This dissertation has been 64—7016 microfilmed exactly as received
GRESSMAN, Malcolm George, 1923- THE CAREER OF JOHN BALDWIN BUCKSTONE.
The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1963 Speech—Theater
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE CAREER OF JOHN BALDWIN BUCKS TONE
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University
By
Malcolm George Gressman, B. A., A. M.
The Ohio State University 1963
Approved by
"1/ <^Adviser Department of Speech AC KNOWLEDGMENTS
This study was made possible chiefly by the excellent research resources of the Ohio State University Theatre Collec tion which is especially rich in microfilms of prompt books of the nineteenth century.
I am indebted to many individuals who helped me during the study and preparation of this dissertation. Most particularly
I should like to thank Dr. John H. McDowell, Professor of Speech and Director of the Ohio State University Theatre Collection, who proved to be a most helpful and encouraging adviser. His sugges tions for the organization and development of materials and his counsel and guidance throughout the study have been of great value.
I should also like to express my appreciation and thanks to Dr. Charles Ritter who served as a reader and provided much technical assistance.
Finally, I want to extend my grateful thanks to Dr. Roy H.
Bowen, Director of Theatre and chairman of my committee, and
Dr. Walter S. Dewey, both of whom served as readers and helpful advisers for this study. CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii
FIGURES ...... viii
INTRODUCTION...... 1
General Purposes ...... 2
Importance and Significance of the S tudy ...... 3
The Form of the Study ...... 5
M a te ria ls ...... 5 M ethod ...... 5 Organization ...... 7 The limitations of the study ...... 8
General Staging Practices of the English S ta g e ...... 9
Chapter L THE THEATRE IN LONDON FROM 1800 TO 1850 . . 19
The State of the D ram a ...... 19
The Patent Theatres ...... 24
The Minor Theatres ...... 26
The Players of the Period ...... 30
The Audience R esponse ...... 32
II. BIOGRAPHY OF BUCKSTONE...... 37
Early Years (1802-1829)...... 38
iii C hapter Page
Middle Years (1830-1852)...... 49
Later Years (1853-1879)...... 62
HL AN ANALYSIS OF LUKE ’FEE LABOURER...... 78
The Story of the P la y ...... 78
Historical and Critical Comments ...... 81
The Significance of the P la y ...... 86
Aspects of Staging ...... 90
The nature and placement of scenery...... 90
Act I, Scene 1 ...... 91 Act I, Scene 2 ...... 94 Act I, Scene 3 ...... 96 Act I, Scene 4 ...... 97 Act I, Scene 5 ...... 99 Act H, Scene 1 ...... 101 Act H, Scene 2 ...... 103 Act H, Scene 3 ...... 103 Act H, Scene 4 ...... 105 Act H, Scene 5 ...... 105 Act H, Scene 6 ...... 105
Depths of scenes and types of alternations . . . 108
Lighting and special effects ...... 110
Conclusions...... I l l
IV. AN ANALYSIS OF THE FLOWERS OF THE FOREST...... 113
History of the Play ...... 113
Story of the P l a y ...... 115
Aspects of Staging . „ ...... 118
iv Chapter Page
The nature and. placement of scenery ...... 118
Act I, Scene 1 ...... 119 Act I, Scene 2 ...... 119 Act I, Scene 3 ...... 121 Act I, Scene 4 ...... 122 Act II, Scene 1...... 123 Act n , Scene 2...... 125 Act n, Scene 3...... 125 Act II, Scene 4 ...... 126 Act n, Scene 5 ...... 127 Act II, Scene 6 . 127 Act n, Scene 7 ...... 128 Act m, Scene 1 ...... •. . . 129 Act IE, Scene 2 ...... 130 Act m, Scene 3 ...... 130 Act HE, Scene 4 . 130 Act m, Scene 5 ...... 131
Depths of scenes and types of alternations . . . 131
Lighting and special effects ...... 133
Music and sound ...... 134
Other cues ...... 135
Conclusions...... 136
V. ASPECTS OF BUCKSTONE'S STAGING OF TWELFTH NIGHT ...... 138
The nature and placement of scenery...... 138
Act I, Scene 1 ...... 139 Act I, Scene 2 ...... 139 Act I, Scene 3 ...... 143 Act I, Scene 4 ...... 144 Act I, Scene 5 . . «, ...... 144 . Act I, Scene 6 ...... 144 . Act H, Scene 1 ...... 145 Act H, Scene 2 • 145 Act II, Scene 3. . ’...... 148 v C hapter Page
Act 3H, Scene 1 ...... 149 Act m, Scene 2 . . . . 149 Act IH, Scene 3 ...... 151 Act in , Scene 4 ...... 151 Act IV, Scene 1 ...... 151 Act IV, Scene 2 ...... 152 Act IV, Scene 3 ...... 155 Act IV, Scene 4 ...... 155 Act V ...... 157
Depths of scenes and types of alternations . . . 160
Wings and borders ...... 160
Lighting and special effects ...... 161
Summary and conclusions...... 161
VL CONCLUSIONS AND EVALUATION ...... 163
Summary of Conclusions from the Prompt B o o k s ...... 163
The nature of the scenery ...... 164
The placement of scenery ...... 165
Types of alternations of scenes 165
Types of special effects ...... 166
The use of furniture ...... 166
Evaluation of Buckstone's Career...... 166
APPENDIXES...... 173
1 ...... 174
n...... 182
vi Page APPENDIXES
EX ...... 184
1 7 ...... 187
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 189
AUTOBIOGRAPHY...... 196
v i i FIGURES
Figure Page
1. A Typical Groove Plan of the English Stage ...... 13
2. Arrangement of Scenery for Three Scenes ...... 16
3. Placement of Flats and Wings for the First Two Scenes at the Start of the Play . . . . 92
4. Placement of Flats and Wings for Scene 2 and Scene 3 ...... 95
5. Placement of Flats and Wings for Scene 3 and Scene 4 ...... 98
6. Placement of Flats and Wings for Scene 4 and Scene 5 ...... 100
7. Two Possible Placements of Flats and Wings for Act II, Scene 1...... 102
8. Two Possible Placements of Flats and Wings for Act II, Scene 3...... 104
9. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act II, Scene 5 . . . 106
10. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act n, Scenes 5 and 6 ...... 107
11. Schematic Plan of Flats and Wings in the Staging of Luke the Labourer ...... 109
12. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act I of The Flowers of the Forest ...... '...... 120
13. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act II of The Flowers of the Forest...... 124
viii Figure Page
14. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act HE of The Flowers of the Forest ...... 129
15. Schematic Plan of Flats, Wings, and Drop Used in the Staging of The Flowers of the F o re st ...... 132
16. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act I of Twelfth Night ...... 140
17. Placement of Characters at the Beginning of Scene 2 of Act I of Twelfth Night ...... 142
18. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act II of Twelfth Night...... 146
19. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act m of Twelfth Night ...... 150
20. Placement of Flats and Wings for the First Three Scenes of Act IV of Twelfth Night ...... 153
21. Sketch of Setting for Act IV, Scene 4 of Twelfth N ight ...... 156
22. Placement of Flats and Wings for Act V of Twelfth N ight ...... 159
ix INTRODUCTION
John Baldwin Buck stone was a popular actor, playwright, and theatre manager in the nineteenth-century English theatre. He made a worthwhile contribution to the theatre through his combined efforts as performer, writer, and administrator. Yet today, very few people know who he was.
Not only is Bucks tone relatively unknown, but few people today know much about the nineteenth-century English drama because it is a period which histories of the theatre treat rather sketchily. Many plays of the period which were famous in their day are now shunned or dismissed with an apology by students of litera-
1 ture of the period. This period of English theatre, often referred
lErnestB. Watson, Sheridan to Robertson: A Study of the Nineteenth-Century London Stage (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1926), p. vii.
to as a transitional period, is so full of activity that most scholars
of the era have tried to read discriminatingly and to become familiar with a sufficiently large amount of representative material to render
their conclusions. However, many of them hit the high spots only.
1 No other period in English theatre history illustrates so clearly the fact that a play exists fully only in performance. 2 if the plays were
^George Rowell, The Victorian Theatre: A Survey (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), p. 2. so bad, as some literary scholars claim, why did people go to see them? What were the plays like, anyway? If Bucks tone was a successful theatre man for so long, his plays, performances, and theatre management must have been representative of what the theatre at that time had to offer. What would a study of his plays reveal about the staging, acting, and prompting methods of his period of the nineteenth-century? Interest in the answers to the above questions was the stimulus which led to the undertaking of the present study.
General Purposes
It was the purpose of this study to (1) investigate conditions existing in the first half of the nineteenth-century English theatre and present a brief history of the theatre in London from 1800 to
1850; (2) discover the nature of Buckstone's contributions to the theatre as an actor, playwright, and as a theatre manager; (3) study and analyze a selected group of prompt books and acting editions of
Bucks tone's plays, seeking to discover significant data about staging 3
practices, special effects, and prompting procedures; and (4) sum
marize the findings and evaluate the theatrical contributions of
Bucks tone.
Importance and Significance of the Study-
After a cursory examination of the evidence available, it was
this w riter's opinion that Buckstone had made a significant contribu
tion to the nineteenth-century theatre sufficient to warrant intensive
study. Yet no book has been devoted in its entirety to Buckstone or
any phase of his theatrical contribution. No thesis or dissertation
has dealt with either his life, his plays, or contributions in general. 3
^Richard Lee Kirschner's "A Production and Production Book of George Buchner's Wossech and John B. Buckstone's Popping the Question" (unpublished M. F.A. thesis, University of Texas, 1953) was a production thesis which included one of his plays.
Here is a man who spent fifty-six of his seventy-seven years in
active theatre participation. He started acting professionally at
nineteen years of age. His first play was given a professional
performance when he was only twenty-three. The next fifty-three
years of his life were spent as an actor, playwright, and theatre
manager. He has been listed as a successful actor who supported
the "stars" of the period. He wrote between one hundred and two hundred plays. Several scholars agree that he did not have a single failure and had many very successful plays.
Buckstone was very well known in theatre circles. He was a favorite with Queen Victoria both as an actor and as a theatre manager. His twenty-three year reign as manager of the Haymarket are without doubt significant and important. Maude states in his book The Haymarket Theatre " Buckstone's management of the
Haymarket Theatre is, perhaps, the most famous of them all.
4 C y r i l Maude, The Haymarket Theatre (London: Grant Richards, 1903), p. 135.
Although Buckstone's plays may not have much literary value, according to today's standards, they were produced successfully and some were favorites for twenty-five or thirty years. It may be true that Buckstone's acting was not outstanding, since he is not remembered as a "star" of the period. Yet, he was well known and was quite popular as a low comedy player. Buckstone and his plays were successful and were playing to full theatres at a time when the legitimate drama was in a serious decline. His contributions epitomize a certain type of drama which was having its "heyday" in the middle of the nineteenth-century. Therefore, a study of this man and his works should be worthwhile and significant. The Form of the Study
The form of the study was determined principally by the type of materials that were used, by the limitations imposed by those materials and by the aims of the study itself.
M aterials. —This study was facilitated by scripts in the library at the Ohio State University and microfilmed reprints of
Buckstone acting editions and prompt books in the Ohio State Uni versity Theatre Collection. Materials for the major part of the study consisted of microfilm reproductions of one hundred and two prompt books of Buckstone's plays. In addition, the Theatre Col lection has twenty-five acting editions of Buckstone's plays on film while the library contains nineteen acting editions of Buckstone's scrip ts.
