91 Aspects Regarding the Initiatives of Romania And

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91 Aspects Regarding the Initiatives of Romania And Analele UniversităŃii din Craiova. Istorie, Anul XX, Nr. 1(27)/2015 ASPECTS REGARDING THE INITIATIVES OF ROMANIA AND YUGOSLAVIA TOWARDS ENSURING COLLECTIVE SECURITY IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD Mihaela Bărbieru ∗ Abstract At the end of World War I, Romania and Yugoslavia were directly interested in keeping the status -quo. According to their interests, they developed objective directions for the external policy, fact that determined an active international policy. The political and military relations between the two countries, in the period 1918-1939, were permanently heading towards the common purpose of preserving their independence and sovereignty, stopping the possible and viable aggressors, in order to counteract the different actions that were meant to destabilize them. At the end of World War I, both Romania and Serbia were in the incipient phase of capitalist development. Being at the interference of Great Powers’ powerful interests, the states from the south-eastern Europe had to take into consideration the complexity of the new created circumstances. Key words : External Policy , Neighbours , Strategy , Connections , Diplomacy The peace treaties concluded at the end of World War I brought Europe the emphasizing of contradictions between victors and vanquished powers, with profound changes in its political map. The Wilsonian program through its 14 points, instead of the expected peace, would lead to “the absolute failure of Allied policy” 1. Europe was faced with new realities that would ultimately determine a new world war. Romania and the Serb-Croat-Slovene Kingdom (Yugoslavia from 1929), recipient of sovereignty and territory completed through the judgments of Versailles, were forced, in order to keep their integrity, to seek new allies against the rise of revisionism, fascism and nazism. In the interwar period, when relations between states deteriorated, Romanian and Yugoslav diplomacy continued to support the idea that Europe had no other choice but to understand the unity and indivisibility of its culture and civilization values, above the existing divisions 2. Romania had, as objectives set, the recognition by the Great Powers of its territorial integrity and national sovereignty, objectives which have resulted in bilateral and multilateral treaties with neighboring countries. The main objective of the Weimar Republic was determined by recovery of a traditional influences in the Eastern area and had as final aim the Germanization of Central and Eastern Europe 3. The Balkans space was not ignored by the Germans. ∗ Scientific Researcher III, the Institute for Social Sciences and Humanities Research “C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor” of the Romanian Academy, no. 68, Unirii Street, Craiova; tel: 0040251522652 / Assistant Professor, Ph.D., University of Craiova, Faculty of Law and Social Sciences, Political Sciences Specialization, no. 13, A.I. Cuza Street, Dolj County, tel. 0040251418515, e-mail: [email protected] 1 Apud Emilian Bold, De la Versailles la Lausanne (1919-1932) , Ia și, Editura Junimea, 1976, p. 1. 2 Mihaela Bărbieru, Rela ții militare româno-iugoslave în perioada interbelică (1919-1939) , Craiova, Editura Aius, 2011, p. 103. 3 Daniel Vernet, La renaissance allemande , Paris, Flammarion, 1992, p. 50. 91 Analele UniversităŃii din Craiova. Istorie, Anul XX, Nr. 1(27)/2015 Germanic hegemonic tendency disguised as economic penetration, aimed in reality the dislocation of Romania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Poland from the east-European security organizations. By including Germany in the Genoa forum (1926), the major Western powers hoped a soothing of German revanchist policy as Chancellor Marx asked: “It can be done the absurd plan Mitteleuropa by entering in the League of Nations?” 1. In the German geopolitical conception, Eastern Europe was limited to the “block” formed by Soviet Russia and Germany, the Baltic States and Poland. Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Albania, Yugoslavia and Romania meant Central and Southeast Europe. On the postwar geopolitical map of Europe, after the completion of Greater Romania, have also emerged other entities, blocking the German trend of expansion. Romania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Greece and Poland, countries in Central and South-Eastern Europe, were interested in preserving the status quo, established at the end of World War I, while Bulgaria and Hungary led the revisionist policy in the area. Germany and the Soviet Union, states that flanked the above countries, were hostile to Versailles system, which link the security of the region to the capacity of Great Britain and France “to discourage expansionist intentions of the two-revisionist great powers and ensure system stability” 2. In order to defend against revisionist