 (to $499): Patron Novak, G. (). Developmental Psychology: Dynamic $500 (to $999): Sponsor Systems and Behavior Analysis. Reno, : Context Press. $1,000 (to $1,999): Benefactor Parker, G. (). Parental bonding and depressive disor- ders. In M.B. Sperling & W.H. Berman (Eds.). At- Lifetime Donors tachment in Adults: Clinical and Developmental $2,000 (to $4,999): Lifetime Contributor Perspectives (pp. –). New York: Guilford Press. $5,000 (to $9,999): Lifetime Supporter Rholes, W.S. & Simpson, J.A. (). Adult Attachment: $10,000 (to $19,999): Lifetime Patron Theory, Research, and Clinical Implications. New York: $20,000 (to $49,999): Lifetime Sponsor Guilford Press. $50,000 or more: Lifetime Benefactor