Method. —Underlying the method of the study were two basic assumptions with regard to the reliability of the prompt book materials. These assumptions were as follows:
1. It was assumed that the notations made in the prompt
books by the prompters were accurate, and that they
faithfully reflect those aspects of the productions with
which they are concerned.
2. It was assumed in the case of a few plays that the
playwright's descriptions were reliable as evidence regarding staging. This assumption was made only
in those cases in which parts of the description were
underlined by the prompter signifying that these were
used in the production, or where by deleting a part of
the description the prompter indicated that the
remainder was applicable.
Once these assumptions were established and applied, the prompt books were carefully analyzed to extract either direct or indirect evidence regarding scenic elements. Direct evidence was that specifically noted by the prompter, as for example, a note reading: "Moonlight landscape—5th Groove, " which definitely indicates both the nature of the scenery and where it was placed on the stage. Indirect evidence was that gathered by the interpretation of the implications of directions not specifically concerned with scenery. For example, a prompter‘s note indicating that a charac ter was to enter in the second entrance on stage right or left was taken as evidence that the back scene was upstage of that entrance position. If the notes indicated that a character was to be discovered, it was assumed that the preceding scene was placed downstage of the scene in question, otherwise a discovery would not have been possible except, of course, in the opening scene of an act. When the analyses of the prompt books were completed and the results interpreted, it became possible to synthesize the results in an effort to obtain a generalized picture of the nature of scenery most often used, the types of scenic alternations that were custo mary, and the depth of stage areas exposed to view.
During the analyses, notes were taken on the types of stage effects employed, the manner in which they were executed (if known), the number of occasions on which they were used, and the extent to which they fulfilled the script requirements.
Organization. —Since such a large body of material was involved in the preliminary analysis, the method of reporting the research became a problem. It was decided to report in detail the analyses of three prompt books: two that would be representative of
Buckstone, the playwright, and one in which Buckstone was the prompter. The two prompt books of Buckstone's plays selected for
this study were Luke the Labourer and The Flowers of the Forest.
Both scripts were selected, first, because they were two of the richest scripts of the Buckstone collection. Second, they were a
good representation of Buckstone's dramaturgy; the former script was not only one of Buckstone's earlier plays but one of his most
significant contributions to dramatic literature as well, while The
Flowers of the Forest, on the other hand, was one of Buckstone's 8
later plays and was likewise considered one of his best works. 5 The
5See Chapter in for the significance and importance of Luke the Labourer.
third prompt book selected for analysis was for a Buckstone produc
tion of Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night. It was selected because of the
richness and completeness of its prompt notes.
Chapter I of this study contains a brief history of the theatrical
situation in England for the first half of the nineteenth century.
Chapter H is a biographical account of Buckstone’s career as actor, playwright, and theatre manager. The reports of the analyses of the
three productions discussed above constitute three major chapters
OH, IV, and V). The last chapter (VI) presents conclusions deriving
from the study.
Pictorial materials were included in the text wherever it was
felt their additions would significantly clarify the textual discussion.
The majority of these are schematic plans showing the position of
scenic elements on the stage in the three productions.
The limitations of the study. - -Two limitations were imposed
upon the study. These limitations, which evolved from the prompt
books, were as follows:
1. Interpretations were restricted as much as possible
to the prompt books themselves. Occasionally an 9
interpretation was based upon evidence drawn from
other sources, but the intention was to confine the
analyses largely to the prompt books and acting
edition scripts.
2. The analyses were not concerned with aspects of
acting, except where stage positions of performers
were indicative of the nature or placement of scenery.
General Staging Practices of the English Stage
Since the analyses of the three plays cited above were made in the light of the general staging practices of the period, a brief description of some of the physical characteristics of the English
stage and a definition of some of the staging terms and equipment as
they apply to these three productions is in order. 6
^The primary source for the following discussion concerning the characteristics of the English stage was Walter Adelsperger's unpublished doctoral dissertation, "Aspects of Staging of Plays of the Gothic Revival in England, " chap. I, pp. 18-58.
The stage floor: The stage floor was constructed of
wood and built in a gentle slope or rake up from front
to back, pierced with several apertures, and furnished
with various items of standard equipment. 10
2. The grooves: The grooves were groups of channels
running horizontally both on the stage floor and in
the flies above it. They were used to guide and
support large pieces of scenery called flats and
smaller pieces called wings. Each set of grooves
for flats contained about four individual channels
and each set of grooves for wings contained three
channels.
3. The flat: The flat was a large painted cloth or
canvas framed in for rigidity much as modern flats
are framed. It was most often used in combination
with another flat of equal size. The pair was large
enough to extend all the way across the visible part
of the stage and served to terminate the scene. Flats
could be framed so as to include practicable doors
and windows.
4- The drop: The drop was an unbroken area of painted
canvas. It was not framed and was lowered from
above by rollers. The act drop was one which was
placed behind the front curtain and was dropped at
the end of each act in many of the theatres. 11
5. The wings: The wing, like a flat, was made of framed
canvas and painted. They stood at the sides of the
stage to serve as masking pieces and to complete the
"surround" of the scenery. Wings were much narrower
than flats but were the same height as the flats with
which they were used.
6. Stock scenery: In the nineteenth century, plays were
rarely mounted in entirely new scenery. Each theatre
owned a supply of flats, wings, and other pieces
representing various types of interiors and exteriors.
These items of theatres' supplies were called stock
scenery. Audiences usually accepted the same back
grounds in many different plays as long as the backgrounds
were appropriate.
7. Set pieces: Set pieces were any item of scenery,
usually three-dimensional, that was free-standing
within the acting area. Such items as practical tomb
stones and free-standing doorways, if separate from
the flats or wings, were considered to be set pieces.
8. Carpenters' scenes: Scenes which were played down
stage in the first or second groove in order to mask
the setting up of a setting with set pieces or massive 12
props were called carpenters’ scenes because they
gave the stage carpenters a chance to ready the next
scene further upstage.
The evidence from prompt books suggests that stages of about
1800 usually contained about four sets of grooves, whereas stages built after mid-century contained six or seven. Until such times as
theatrical staging involved the use of a great many set pieces, deep
stages were not necessary for most English productions. The
concept of shallowness and flatness in productions held on long
after deeper stages were actually necessary to accommodate the
complex settings of later productions. As late as 1871 we find the
following comment with regard to stage dimensions:
The stage of a theatre should be wide and high; it is not necessary that it should be deep . . . depths and distances may easily be imitated within comparatively shallow limits by skilful [did perspective and a gradual diminution in the proportion of the objects represented. ?
^"Theatrical Architecture and Stage Mechanics, " The Athenaeum, Vol. CXXXTI, No. 2344 (Oct. 7, 1871), p. 473.
Figure 1 shows a typical arrangement of grooves for flats and
wings on the English stage floor. The flat grooves are A, C, E, and
G while the wing grooves are B, D, F, and H. The downstage set
(G) was referred to as "the first grooves, " the next set (E) as "the
second grooves, " the next set (C) as "the third grooves, " and so on 13
B
C
D
E
G
H
Proscenium Arch Right Left
Fig. 1. —A Typical Groove Plan of the English Stage. through the next set. The wing grooves were labeled "first, "
"second, " "third, 11 etc. , similar to the flat grooves. The intervals between the wings were labeled "first entrance, " "second entrance, " etc. , through as many entrances as the sets of wings provided; for example, in a play script the farthest downstage entrance on the right was referred to as "Right First Entrance, " or, abbreviated, as "R. 1 E. " The uppermost entrance was often referred to as
"Right Upper Entrance, " or "R. U. E. " Entrances on stage left were treated the same.
Figure 1 also shows that sixteen pairs of flats, four each in
A, C, E, and G, could be mounted in the grooves of an average theatre at one time. Those in any given set of grooves nested together somewhat like cards in a deck of cards, so that sliding the front flat in the first channel off stage would reveal the second flat; if this in turn were removed, the third flat or scene would be revealed, and so on.
With only three wing groove positions in each set, it is obvious that not nearly so many different wings could be used as flats unless they were changed during performance. The scarcity of wing grooves (basically three, serving sixteen sets of flats) did not, however, impose restrictions on staging, for the wings were not individualized as were the flats. A set of formal interior wings 15 could be and was used with many different pairs of flats repre
senting formal interiors. As a result, scenic stock contained far fewer wings than flats.
The grooves for flats and wings were employed in the basic
method of scene shifting. Before the beginning of the play, all of
the backgrounds that were composed of flats were placed in
appropriate grooves on the stage. Those flats that were required
to close over preceding scenes were, of course, generally placed
in downstage positions, whereas the flats associated with the long
scenes and those for settings embellished with additional elements,
such as set pieces, were usually placed in grooves farther upstage.
Wings appropriate to the various sets of flats were placed in the
wing grooves, the farthest downstage groove of each set of grooves
holding wings associated with the second scene and so on. Wings,
being very narrow, were easy to handle and could be withdrawn from
the grooves to make room for others in productions requiring more
than three sets of wings.
Later, in Chapters EH, IV, and V, we shall see where flats
and wings were located for specific productions, as deduced from
evidence in the prompt books. However, in order to achieve a
visualization of the workings of flats and wings, let us look at
Figure 2 which shows an arrangement of scenery for three scenes 16
Fig. 2. —Arrangement of Scenery for Three Scenes. 17 of a hypothetical production. Assuming that the first scene (A) is a deep one, Figure 2 shows the probable location of the flats for the scene in the fourth grooves. Complementing these flats are appropriate wings (A^) placed in the first channel of each set of wing grooves. One must remember that while this scene played, the flats of the second and third scenes Q3 and C) were withdrawn to the sides so as not to mask: the view of the flats (A) at the back.
A t the end of scene (A), the following action occurred. Two stagehands, one on each side of the stage, pushed on the flats (C) for the second scene. These came into view along the line (C^).
While these flats were being pushed on, two more stagehands pulled off the wings (A^) of the first scene, thereby revealing the wings
(Cl) of the second scene. Obviously, the entire shift could be accomplished in a matter of seconds.
During the playing of the second scene, certain backstage activity occurred to ready the stage for the third scene. Stagehands pushed on the flats (B) along the line (B^). Other stagehands drew off the wings (A^) fro m the second grooves position. Then, at the conclusion of the second scene (which was playing while all of this activity occurred), the flats at (C) and the wings at(Cl) were with drawn to reveal the third scene in its entirety (B and B^). The ease of these manipulations makes it clear that the various scenes of the play could succeed one another without any delay whatsoever as long as the scenery was confined principally to flat elements as shown in Figure 2. The system of scene shifting also made it possible for playwrights to include a number of different scenes in their dramas because no tiresome waits for scene shifting were involved. This convention of changing the
scenery in plain view of the audience was in vogue in England for about two hundred years prior to this period under study. The
many grooves, providing space for many different back scenes,
existed, of course, as a means of accomplishing rapid visible
shifts. CHAPTER I
THE THEATRE IN LONDON FROM 1800 TO 1850
In order to provide the proper background for this study of
Buckstone, it is necessary to review the London theatrical scene of the first half of the nineteenth century. A brief survey will establish the general conditions of the London stage and the kind of theatrical activity which prevailed before and during Buckstone*s emergence as an actor, playwright, and theatre manager. This survey has been divided into the foHowing general areas: (1) The
State of the Drama, (2) The Patent Theatres, (3) The Minor
Theatres, (4) The Players of the Period, and (5) The Audience
R esponse.