attempts, the new formed Member have been discussed since 1918 in London, the achieving of a new alliance and the joint fight against bullying. The talks between the leaders of Czechoslovakia, Romania, Yugoslavia and Greece – Beneš, Ionescu, Pašić and Venizelos – will continue during the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, when Take Ionescu presented the first draft of the future alliance, which was to be “a federation of a new type, hitherto unknown” and the signer parties thereto would have “maintained regular contact to coordinate their foreign policy and common positions towards third forces in all major international issues” 3. Since Take Ionescu’s project was not feasible in the international conditions of that moment, during the conference was discussed Beneš’s project, which provided for the creation of a tripartite alliance with Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania, these three not having differences that would impede its conclusion. Discussions started in Paris were continued through diplomatic means 4 and resulted in the conclusion of the alliance between the 1 Serviciul Arhivelor Na ționale Istorice Centrale, Colec ția Microfilme, Microfilme SUA, rola 467, seria 006-73, informarea directorului ministerial Köpke ( Auswärtiges Amt ) din 26 noiembrie 1926 (Central Historical National Archives Service, Microfilm Collection, USA Microfilm, roll 467, series 006-73, informing of the ministerial Director Köpke ( Auswärtiges Amt ) of November 26, 1926). The concept of Mitteleuropa , from a historical perspective, represented a strategy for Europe in 1914, which, among other documents, was included in the program of the German Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg, program called “September Plan”. The program proposed an economic and customs union of the regions of Central Europe. Germany was the supreme force, and besides Austria and Hungary were also included Luxembourg, Belgium, Baltic Sea and Poland. Designed as a plan that ensures German hegemony over this part of the continent, however, was thwarted by the outcome of World War I, which, adversely to Central Powers, resulted in strengthening national states based on the system established by peace treaties. 2 See Academia Română, Istoria Românilor , vol. VIII, România întregită (1918-1940) , Bucureşti, Editura Enciclopedică, 2003, p. 430. 3 Milan Vanku, Mica În țelegere și politica externă a Iugoslaviei 1920-1938 , Bucure ști, Editura Politică, 1979, pp. 22-23. 4 Ibidem , p. 23. 92 Analele UniversităŃii din Craiova. Istorie, Anul XX, Nr. 1(27)/2015 three countries, followed by military conventions. Little Entente was the first regional alliance of post-war Europe. At that time, it was an important factor of political stability and economic cooperation in Central and South-East Europe 1. At the beginning of 1921, encouraged by the policy pursued by France against the monarchy’s restoration 2, Charles IV returned to Hungary. Europe was alarmed and the Little Entente was not prepared to face such a challenge. At that time there was only the alliance between Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. As one of the successor countries of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy was not interested in restoring the Habsburg monarchy. She had signed an anti-Habsburg alliance with Yugoslavia at Rapallo in November 1920 3. To stop the return to power of Charles IV, Yugoslavia announced through its ambassador in Budapest, Milojevic, that will use forceful means and will even resort to arms if necessary. Milojevic had diplomatic consultations with representatives of Romania, Czechoslovakia, Italy, France and Great Britain in Budapest on future actions aimed at preventing the return of the monarchy. French and British diplomats have called for action rather moderate, and Romania, which was not yet a signatory to the Little Entente, aligned to Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia policies, countries that advocated the expulsion of Charles IV of Hungary 4. At the request of the governments of Yugoslavia, Romania and Czechoslovakia, Ambassadors Conference adopted the decision of Charles disposal, the Hungarian government having no choice but to accept it. Following this event, the final formation of the Little Entente was more dynamic. Bilateral agreements between the three signatory countries resulted in the establishment of a political alliance which will be a bulwark against the restoration of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, against attempts to revise the treaties and against possible attacks on allies. However, the idea of restoring the monarchy was not abandoned, Charles returning in October 1921. Little Entente states actions against him were more intense, it was decreed a partial mobilization of the army, were initiated diplomatic activities towards Italy, France and Great Britain asking the removal of Charles, and even threatened
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