/ The State of the Drama
There can be no doubt that the drama in England emerging
from the Georgian era of the eighteenth century into the transitional
period of the nineteenth century was at a low ebb. Scholars agree
that from a literary point of view, good plays were not written. The
public taste ran to the morbid, the sensational, or the novel. In
19 20 reflecting on conditions of the drama, William Archer called the period from 1810 to 1835 "the very barrenest in the history of the
English drama. "1 New plays which could hold the boards for twenty
^William Archer, The Old Drama and the New (Boston: Small, 1923), p. 244. or thirty performances were considered highly successful, and translations from the German of such gloomy melodramas as The
Iron Chest or The Stranger with John Phillip Kemble in the leading roles had a great success. 2
^Percy Fitzgerald, A History of the English Stage (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1882), II, 350-351.
The constant demand for new pieces resulted in hundreds of plays being written and sold outright to managers for prices ranging anywhere from three to thirty pounds each. Most of the plays found their way into the minor theatres, which were doing a flourishing business with these transpontine examples of romantic and nautical dramas. This type of work had not much lasting success with the possible exception of Jerrold^ Black-Eyed Susan which was occa sionally revived after its production at the Surrey Theatre in 1829. 2
^Archer, gp. cit., p. 246. Buckstone was the original G natbrain in this 1829 production. 21
Most of the plays written for the patent theatres during this period brought a better return to the dramatists. A five-act drama might bring two hundred to four hundred pounds. Even at the patent houses, however, the demand was brisk for afterpieces and musicals. Since these were easier to produce than the longer plays, more authors turned to them. The writing of higher forms of drama was thus retarded. As the quality of the work decreased,
the prices for plays came down and the playwrights resorted to more and more hack writing. Nicoll cites other factors which provided a restraint against the dramatists. He lists the "coarse ness of the audience, the vagaries of the actor-manager, the pruriency of the censor, the activities of the 'pirate, ' and the niggardliness of the publisher.
4Allardyce Nicoll, A History of English Drama, 1660-1900 (2nd ed. ; Cambridge: University Press, 1955), IV, 57.
With the peculiar advantage of hindsight which a study of
history affords, it is easy to see that the dramatists of the early nineteenth century were not writing for posterity. In their defense
it must be said that this is essentially true for any age. A
dramatist writes primarily for the theatre of his own time. He
is governed to a large extent by the very measures which hinder
his complete expression. In a hard-headed sense, if he is to 22 survive by his own efforts he must write what will sell. If he has true genius for the stage, his work will survive. No dramatist of this period displayed such genius. The great poets of the day,
Byron, Shelley, and Keats, refused to consider the theatre. The plays of Coleridge, Browning, and Wadsworth are not remembered today and were not successful in the nineteenth-century theatre. 5
5Ibid. , p. 60.
Their failures were due to a great extent, as Nicoll suggests, to the refusal on the part of their authors to accept the theatrical conditions of their time and adapt their writing to them.
Sheridan Knowles, who produced twenty-three plays between
1810 and 1850, was recognized as the leading playwright of the period. None of his plays are remembered today. Other dramatists who aspired to write a higher type of drama were
Richard Lalor Sneil,who saw seven plays in production from 1814 to 1822, and Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton, whose earlier plays were produced at Covent Garden and Drury Lane by Macready. The almost overwhelming amount of writing which was done for the minor theatres is best illustrated by the work of Charles Dibden,
John Dibden, Reynolds, Cherry, Planche^ Fitzball, Coleman, and 23
Buckstone. These authors represented a combined total of almost
1,000 plays and entertainments.
Archer was emphatic in closing his remarks concerning the first half of the nineteenth century with the statement, "We have been watching the gradual decline of English drama into something very like inanition and imbecility.
^Archer, op. cit., p. 252.
William Hazlitt, who was the foremost of dramatic critics of the earlier years of the nineteenth century, was more concerned with performance than specific comment upon the state of the drama. Many times in his criticisms of the players he offered comments on the plays. In reviewing the tragedy of Bertram by
R. C. Maturin as produced at Drury Lane on May 19, 1816, Hazlitt stated:
The general fault of this tragedy, and of other modern tragedies that we could mention, is, that it is a tragedy without business . . . there is neither cause nor effect . . . as the opera is filled with a sort of singing people, who translate everything into music, the modern drama is filled with poets and their mistresses, who translate everything into metaphor and sentiment. . . . 7
7The Examiner. XIX, No. 438 (May 19, 1816), 313. 24
The state of drama in England prior to the Act of 1843 which settled the feud between the patent and minor theatres was a pitiful one. Naturally, the condition of the drama was reflected in the operation of the theatres. Perhaps we should next examine the conditions which existed at the patent theatres which were con sidered the major playhouses of London.
The Patent Theatres
The history of Drury Lane and Covent Garden in the early nineteenth century reflects the bitter struggle between the major and minor playhouses. The patent theatres still reserved the right to be the only playhouses in London to present spoken drama.
They were large structures, accommodating about three thousand persons each. They had the advantage of a long and glorious theatrical tradition behind them, but they had also to attempt to meet the rising challenge of the minor theatres. The fact that an actor was not considered to have "arrived” until he performed at the "majors” was not in itself sufficient to justify their existence.
The patent houses had to meet the competition offered by the minor theatres, whose operating costs were much lower. Unless the patent houses drew good sized crowds they could not realize a profit. The managers had to provide "star" attractions or lose 25 their audiences to Sadlers* Wells or Astley*s or to the other houses which were increasing in number.
The patent houses fared badly throughout the first fifty years of the nineteenth century. The theatres were too large to accom modate the new acting style which was increasingly in vogue.
Audiences were demanding a more realistic type of playing, and in order to appeal to the audience, everything at the larger theatres had to be broadened. Both houses saw a succession of managers whose efforts were not rewarded. Failure followed failure until
Covent Garden abandoned the spoken drama altogether and turned to the opera.
In commenting briefly on the history of the two patent houses it is only fitting that equal mention be made of the Haymarket
Theatre. This theatre regularly presented legitimate drama during the summer season when the patent theatres were closed.
It was regarded as a major theatre. Fitzgerald relates:
. . . at the beginning of the century the patents were still sufficiently protected, and the only theatres which were tolerated (excluding, of course, the Hay market, which ranked with the grand houses) were the Circus, Astley's Amphitheatre, and the Royalty. 8
^Fitzgerald, jup. cit. , p. 398.
The new Haymarket Theatre was finished in 1820, the old one or
"Little Theatre" being razed to provide the space for its erection. 26
It was called at that time "the most elegant theatre in London, " and it held a house figured at three thousand. ^
^Cyril Maude, The Haymarket Theatre (London: Grant Richards, 1903), pp. 65-66.
Activity at the Haymarket during the first half of the nineteenth century followed the pattern set by the patent houses. More use was made of lighter entertainments and melodramas to insure financial success. The Haymarket secured a record run with Pooles' three- act comedy, Paul Pry, in 1825. It ran for one hundred and fourteen performances.
The rivalry between managers at the various theatres was very bitter. If they could find out what a competitor was planning to offer in the way of a new play, they would do their best to bring a similar work out first. It is known that managers hired "party- men" to cry down rivals' efforts on opening nights.
The Minor Theatres
At the beginning of the nineteenth century, there were only nine theatres regularly offering entertainment to the London public. ^
l^NicoH, op. cit., p. 222. 27
Besides the patent houses there were the following theatres: the
Haymarket, the Theatre Royal, Sadler's Wells, The Royal
Amphitheatre, the Royal Circus, The Royalty, and the Sans Souci.
By 1850, the number of theatres had grown to over eighty.
It must be remembered that private theatres also saw the produc tion of dramatic pieces. The poor state of the drama reflects the type of work that was popularized at these minor theatres. Farces and melodramas, many interspersed with song, were the favorites of the day. The rise of the minor theatres was largely responsible for the emancipation of the stage. The managers at the patent houses complained bitterly about the new type of drama being presented at the minor theatres, but they did not hesitate to use this type of drama themselves, and the managers at the lesser houses were quick to point this out. The Lord Chamberlain had granted special "licenses" to several of the minor theatres. In
1809, he granted a license for what was called "Summer English
Opera" and promised to grant yet another. Astley obtained a license in 1812 which aided the minor theatres' cause and further enfeebled the patents granted to Drury Lane and Covent Garden.
^Fitzgerald, op,, cit., p. 399. 28
The license granted to Astley read as follows:
I do hereby give leave and license unto Philip Astley, Esq., to have performed, for his benefit, at the Olympic and musical pavilion in Newcastle Street, in the Strand, within the liberties of West minster, the entertainments of music, dancing, burlettas, spectacles, pantomimes, and horseman ship, for one year from the 5th day of July, 1812, to the 5th day of July, 1813. Given under my hand and seal this 1st day of July, 1812, in the fifty- second year of His Majesty's reign. 12
12ibid.
The lessees and managers in the patent houses finally banded together in 1818 to appeal to Lord Hertford to interpose and with draw the licenses he had granted to the Olympic and the Sans
Pareil Theatres. Some of the reasons they listed in their appeal reveal the extent to which the influence of the minor theatres was being felt:
The Olympic and Sans Pareil have become theatres for the nightly performance of the regular drama—the memorialists, with all of the respectable persons involved in the interests of Drury Lane and Covent Garden Theatres, must suffer "certain ruin" if the Olympic and Sans Pareil Theatres be continued—on the faith of a continuance of the entire monopoly of theatrical entertainment (as such appears to be the meaning attempted to be annexed to the words "patent rights"), "a million of money has of late years been embarked" in Drury Lane and Covent Garden Theatres, "for the support of the national drama"--The patent rights of Drury Lane and Covent Garden Theatres 29
have been "swept away" and "shaken to the foundation", by the authority of the Lord Chamberlain, and the grant of the Lord Chamberlain’s Licenses. 13
13|bid., pp. 400-401.
The complaint goes on to specify that the minor theatres were taking in an average of one hundred and fifty pounds a night and that pieces such as The Dr aeon of Wantley; Midas, the Golden
Puppin; and Poor Vulcan were true burletta forms and were totally different from the pieces acted at the Olympic and Sans Pareil
Theatres. The patent theatres were suffering, and more of the leading actors and actresses were making regular appearances at the minor houses which caused still more consternation at the legitimate theatres.
No attempt is made here at an intensive examination of the minor theatres. Many of the minor theatres (such as the East
London, the Albion, and the Globe) had erratic histories of several years and were abandoned, converted to other uses, or destroyed.
The Sans Pareil, later renamed the Adelphi, and theatres like it, however, were important because the work of the minors was a part of the transition from the conventional theatre of the eighteenth century to the modern playhouse of today. Besides the Sans Pareil and the Olympic, other important minor theatres were: the New 30
City Theatre, the Lyceum, the Royal Pavilion, the Royal Victoria
Theatre (later to become the "Old Vic"), Sadler's Wells, the Strand
Theatre, and the Surrey.
The minors gave much zest to the theatrical scene and provided the common meeting ground for the changes in theatre.
The smaller, more intimate houses directly affected the acting style of the period. The movement toward realistic acting had its crude beginnings in the minor theatres. The work of the scene painter and the stage carpenter became almost as important as that of the playwrights. Technical innovations with the exception of electric lighting found their proving ground in the early and mid nineteenth century. The minor theatres of London helped establish some of the stage conventions for what is now considered modem.
The Players of the Period
Perhaps the most important reflection gleaned from a study of this period is the thought that regardless of other conditions, acting was at a high level. Contemporary tragedy left actors no
choice "but to be magnificent if they were not to be laughed off the
boards. One cannot judge whether or not the acting of those
l^William Bridges-A dams, The British Theatre (London: Longmans Green and Company, Ltd., 1944), p. 25. 31 days would be what we consider good today. There can be no doubt that the actors were able to evoke a terrific response fro in their audiences.
It is interesting to relate Buckstone *s career (which will be discussed in the next chapter) to the names of the great and near great actors who kept the theatre alive during a period of general decline in the drama. Writing for The Examiner in April, 1828,
Hazlitt remembered the great stars he saw perform earlier in the period. He cited Mrs. Siddons, Kemble, Bannister, Suett, Munden,
Grimaldi, Lewis, Liston, Elies ton, Palmer, Dignum, King, Miss
Pope, Mrs. Goodall, Mrs. Jordan, Matthews, Miss Kelly, Miss
O'Neil, and Kean. He prefaced his recollections of these great ones
by commenting on contemporary performances of Madam Vestris
and John Reeve and followed them by saying:
What a host of names and recollections is here* How many more are omitted, names that have embodied famous poets' verse and been the "fancy's midwife, " that have gladdened a nation and made life worth living for, that have made the world pass in review as a gaudy pageant, and set before us in a waking dream the bodily shapes and circumstances of all that is most precious in joy or m sorrow . 1b
15The Examiner, XXI, No. 1056 (Apr. 27, 1828), 276.
To Hazlitt’s list the following names should certainly be added:
Young, Dawton, Terry, Mrs. Glover, Macready, Farren, 32
Vandenhoff, Charles and Ellen Kean, and Phelps. Buckstone performed with most of the performers on this list and was equally successful. The list could doubtless be extended, but we have merely attempted to list those names which are commonly accounted the finest actors of the period. In tragedy, Kean, Mrs.
Siddons, and Miss O'Neil should probably be placed at the top of the list, ha comedy, the honors should go to Liston and Lewis.
The A udience Response
Most scholars agree that the audience of this period was a vulgar and unruly mob. True, there were fastidious and decent people who enjoyed the drama, particularly at the larger houses, but on the whole the audiences were a rough lot. The O. P. (old prices) Riots of 1809 were very disastrous and reflected the ugly mood of the mob audience. Nicoll relates:
AIL contemporaries are agreed on one thing; the spectators in the larger theatres during the first decades of the century were often licentious and debased, while those in the minor playhouses were vulgar, unruly, and physically obnoxious. 16
16Nicoll, op., cit. , p. 8.
The "Tailors Riot" at the Haymarket on August 15, 1805, marred the benefit of the actor Downton. He had announced that 33
he would do Foote's adaptation of Coleman's play, The Tailors; or
A Tragedy for Warm Weather. The tailors, who resented the burlesque, notified Downton that if he went on in that play there would be trouble. He insisted on doing the benefit; and when he appeared on the stage, a pair of shears was thrown at him and
could easily have hilled him. The incident so infuriated Downton
that he promptly called out that he would pay twenty pounds for the
capture of the man who threw the shears. This touched off the riot
which was not quelled until some dragoons from the Horse Guards
arrived to help the police break up the mob.
l^M aude, o£. c i t ., p. 57.
The audience, on the whole, was a lower class than that which
had frequented the large theatres prior to the rise of the minor
theatres. The little theatres were patronized by the lowest
elements of society. In the minor theatres the audience needed no
excuse to touch off an incident. Although their manners gradually
improved as did their taste, yet in 1820 Hazlitt described an
occasion which thoroughly disgusted him. The theatre where the
incident occurred was the Coburg. This theatre was noted for its
startling melodrama. In this case, however, it was not the play
about which the critic complained. 34
The play was indifferent, but that was nothing. The acting was bad but that was nothing. The audience were low, but that was nothing. It was the heartless indifference and hearty contempt shown by the performers for their parts, and by the audience for the players and the play, that disgusted us with all of them. Instead of the rude, naked, undisguised expression of curiosity and wonder, of overflowing vanity and unbridled egotism, there was nothing but an exhibition of the most petulant cockneyism and vulgar slang. AH of our former notions and theories were turned topsy turvey. The genius of St. Georges Fields prevailed, and you felt yourself in a bride well, or a brothel, amidst Jew-boys, pickpockets, prostitutes, and mountebanks, instead of being in the precincts of Mount Parnassus, or in the company of the Muses. The object was not to admire or excel, but to vilify and degrade everything. The audience did not hiss the actors (that would have implied a serious feeling of disapprobation, and something like a disappointed wish to be pleased) but they laughed, hooted at, nicknamed, pelted them with oranges and witticisms, to show their unruly con tempt for them and their art; while the performers, to be even with the audience, evidently slurred their parts, as if ashamed to be thought to take any interest in them, laughed in one another’s faces, and in that of their friends in the pit, and most effectually marred the process of theatrical illusion by turning the whole into a most unprincipled burlesque. 18
l ^The London Magazine, I, No. 3 (March, 1820), 301.
It is interesting to note that, although the drama was under strict censorship in accord with the moral sentiment of the times, there was no restraint on the audience. Prince Puckler-Muskau, a German nobleman, paid extensive visits to London between 1826 and 1829. He loved the theatre and wrote accounts of his 35 impressions in the form of letters. Dent gives the following observation from the Prince:
The most striking thing to a foreigner in English theatres is the unheard-of coarseness and brutality of the audiences. The consequence of this is that the higher and more civilized classes go only to the Italian Opera, and very rarely visit their national theatre.
In the theatres it is often difficult to keep off these repulsive beings—(here the Prince is referring to the loose women who worked the theatres) especially when they are drunk, which is not seldom the case—and these are the scenes which are exhibited in the national theatre of England where immortal artists like Garrick, Mrs. Siddons, Miss 0 ‘Neil, have enraptured the public by their genius, and where such actors as Kean, Kemble, and Young still adorn the stage. The turbulent scenes I have described above scarcely ever arise out of any thing connected with the performance, but have almost always some source quite foreign to it, and no way relating to the stage. 19
19e. J. Dent, A Theatre for Everybody (London: T. V. Boaxdman andCo., Ltd., 1945), pp. 17-18.
There can be no question that the audiences were vulgar and
unrefined. However, the continued fight for the overthrow of the
theatre monopoly inherent in the patent rights granted to Covent
Garden and Drury Lane was to play an important part in raising the
level of audience appreciation. After the passage of the Act of 1843
the audiences accepted the legitimate drama and were less coarse
and obnoxious in their behavior because the patent theatres were 36 presenting similar pieces as the minor theatres. The patent
theatres were forced to lower their prices and their artistic standard to meet the competition of the minor theatres.
The first half of the nineteenth century, which comprises
the background of this present study, was a turbulent one. The low state of the drama, the conflict between the major and minor
theatres which culminated in the Act of 1843, the emphasis on
novelty and spectacle and changes in styles of acting were all
factors which help mark the period as one of transition. John
Baldwin Buckstone, playwright, actor, and theatre manager, was
one of several who helped solidify these elements of transition
and establish them more firmly. CHAPTER H
BIOGRAPHY OF BUCKSTONE
The purpose of this biography is to trace the events and influences of Buckstone’s life which led to his theatrical career as an actor, playwright, and theatre manager. For obvious reasons, no attempt is made to cite all of his performances as an actor, or to analyze and criticize all of his dramatic works as a playwright. Also, it is not the purpose to make a detailed study of his contribution as a theatre manager of the Haymarket, as this could be a separate study in itself. This chapter is primarily concerned with reporting those facts which will give
the reader the important background and biographical information for an appreciation of Buckstone and his contributions to the theatre in general.
For the sake of clarity and ease in handling the material,
this chapter is divided on the basis of three periods in Buckstone's career. The first section covers the years 1802-1829, and includes early biographical data and influences and his first attempts at writing and acting as an amateur and then as a professional. The
37 second division (1830-1852) marks the height of Buckstone's career both as an actor and playwright. The discussion of this twenty-two-year period includes the significant plays and roles in which he performed as well as the important dramas he wrote.
The third section (1853-1879) is a brief account of his twenty- three-year reign as manager of the Haymarket Theatre and of the years leading to his retirement and death.
Early Years (1802-1829)
John Baldwin Buckstone was born on September 18, 1802, at Hoxton on the east side of London. At the tender age of eleven, for some unknown reason, he was placed on a man-of-war and sent to sea. However, through the aid of a relative who objected to his being subjected to such a strenuous career at so young an age, he was returned to school. After completing his education at a suburban academy in the vicinity of Walworth, he was placed in a solicitor's office and at first demonstrated an inclination to follow the law as a profession. He became interested in dramatic literature while studying in this solicitor's office because on an under shelf were the plays of Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and
Beaumont and Fletcher. Consequently Shakespeare was more often on his desk than "Impey's Practice and Beaumont and Fletcher 39 much more agreeable than Blackstone's Commentaries. While
^Actors by Daylight, and Pencilinqs in the Pit, I, No. 13 (May 26, 1838), 98. trying to study law, Buckstone's love for the theatre and dramatic writing grew rapidly. When scarcely seventeen, he had already written two five-act tragedies and a comedy. It appears that he sent the manuscript for one of the tragedies to The Theatrical
Inquisitor, a periodical of the era which reviewed and criticized new works of dramatic literature giving an analysis and opinion.
The Theatrical Inquisitor of May, 1820, acknowledged receipt of
Buckstone's manuscript and promised prompt consideration. How ever, it was five months later that the critical review appeared.
The October issue featured a review of Buckstone's five-act tragedy,
The Florentine Bride. The critic was quite frank and quick to point out that the young playwright's work had none of the requisites of tragedy and did not always "possess correctness in prosodacial, or even grammatical construction. Yet the critic felt the play was
2 The Theatrical Inquisitor, XVII (Oct., 1820), 278. not destitute of merit and felt disposed to analyze it for the purpose of encouraging the talents and correcting the defects of the author.
The reviewer liked the "simplicity of the story" and the "very 40 pretty thoughts and sentiments conveyed in smooth and harmonious fgicjjversification. The c ritic fu rth er explained:
3Ibid.
To flatter a young writer on his outset in the dramatic career, is not less detrimental than too harshly to repress him; we have therefore freely stated our objections bo this play, which we would recommend it to our author to endeavor bo obviate in his next attempt. ^
4lbid.
The review concluded with a brief sketch of the story and eight pages of eleven quotes of the "happiest” specimens of the poetry.
By now, Buckstone was incurably infected with the dramatic mania and became a stage-struck lawyer's clerk. Whether bis love of dramatic writing caused in him a love for acting, or vice versa, is unknown, but at eighteen years of age he made his first appearance on the stage. Having been acquainted with a Mr.
Burroughs, of the Rural Peckham Theatre, he was cast as Captain
Aubri in a melodrama entitled The Dog of Montarqis. Soon after, he appeared as Iago, bo the Othello of the then-celebrated amateur,
Mr. Richard Younge, at the Minor Theatre, Catherine Street.
Buckstone soon found tragedy was not his forte. Then, in con junction with other youthful aspirants for dramatic fame, he acted 41 in a private theatre which was constructed in some auction-room at Newington Butts. The peaceful inhabitants of Francis Street were wonder-struck; at the assemblage of individuals flocking to the auction-rooms, and deafened by the noises of violent declaimers and delighted audiences. At these performances, "Little Buckey"
(as he was called) discovered his "line" to be comedy. He became a staunch disciple of the Muses and his work in the solicitor’s office was very much neglected. The office was frequently left for days; irregularities were the consequence of neglect of business, relatives were offended and debts began to pile up. Dreading both the officers of the parish and the sheriff, "Little Buckey" found it necessary to migrate into the provinces. Accordingly, one Sunday afternoon, while his family was at chapel, he left his father’s house, and the following week found him playing the part of Trueman in
Georcre Barnwell at a temporary theatre in a small town in Berk shire. He was nineteen years old at this time.
While in Berkshire he also made a successful appearance as
G abriel in The C hildren in the Wood a t W orkingham . H ere he became a strolling player in 1821 and joined a travelling company playing from county to county. For the next three years he appeared at Folkstoke, Faversham, Hastings, Northampton, and
Leicester. It was while Bucks tone was pursuing this career as a 42 provincial actor that he became acquainted with Edmund Kean.
Kean, who seems to have appreciated Buckstone's humor, was one of the first of several to encourage him to continue in his calling. During these years, Buckstone experienced all of the odd events and vicissitudes incidental to the life of a country actor. 5
5see Appendixes HI and IV for accounts of two of Buckstone's experiences as a strolling player.
On one occasion he played three roles at once, performing the characters of Motley, Kenrick, and Reginald in The Castle Spectre.
Most of the time he traveHed on foot, as many as eighty miles from place to place, with little or no money in his pockets for food and lodging.
The wear and tear of a stroller's life finally caught up with
him and he returned home resolved to give up the theatre and stick
to law. His resolution soon oozed away when his old friend from
the Peckham, Mr. Burroughs, the new lessee of the Surrey Theatre, offered him an engagement there. He made his first appearance on
the London stage as Peter Smirke in J. H. Payne's burletta, The
Armistice, at the Surrey. 6 jjis success in this piece secured his
^Actors by Daylight and Pencilinqs in the Pit, I, No. 13 (May 26, 1838), 99. 43
engagement and he continued playing low comedy under Burroughs'
management with considerable eclat. Among his early successful performances at the Surrey was his role of Ramsay the watchmaker,
in Fitzball’s The Fortunes of Nieqel, done on January 30, 1823.
Buckstone joined Mr. Davidge at the Coburg Theatre in
October, 1824, and remained with the company until October 1,
1827, when he joined the Adelphi company under Mr. Daniel Terry
in a revival of his own play Luke the Labourer. 7 Apparently
^See Chapter in for additional information and a staging analysis of this play.
Buckstone was still not too well known in theatrical circles at this
time, as The Examiner's coverage of the season’s opener at the
Adelphi (which also included Buckstone’s John Street, Adelphi)
failed to acknowledge him as author. The casual manner in which
the critic mentioned Buckstone's appearance as Bobby Trot also
gives the impression that he was relatively unknown. The brief
notice, after recognizing those "old and forcible points of attraction,
Terry, Yates, T. P. Cooke, and John Reeve, " concluded: "In the
way of novelty, there were also a Miss Taylor, who is improvable, 44 and a Mr. Buckston tsicl whose Bobby Trott was humorous and promising. "8
8The Examiner, XX, No. 1027 (Oct. 7, 1827), 631.
Mr. Terry of the Adelphi also had an influence upon Buck- stone’s career. Since Buckstone's first attempt in Luke the
Labourer was so successful, Terry engaged him as an actor and encouraged him to continue writing. It was Terry who introduced
Buckstone to Sir Walter Scott, an event which added to Buckstone's ambition for a literary career.
Buckstone soon became a favorite actor at the Adelphi. He and fellow actor John Reeve became very close friends and worked so well together that they became known as the "Adelphi of comedy. "
Although the actors were different in style and appearance, each was broadly humorous and the two achieved much acclaim. They became extremely fond of and adept at ad libitum. It was noted that they once kept the audience in roars of laughter for twenty-five minutes with their "ad-libs. "
Many of Buckstone's best-known dramas were performed at the Adelphi. Another of his earlier successes, Wanted, A Partner, or, A BiH Due on the 29 th of September, was performed therefor 45 the opening of the season in 1828. The Examiner reported it as follows:
A new burletta was represented, entitled Wanted, a Partner, or, A Bill Due on the 29th of September: the plot of which, as we have not space to detail it, our readers must take our simple recommendation to go and see the piece itself. The house was full at the rising curtain; and to judge from the impression made upon the audience, who roared with laughter, it will no doubt receive the same compliment for nights to com e. ^
9The E xam iner. XXI, No. 1079 (Oct. 5, 1828), 648.
Other Buckstone plays done at the Adelphi during this early period included A Dead Shot; Presumptive Evidence, or, Murder WiU
Out: The Absent Son; The May Queen, or, Sampson the Serjeant; and Billy Taylor, or, The Gay Young Fellow. -*-9
lOSee Appendix I for a complete listing of Buckstone's plays and the theatres where they were originally performed.
Buckstone had some of his plays performed at other theatres during this period. One of his first melodramas, The Bear-
Hunters, or, The Fatal Ravine, was performed at the Coburg
Theatre on April 25, 1825. H Other Coburg productions during
llAllardyce Nicoll, A History of English Drama, 1680-1900 (2nd ed. ; Cambridge: University Press, 1955), IV, 273. 46
this period were The Bovne Water, or, Oondqh of Jhe Broken Heart;
Peter Bell, the Waggoner, or, Murderers of Massiac; and Vidocq,
the French Police Spy. His burletta, Curiosity Cured, or, Powder for Peeping, was done at Sadler's WeHs on June 20, 1825. Buck stone's melodrama, Theadore the Brigand, or. The Corsican
Conscript, was also done at this theatre. An operetta, The Death
Fetch, or. The Student of Gottlinger, with music by C. E. Horn, was performed at the English Opera House, July 25, 1826. The
Surrey Theatre was the scene of Buckstone's interlude, Mischief
Making, on September 16, 1828. A melodrama, The Young Quaker,
appeared at the Bath Theatre on March 16, 1829. Buckstone's first
play at the Haymarket was a very successful performance of his
burletta, The Happiest Day of My Life, done there July 29, 1829.
The theatre critic of The Literary Gazette and Journal of Belles
Lettres cited this performance as follows:
A very pleasant translation of Le plus beau Jour de ma Vie was produced here on Wednesday evening, by Mr. Buckstone, the author of Luke the Labourer, and several other very clever pieces, at the minor theatres. His style is scarcely polished enough for Haymarket comedy; and were we inclined to be hyper critical, we might point out many discrepancies in the drawing of the principal personages of his drama. The effect of the whole . . . was so amusing, that we only allude to the blemishes as trifles to be avoided in the future and heartily subscribe to the very favourable 47
opinion which was unequivocally expressed by a numerous and fashionable audience. 12
12The Literary Gazette, and Journal of Belles Lettres, XIII, No. 654 (Aug. 1, 1829), 50 8.
Although this review states that Buckstone's style is not quite good enough for Haymarket comedy, one week later this same periodical called the play "one of the cleverest farcical travesties of human nature" and recommended it highly. I 3
l3Ibid. . No. 655 (Aug. 9, 1829), p. 519.
Buckstone made his debut as a dramatist at Drury Lane with his comedy Snakes in the Grass on November 3, 1829. The theatre critic of The Examiner was not overly enthusiastic when he stated:
. . . had the writer of Snakes in the Grass been more careful in bringing his characters in collision, and severely chastised the composition of his dialogue, he would have produced a highly successful piece for his plot is a good one, and with some exceptions the incidents are natural. H
14The Examiner, XXH, No. 1136 (Nov. 8, 1829), 707.
After a rather lengthy account of plot and discussion of characters, the critic concluded, "We have not heard who the 48 author is, but we think, if he persevere fsicl he will do better. "15
15ibid., p. 708.
Buckstone played in many of his own plays, starting with Luke the Labourer in 1827 at the Adelphi. He also made a few appear ances in productions of other playwrights during this period. One of his greatest performances was his portrayal of Gnatbrain in
Douglas Jerrold’s Blackeyed Susan, produced at the Surrey Theatre on June 8, 1829. He became quite famous for his creation of this role and sustained it weH in revivals for many years.
There is one other role Buckstone played in 1829 which further helped establish him as a first rate low-comedy player.
The piece was a burletta entitled Monsieur Mallet, or. My Daugh ter^ Letter. The play dealt with American peculiarities and manners and Buckstone played the part of an American congress man from Otsego County, Kentucky. Since the burletta satirized a living American congressman from Kentucky, it was only natural to compare Buckstone's character with the true American congress man. Buckstone's performance of this Adelphi production was even 49 reviewed in a New York periodical, The Critic: A Weekly Review of Literature, Fine Arts, and the Drama. The reviewer said:
The actor Buckstone exhibited an excellent like ness of the Kentucky congressman, bringing out every comic or ridiculous peculiarity in the American character with much effect. . . . Mr. Buckstone exhibited an excellent portrait of the vain, rude, blustering, bullying, ignorant Kentuckian. 16
Critic: A Weekly Review of Literature, Fine Arts, and the D ra m a , I, No. 22 (April 4, 1829), 352-353.
It appears that the writer of the review was greatly impressed with Buckstone’s role, as his performance was the only one singled out for praise although such well-seasoned players as
Mr. and Mrs. Yates and T. P. Cooke also appeared in the produc
tion.
Middle Years (1830-1852)
It was during this period that Buckstone's fame and
reputation, both as an actor and author, grew by leaps and
bounds. In addition to performing in his own plays, he also
devoted much time to writing plays and adapting them mainly
for the Adelphi and the Haymarket. He also had openings at
Drury Lane, Sadleris WeHs, Royal Princess, Olympic, Strand,
Surrey, and the Lyceum. At least sixty new pieces or adaptations 50 are attributed to his pen during this period. Productions of several of these plays should be mentioned here. His farce, Poppincr the
Question, brought out at Drury Lane in March of 1830, marks his first big success in that theatre. The Athenaeum reviewed it favorably:
There are two modes of popping the question . . . one instinctive and practised by men in love, the other ratiocinative, and practised by men who think it right to get married. The respective merits of these methods of transacting a very simple affair are happily illustrated in the lively little piece.
The plot of this piece, although simple, is in itself lively, it is welL managed, the equivoques are sustained with spirit and ingenuity. . . . The piece as performed, afforded indeed a most agree able hour’s amusement and weH merited the favourable reception it met with. It was given out for repetition with universal approbation. ™
17iDie Afhena^um, HI, No. 126 (March 27, 1830), 189.
Another important success was The Wreck Ashore, or, A Bride groom from the Sea, which opened at the Adelphi on October 25,
1830. At the close of the season in March, 1831, The Athenaeum reported that The Wreck Ashore "has been the most successful piece of the season, and one of the most so that has ever been produced. It was acted on this occasion for the eightieth time. "18
18The Athenaeum, IV, No. 179 (April 2, 1831), 221. 51
As early as 1832, Buckstone tried his hand at theatre management. He and Mrs. Fitzwilliam rented a building on
Liverpool Street in the London north side. Originally built by a voice teacher for the exercise of his pupils and for musical entertainments, this squeezed-up building was opened by Buck stone and his partner as the Clarence Theatre. The speculation proved so unremunerative that they quickly abandoned it.
l^Henry Barton Baker, History of the London Stage and Its Famous Players (1576-1903) (London: George RoutLedge and Sons, Ltd., 1904), p. 381.
There were many farces and adaptations which enjoyed popularity in their day. Forgery, or. The Reading of the Will, performed in March, 1832, at the Adelphi, gave Buckstone dual success as dramatist and actor as he scored heavily in the comedy role. In 1833, his Ellen Wareham with Mrs. Yates in the lead was played at the Haymarket. The Athenaeum gave another very favorable review but made an interesting comment at the close of
the review:
From the serious part we turn with pleasure to the comic, and here Mr. Buckstone is, as usual, quite at home. . . . The author has again given himself but little to do, but it is in his own style, and then he knows how to make much of a little. ^0
2OThe Athenaeum, VI, No. 288 (May 4, 1833), 284. 52
This is the first indication that it was becoming apparent that
Buckstone was now beginning to develop his own peculiar comic
style of acting which later became his trademark. Although he did
not overlook the general aspects of his roles, he clothed them all
in a uniform garb of the "Buckstonian humor" for which he became
famous. This same year, Buckstone played at the Haymarket in
Jerrold's The Houaekeeper, or, The White Rose. In 1834, besides
four plays at the Adelphi, he had Rural Felicity and Married Life at
the Haymarket. The latter had Mr. Faucit, Mrs. Glover, Mrs.
Humby, Vinning, Farren, and himself in the casts. During the
next few years, Buckstone continued wilting and acting for both the
Haymarket in the summer and the Adelphi in the winter. In 1837,
he joined Benjamin W ebster's permanent company at the Haymarket.
He became the leading comedian and farce writer of this theatre for
the next fifteen years.
On January 16, 1838, Buckstone made his first bow on the
boards of Drury Lane with "greater effect than had been attended
any of his other debuts. "21 He appeared as Wormwood in his own
2lMarried Life (Haymarket, 1834), Courtesy New York Public Library. OSUFilmNo. P. 323,p. v. AH future references to this prompt book wiH be cited as P. 323. 53 play, The Lottery Ticket. Two days later his farce, Our Mary
Ann, was successfully staged there.
By 1840, Buckstone had become so famous that a tour of
America was arranged. When he left for America the British press lamented, "How our own theatre can spare him we know not. "22 What a compliment for a man who scarcely ten years
22spjrit of the Times, X (Aug. 1, 1840), 5. earlier was just beginning to become known in theatre circles?
Although Buckstone's acting may have been missed in England during this two-year period, his plays were continually being performed. A contemporary of his observed, "Scarcely a night passes that one of his plays is not presented at one of our theatres. "22
23Ibid. (Aug. 17, 1840), p. 7.
Buckstone's popularity as an author spread to America long before his first visit there in 1840. From 1827 on, hundreds of performances of Buckstone plays are recorded in O'Dell's Annals of the New York Stage alone. Obviously, his plays were popular and produced in other American cities. An example of the extreme popularity of his plays is found in the records of the St. Louis stage. 54
A scholar, studying the records of theatrical activity from 1835 to
1840 in this city, reported:
Of the dramatists whose worts were seen and heard "on the St. Louis Boards, " the most popular, if we may judge by statistics, was unfortunately, not William Shakespeare or Richard Brinsley Sheridan, but John Baldwin Buckstone, there being presented eighty-one performances of twelve of his compositions, all within the la s t five seasons Q.835-4Q). Among these pieces were The Ice Witch, the farce of Damon and Pythias, The Pet of the Petticoats, A Husband at Sight, Victorine, John Jones of the War Office, The Dead Shot, The Irish Lion, and Luke the Laborer. Second place goes to Shakespeare with sixty-eight performances of thirteen plays. . . . Next comes Planche', who . . . ran up a total of forty-seven productions of seven pieces, and Sheridan Knowles, also represented by seven plays, with forty- six productions.^
^William G. B. Carson, The Theatre on the Frontier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932), pp. 313-314.
Buckstone’s plays were also being produced quite frequently in such cities as Boston, Philadelphia, and New Orleans. It was no wonder that an American tour was planned for him.
On Monday, August 17, 1840, Buckstone made his first appearance in America at the Park Theatre in New York. ^5 jje
25Joseph I. Ireland, Records of the New York Stacre, II (New York: T. H. M orell C o ., 1867), 334. 55 played Peter Pinkey in his own play, Single Life, and Jemmy
Wheedle in his farce, Weak Points. He was not as enthusiastically received as expected. One review of this opening limited its comments about his acting to two statements:
Mr. Buckstone made an agreeable impression, but his name was not sufficiently attractive to fill the house. He was a very clever farceur, but as a general comedian, inferior to several resident artists. 26
26As quoted by ibid.
Although at first Buckstone was not highly regarded in
America as a player of farce or comedy, toward the end of his
two-year visit, his vogue increased, especially on the southern circuit. An example of his southern popularity is recorded in
Glen Hughes * History of the American Theatre. Hughes writes:
Other distinguished visiting players were J. B. Buckstone, the English playwright and comedian, and Mrs. Fanny Fitzwilliam, who according to Sol Smith, in 1841 was "cramming the American [New Orleans^ every night, and throwing from nine hundred to a thousand people into fits of laughter and causing them to forget the hard times, short crops, and everything else of a disagreeable nature. "27
2^Glenn Hughes, A,History of the American Theatre, 1700- 1950 (New York: Samuel French, 1951), p. 165.
While in America, Buckstone also wrote several new plays.
One of these, The Banished Star, written especially for Mrs. 56
Fitzwilliam, was produced very successfully at the Park Theatre in New York on December 11, 1840. 28 Another new play, Solomon
28]j*eland, op. cit. , p. 341.
Smink, or, The M illerfs Man and the Chevalier, was performed
November 2, 1840, at the New National Theatre in Philadelphia. 29
29Arthur H. Wilson, A. History of the Philadelphia Theatre, 1835 to 1855 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1935), p. 649.
It probably was not too successful as it was not performed in New
York.
Buckstone joined the staff of the National Theatre in New
York, making his debut there December 8, 1840, in his own play
A Kiss in the Dark. He also appeared at this theatre in four other of his plays within the next week: The Christening (December 9);
Poor Jack (December 12); The Lottery Ticket (December 14); and
Our Mary Ann (December 15). ^
^George C. D. OdeU, Annals of the New York Stage (New York: Columbia University Press, 1928), IV, 465.
After a moderately successful two-year visit in America,
Buckstone and Mrs. Fitzwilliam returned to England and W ebster's company at the Haymarket. His first appearance there after 57 returning was the role of Dove in his own play Married Life on
October 19, 1842. Of his opening The Athenaeum said:
Buckstone showed his comic phiz again on Wednes day, after his long absence in America, and literally "tipped the wink" to the audience, who responded with a roar of laughter. 31
31 The Athenaeum. XV, No. 782 (Oct. 22, 1842), 916.
After the play, he was called forward and acknowledged his welcome home.
Buckstone continued acting at the Haymarket and writing for both the Haymarket and Adelphi for the next five years. He performed with Madame Celeste at the Haymarket; he was in the unsuccessful production of Quid Pro Quo and he created Bob in
Boucicault's play, Old Heads and Young Hearts. 3^ Some of his
33W. J\ Macqueen-Pope, Haymarket: Theatre of Perfec tion (London: W. H. Allen, 1948), p. 290. other Haymarket performances of this period included Victor and
Hortense, a French vaudeville, in which both Mr. Webster and
Madame Celeste had important roles: A Cure for Love; Caught in a Trap; the role of Grumio in Taming of the Shrew: The Sempstress: and the outrageous character of Tilly Slowboy in The Cricket on the
Hearth. He appeared with Charlotte Cushman in Twelfth Night in 58
1846 playing Sir Andrew Aguecheek, a role which later became
one of his best known creations. He also appeared in his own
plays, Snapping Turtles; The Thimble Rig; Josephine, or, The
Fortune of War; and Jane Shore. At the Adelphi, Buckstone’s
The Green Bushes, or, A Hundred Years Ago (1845); and The
Flowers of the Forest, A_ Gipsy Story (184 7), became two of his
biggest successes at that theatre. Another of Buckstone’s famous
roles was his Scrub in The Beaux Stratagem, in which he took a
farewell benefit on July 21, 1847 when he left the Haymarket for
a short engagement at the Lyceum Theatre. 33
33The Athenaeum, XXEH, No. 1030 (July 24, 1847), 796.
The 1847-48 season opened at the Lyceum with Buckstone
appearing and exerting himself "with humorous effect" as Isidore
Farine in The Pride of the Market, in which Madame Vestris also
performed. 3^ It was also at the Lyceum that Buckstone first
34Ib id .. No. 1043 (Oct. 23, 1847), p. 1108.
appeared as John Box in Box and Cox with Mr. Harley. The two
actors became very famous in these roles, which gave them as
much fun and entertainment to enact as for the audience to watch.
It was in this same play that Buckstone appeared as one of the
1 59 representative actors chosen for the special performances to raise money for the purchase of Shakespeare's hoise at Stratford-
upon-Avon in 1847. A year later, Buckstone and Harley appeared at Windsor Castle for a special performance of this play.
35Ibid., XXIV, No. 1100 (Nov. 25, 1848), 1185.
While at the Lyceum Theatre, Buckstone wrote a short farce entitled A Rough Diamond. It was first produced there on Monday,
November 8, 1847. Although it was not too well received at first, it later became quite popular as an afterpiece at the Haymarket.
It is interesting to note the similarities of this play with that of
J. Hartley Manners' Peg o' My Heart, which is still performed
today. H. G. Hibbert in his memoirs was the first to call attention
to this fact when he wrote:
I do not recaH that Hartley Manners ever officially acknowledged his indebtedness to Blackstone's fsicl Rough Diamond for Peg o' My Heart, but it was there aH right.
33H. G. Hibbert, A Playgoer's Memories (London: Grant Richards, Ltd., 1920), p. 148.
It is very obvious that Mr. Manners knew Buckstone’s play when he
wrote Peg o' My Heart. The main similarity is found in the charac
terization of the leading roles. Buckstone's Margery is just as 60 uncultured and unrefined as Manners’ Margaret (shortened to
Peg). Both characters come from common and unrefined back grounds to live with socialites of the "other side of the tracks. "
Both girls have similar habits, pets, and dress, which are disliked and scorned by their highly refined and cultured relatives. Both suggest returning to their common and plain fathers. Both finally marry aristocratic men.
ha 1848, Buckstone returned to the Haymarket and played with Mr. and Mrs. Charles Kean in Macbeth. Benjamin Webster, with a view of strengthening the cast, was ill-advised enough to cast Buckstone as the First Witch. The well-known and peculiar voice of the comedian, coming from the weird figure of the witch, caused much amusement. The players were horrified but the audience delighted and the house shook with almost unstoppable laughter. Buckstone, true to his nature, could not resist being funny.
Buckstone’s farce An Alarming Sacrifice was produced at the Haymarket in July of 1849. In January of 1850, his very successful comedy, Leap Year, or,The Ladies4 Privilege (in which the Keans appeared) opened there. Buckstone added success
to success and as both author and actor was one of the main pillars 61 of the Haymarket under Webster's management. Of Buckstone's acting ability, Webster had this to say:
As to Mr. Buckstone, the actor, some scribes, bom of Scribe, will, in their small judgments, tell you he is only at home as the representative of his own offspring. Very natural to be sure; but unfortu nately for these liberal-minded gentry, the highest encomiums have been publicly passed on his persona tions of "Sir Andrew Aguecheek, " "Sim, " "Spado, " "Squire Richard, " "Wormwood, " "Inkpen, " "Hans, " in Mr. Knowles'popular play of "The Maid of Maxien- dorpt, " "Paul Pry, etc., and for filling out a meagre sketch, till it appears a very prominent part, Buckstone is your only man. However, it is too well known to need our meed of praise, that he is one of the most original (and we use the word in the broadest sense) and amusing comedians of the day; and his peculiarities are so rich and strong, that an indifferent imitation of him is sure to be responded to with shouts of laughter and applause. . . . As brother actor, and now his manager, we have known him but to respect and admire him, for his fair and upright conduct and ardent zeal for the well doing of those with whom he is engaged; and either as actor or author, or both, we consider him to be a most valuable acquisition bo any theatre. 37
37Benjamin Webster, as quoted in P. 323, p. vii.
When Webster gave up the managership of the Haymarket and took over the Adelphi in 1853, Buckstone became the new manager of the Haymarket.
Buckstone had some ideas of his own. He did not care about tragedy or heavy drama. Although he later produced some 62
Shakespeare he was hesitant and not over anxious to do so because he was convinced that Shakespeare would not draw at the box office. He was a comedian and a very expert writer of melo drama. He decided that comedy was to be the main "bill of fare” at the Haymarket. Under his control, the Haymarket became the leading comedy theatre of London, a position it still holds today.
Later Years (1853-1879)
Buckstone began his managership of the Haymarket Theatre on Easter Monday, March 28, 1853. He had coUected a fine company of players about him, part of which he inherited from
Webster, his predecessor. Among them were Barry Sullivan,
Henry Compton, Mr. and Mrs. Chippendale, Corri, How, William
Farren, Jr., Tilbury, Rogers, Arthur Payne, Miss Reynolds,
Miss Louisa Howard, Mrs. Buckingham, Mrs. Poynter, Mrs.
Stanley, Miss A. Vernon, M issE. Romer, Miss A. Vinning, Mrs.
Caulfield, Miss E. Bromley, Miss Grace Leslie, and Miss L a i d l e r . 3 8
8^Macqueen-Pope, loc. cit.
This company of players was considered the best comedy talent of the day.
The program for Buckstone's opening started with The Rivals, starring Mr. Chippendale. Then followed a burlesque by Planche,, 63 called Buckstone’s Ascent of Mount Parnassus, which was illus trated by a painted panorama of eight classic views or scenes accompanied with a running dialogue full of pun and satire inter spersed with songs and parodies.
Buckstone’s first full season began on Monday, October 25,
1853, w ith perform ances of A Cure for Love and The B eg g ar’s
Opera. Buckstone had made the following improvements to the theatre as recorded by The Athenaeum:
The theatre opened on Monday having undergone extensive embellishments and improvements. By lowering the floor of the orchestra, an uninterrupted view of the stage has been secured, - and a new stage and machinery with the latest improvements for pro ducing the best effects, have been constructed. A light blue curtain has been substituted for the late green one; and a new drop-scene has been painted by Mr. W. Calcott.
39The Athenaeum, XCVI, No. 1357 (Oct. 29, 1853), 1295.
Late in December of 1853, Buckstone produced the first pantomime ever to be performed at the Haymarket. This new type of entertainment for the Haymarket was Southy’s nursery-tale of
The Three Bears, or, Little Silverhair and the Faeries. It was different from ordinary pantomimes because Buckstone wrote an introductory portion which treated the nursery-tale in a rather serious way. The Athenaeum regarded it as ”an acceptable 64 modification of that species of Christmas entertainment on account of its distinguishing peculiarity. "40
4Qlbid., No. 1366 CDec. 31, 1853), p. 1598.
One of the earlier successes of Buckstone's management was
Senora Perea Nena and her partner Senor Marcos Diaz. In 1857 they appeared with a troupe of Spanish dancers and did much to revolutionize stage dancing and ballet at a time when ballet was losing its interest. Miss Nena became quite an attraction. Her speed, vivaciousness, and the rapidity and variety of her steps, together with her method of working up to a frenzied climax created a great sensation. George Vandenhoff, a leading tragedian who had successfully played Hamlet at the Haymarket, gave the foUowing description of Perea Nena which also includes a little hint of Buck stone's managerial methods:
The Spanish Dancers, headed by the agile little Andalusian Perea Nena, were the next novelty at the Haymarket Theatre and such was their - or rather her - attraction, for her corps de ballet were shock ing contrasts to her rapid, flashing, coquettish movements, now like the curvettings of an Arab barb, fretting on the bit, anon like the bound of an antelope, and now and again like the whirl and whiz of a steam engine - such was her attraction, that actors and acting became of quite secondary importance. Mr. Buckstone took advantage of the opportunity to rid himself of aH salaries that it was inconvenient b pay, and with aH services he could now dispense with, by the expedient of a notice in the green-room, closing 65
the season on a Saturday night, and re-opening it on the Monday following, as a summer season.' Ingenious and ingenuous? 41
4lMac queen -Pope, ojg. cit., p. 294.
Buckstone's first season extended over five years and during that period the house was not closed one night when the law p er mitted it to be open. In the type of entertainment, Buckstone followed closely in the steps of his predecessors. Revivals of old comedies were relieved with the production of new ones, melodrama, domestic drama, and a sprinkling of tragedy. Buck stone believed in value for money. His program began early and lasted until one o'clock in the morning. A typical bill of fare might include a comedy and three farces. Patrons were admitted after nine o'clock for half price. During the opera season, many would spend a full evening at the opera and then about midnight go across the street to see the closing farce at the Haymarket.
Another successful performance during this first season was / Planche’s The Knights of the Round Table, in which George
Vandenhoff and Buckstone both scored well. Later this play was revived with Harry Compton in the leading role and it ran for fifty-four consecutive nights. Other successes included Henry
Compton, Leigh Murray, and Mrs. Stirling in Where There's a 66
Will There's a Way; King Rene’s Daughter with Helen Faucit, Barry
Sullivan, Howe, and W. Farren, J r.; A Moving Tale with the Keeley family; and Vandenhoff starring in Money, The Lady of Lyons, Much
Ado about Nothing, The Stranger, Henry VHI, Town and Country, and London Assurance.
During this first season, a great tower of strength was lost
to Buckstone when Mrs. Fitzwilliam suddenly became ill and died of cholera. She had not only been his long time business partner but was his wife as well, a fact which not too many people knew. Her death marked the beginning of Buckstone's financial problems at the
Haymarket, since she had handled the business side of the manage
ment. Buckstone was a bad business man. He gave too much value
and did not watch expenses, two things which, although they helped
the theatre from a public point of view, led him to financial disaster
in the end.
However, there were still many successful pieces performed
on the boards of the Haymarket before Buckstone was to quit his
management there. He made Tom Taylor a regular Haymarket
dramatist. Of Taylor's plays, Buckstone produced many and played
in many. His most famous roles in Taylor's plays included Butterley
in Victims and Botcherley in An Unequal Match in 1857 (Miss Amy
Sedgwick also made a great success as Hester Grazebrook in the 67 latter). Buckstone played Mr. Peckover in The Contested Election in 1859. He appeared as Lovibond in The Overland Route, Bettle in
The Babes in the Wood, Bunter in New Men and Old Acres, and as
Asa Trenchard in Our American Cousin.
It was Our American Cousin with E. A. Sothern playing Lord
Dundreary which was Buckstone's biggest hit. It was this same play which also saved him from an early financial disaster and
made him a small fortune. Early in 1861 it seemed that good luck
was deserting the Haymarket and Buckstone. Things had been
going against him. Perhaps he missed Mrs. Fitzwilliam and her
sound business management. It is probable, however, that his
own business methods were to blame. He gave too much for the
money and, as he wanted everyone to be happy, he did not cut down
salaries. He was a good natured, happy-go-lucky man himself.
Perhaps, too, he was failing to observe that sound Haymarket
tradition of star names; there were not too many available at this
time and he was playing too much himself, not giving enough variety
for box-office pull. At any rate he was near financial disaster when
he decided to produce Our American Cousin in November of 1861.
Taylor's play had first appeared in America. Its great
success was not due to the plot or dialogue, but to the performance
and zany actions of the English actor, E. A. Sothern. In 1852, Sothern was in New York at Laura Keene’s Theatre when the
management wanted him to play the part of Lord Dundreary in
Our American Cousin. This role of an old man consisted of only forty-seven lines and Sothern refused to play the part. The
management pressed and Sothern finally agreed to play Dundreary on condition that he be allowed to alter the role, rewrite it and play it on his own lines. The management agreed and Sothern began by putting everything into the role which he had ever seen
that seemed funny or absurd. One day at rehearsals, Sothern was
hopping about backstage to keep warm. Laura Keene, who did not
approve of Sothern's additions to the script, asked him if he
intended to put his antics into the part of Lord Dundreary. Sothern
said "yes" and so felt obligated to do so. He made the character
walk with a curious hop and found that the company, stage hands,
and the audience all roared with laughter. The role was now
complete and the play caught on. It ran for years, spreading all
over America. Its fame spread to London and Buckstone, anxious
for something new, decided to produce it. He was doing what
many theatre managers do when they find themselves near financial
ruin. He was taking a chance. Both Buckstone and Sothern had
grave doubts as to whether or not the English would like Lord
Dundreary. It was one thing to make Americans laugh over a 69 caricature of an Englishman, and another thing to present an audience of their own countrymen with something they might well regard as an insult.
The play was a first night success. Sothern got his laughs; he convulsed the audience into hysterics. The Athenaeum reported:
Whether the character (Lord Dundrear^ by itself would sustain any degree of interest we much doubt, but in the hands of Mr. Sothern, the gentleman who has been acting it for so many hundred nights over the water, it is certainly the funniest thing in the world. ^2
42The Athenaeum. CXII, No. 1777 (Nov. 16, 1861), 659.
Yet, after four performances, business was so slow that Buckstone was convinced that the play was offensive and he advertised She
Stoops to Conquer to succeed it. However, in the audience of the fourth performance was the distinguished and celebrated comedian,
Charles J. Mathews, who appraised the piece and liked it. He begged Buckstone to keep the play on and suggested that he advertise it as no show had been advertised before. Buckstone was convinced.
He put out bills by the hundreds and invited critics who had not previously seen the play. The critics came and gave good notices.
Henry Morly said:
Our American Cousin is a piece of Transatlantic extravagance which will have a long run at the Hay market, not only because it is well mounted and acted 70
and presents Mr. Buckstone in a Yankee character, but more especially for the sake of a sketch new to our stage, given by an actor hitherto unknown in London, Mr. Sothern, with an eccentric and whim sical elaboration that is irresistibly amusing . . . shouts of laughter follow every look and gesture. He contrives, in the midst of all the extravagance, to maintain for his inane lord the air of a well-bred, good-natured gentleman, and shows an art in his absurdity that makes us curious to see what he can do in some other character. But it will be long before he has leave from the public to do anything but identify himself with Lord Dundreary. The piece is sure of a long run. ^
4^A s quoted in Macqueen-Pope, pp. cit., p. 302.
The public began to respond and the crowds grew. Lord
Dundreary became the talk of the town. Business increased as
Dundreary became the fashion. Men grew Dundreary whiskers and wore Dundreary coats. London became Dundreary-crazy. Every one had to see Dundreary at the Haymarket or be a social outcast.
The play made over thirty thousand pounds for Buckstone. It became the first really long run in theatrical history, 400 nights.
44ibid., p. 303.
Buckstone had no money sense. Cash slipped thro ugh his fingers and he never knew where it went. The small fortune he made from Our American Cousin soon vanished into thin air. Another misfortune was that he became deaf. His deafness raised a wall of separation between him and all but a small circle of friends. While performing, he was guided in his by-play as well as in his spoken part entirely by his knowledge of the play acquired in reading it and by his quick eye which could catch much of what his fellow actors said from the movement of their lips and the expression on their faces. Usually when the other actor’s lips ceased to move, Buckstone would then say his lines. Sothern used to tease him by moving his lips after finishing a speech while
Buckstone, to the amazement of the audience, would stand silent, watching him intently.
Soon Buckstone’s deafness prevented his taking an active part in the rehearsal and stage management of his pieces for which by his experience as actor, playwright, and manager he was so unusually well qualified. At first his old company, knowing each other’s points, worked well together and stage-managed their pieces very much for themselves. However, when the old company began to break up and stars like Farren, Compton, Chippendale,
Vandenhoff, and Madam Vestis quit the stage, the productions
gradually grew into slovenliness. Sothern had become a power at
the Haymarket and had practically controHed the theatre for about
ten years. New stars came on the scene and were allowed to work 72 their usual mischief. John S. Clarke, an American comedian, actually managed the theatre the last year of Bucks tone's tenure.
Buckstone finally retired from active participation in 1878 and a year later, on October 31, 1879, died at the age of seventy- seven. Shortly after the death of Mrs. Fitzwilliam, Buckstone was remarried to Isabella Copeland, the first cousin of his first wife. From this second marriage, Buckstone was the father of three children. His two sons, John C. and Rowland, became successful actors on both the London and New York stages while
Lucy, his daughter, made her reputation as an actress on the
London boards.
Buckstone was not the financial success that he might have been. Had his first wife lived and continued supervising the
theatre's business matters he might not have bungled the money
himself. His experience as a dramatist, his popularity as an actor and his amiability and kindliness were the only requisites of a manager that he brought with him to the Haymarket. His
management started off favorably with his strong new company,
still fresh to the public; and, while he was bringing out new works by new authors or practiced and successful old ones, all went weU.
Although he always produced his pieces with due attention to scenic
and stage effects, he lacked the insight to freshen the old blood of 73
his company with new. He overused the sound managerial principle of getting a good company and keeping it. The public was permitted
to see the same old favorites, night after night, season after season,
and year after year. Gradually there was a lack of energy and life
about Bucks tone’s management. Much of this could be accounted to
his infirmity, yet some of it was the result of his easy-going
temperament and his reluctance to face difficulties and problems
by any less ruinous means than to pay any price for money when it
was wanted. Because of his deafness, Buckstone became content to
be too dependent on those about him and often threw too much power
into the hands of subordinates not always worthy of the confidence he
gave them.
While in his prime and before his deafness set in, Buckstone
was recognized as an able prompter and stage manager. He was
known to rehearse a new play for weeks until all of the minor per
formers could go through all their carefully prescribed motions
with exactness and were letter perfect. The unfortunate actor who
was not on his appointed spot or instant in his speech was in trouble
with the manager. At the Haymarket, Buckstone staged his comedies
with robust but unforced humor and smooth, unhesitating action. A
patron could always be certain of hearing good dialogue crisply
delivered with due attention to rhythm and emphasis. Bucks tone's 74 revivals of old comedies were usually performed as they were written except for the "cuts" sanctioned by the best stage usage and in accordance with the old scene plans and directions. He did not use elaborate or costly interiors, or box sets, but flats and wings which were shifted before the eyes of the audience. 45
45 John Rankin Towse, Sixty Yeans of the Theatre (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1916), p. 23.
Buckstone believed that rapidity and smoothness were the chief essentials of stage illusion. He was as conscientious in the preparation of new plays as he was in that of classic masterpieces.
As an actor, the English stage has seen few more genial and humorous mimics than Buckstone. 46 was 0f English
46Tom Taylor, "Impressions of John Baldwin Buckstone, " The Theatre, HI (Dec. 1, 1879), 266. style, broad and laughter-making. He always attached more importance to the humorous than to any other quality of the part he acted. He clothed aU of his roles in a uniform garb of the
Buckstonian humor which was conveyed through the eye-twinkle and mouth twist everyone knew so weH and the rich chuckle of a voice whose sound could produce a roar of laughter before he appeared. He provoked laughter without force and was admirable 75 in the quiet, unerring power with which he made a point. When he became deaf, audiences marvelled at his ability to pitch his voice, always audible and without strain or stress. He was also known as a fair and honest actor. It is said he never took more than his due share of the stage or exaggerated his by-play so as to distract attention from others. Tom Taylor once said, "I never saw in him any trace of personal jealousy or unfairness, on or off the stage.1,4^
47lbid.
Much of Bucks tone's popularity as a comedian was due to his unusual physical features and strange physiognomy. He was relatively small in stature, five feet, five inches, with brown hair and hazel eyes. The appearance of his face in the wings, with his merry twinkling eyes on either side of a tip-tilted nose was enough to start his audience laughing. Percy Fitzgerald gives an exceHent description of Buckstonefs face when he writes:
A more singular face could not be devised - the intensely droll eyes set in their places a little crookedly, a delightfully grotesque nose, cheeks something after the pattern of cutlets, and whose muscles went up and down delicately relaxed, and the mouth.' That, drawing it over to one side, into a comer, as it were, until by the act a sort of money box slit or aperture was made; with this difference, that the good things were projected out of it, instead 76
of anything being dropped in; - that "twist, " was special to himself. He had the patent, as it were, seeming to speak round a corner, or from behind his lip, as it were! When he stepped on the boards, the sight of that strangely-modelled fsicl face and the curious twang of his note filled all with delight. 48
48percy Fitzgerald, "Actor's Faces, " The Theatre, I, New Series (Dec. 1, 1878), p. 357.
Buckstone, unlike many inferior comedians, did not rely entirely on his personality for his stage effects. Although he could not disguise his identity, he was an actor and changed his manner with his impersonations. His Sir Andrew Aguecheek, for example, was dry, inane, droU, and Shakespearean, while his Tony Lumpkin was a rustic hobbledehoy, loutish, prankish, selfish, and cunning, yet not altogether ungenerous or unamiable. 49 The complex elements
49Towse, ojD. cit., p. 25. in it were skillfully harmonized and it retained the buoyancy of youth after he was a septuagenarian. E. A. Sothern, late inBuck- stone's career, paid him an interesting tribute when he said:
Buckstone must now be about seventy-five years of age, but old as he is, he gets hold of his audience more rapidly than anyone I know. A simple "Good morning" from him seems to set the house in a roar. His personal magnetism is simply wonderful. He acts as if he had string on all his fingers attached to 77
the audience in front and plays with them and pulls them about just as he wants. 50
5QAs quoted in Macqueen-Pope, pp. cit. , 309.
Surely Buckstone was a master comedian. It is said that his ghost still haunts the Haymarket Theatre.
Buckstone was scarcely better known as an actor than as a prolific dramatist. Of his stage productions, numbering about one hundred and fifty, scarcely one was a failure, while many were unusually successful. Among his best-known productions were
Luke the Labourer; The Wreck Ashore; Married Life; Single Life;
The Green Bushes, or, A Hundred Years Ago; Flowers of the
Forest; Leap Year, or, the Ladies1 Privilege; and Popping the
Question. Buckstone also dramatized a number of contemporary novels and adapted plays from French authors. CHAPTER IH
AN ANALYSIS OF LUKE THE LABOURER
In Luke the Labourer, or, The Lost Son, Buckstone attempted a melodrama which "assailed its audience not with spectacle or
sensation, but with simple emotions and plentiful pathos.
-'-George Rowell, The V ictorian T heatre: A Survey (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), p. 47.
Several scholars suggest that this play brought to the theatre a
new type of "domestic" melodrama which made it one of his most
important contributions as a playwright. The foUowing analysis
of this play will include (1) The story of the play, (2) Historical
and critical comments, (3) The significance of the play, and (4)
Aspects of staging.
The Story of the Play
The scene of the play is a village near York. About twenty
years before the action of the play, Farm er Wakefield, a very
prosperous farmer, had treated Luke, a farm hand, with unkind
ness but not injustice. Luke had been dismissed from Wakefield's
78 79 employment because of his excessive drinking. Luke had no money for food and eventually his wife died of starvation. Luke for revenge had stolen Philip, Wakefield's young son, and sold him to a gypsy named Michael. Michael was rearing the boy until one day
the lad ran away and went to sea.
At the opening of the play, Farm er Wakefield has lost his wealth and Luke has had him sent to jail for a debt of nineteen pounds. Charles Maydew, a prosperous young farmer, gives Clara,
Wakefield's daughter, the money to pay the debt and Wakefield is
se t free.
Squire Chase, Lord of the Manor, wants to seduce Clara so
Luke assists him in his attempt to ambush her as she is returning
home through a wood.
Cla. If I can but get home before the storm increases. That treacherous ‘Squire - this sad world, pi. flash of lightning makes her start back) Bless me, what a flash’ I must put my hands before my eyes; I was always afraid of the lightning.
[.A clap of thunder - Music - Luke rushes forward, and seizes her in his arms - she screams, and struggles with him - the ‘Squire is taking her from him when Philip re -enters - Lightning!
Phi. What ship ahoy! Sheer off, there! pie knocks Luke down with a cudgel, who falls senseless; then grapples the 'Squire by the throat! Slip your cable, my girl, and stand out to sea! the lubbers shan’t grapple you. 80
pThunder - exit Clara, L. - toe 'Squire struggles with Philip, and runs off, pursued by him, R. - The thunder continues, and the drop f a l l s X ^
2John B. Buckstone, Luke the Labourer (London: Samuel French, n. d.), p. 27.
As toe second act begins, it is the next morning and Luke is at the alehouse getting ready to drown his sorrows. Philip
enters and recognizes Luke as one of those he grappled with the night before. Luke also recognizes Philip as the one who hit him
over the head and later discovers that Philip is Wakefield's lost
son. This discovery infuriates Luke who decides to have his
final revenge by murdering Wakefield.
Meanwhile, Philip proceeds to Wakefield's house where he
is welcomed for having saved Clara. Philip tells the Wakefield
family that he has met their son, Philip, and that he is alive.
After an evening of celebrating this news, Philip goes to bed in
Farm er Wakefield's bed without revealing himself.
Luke climbs through a window into Wakefield's bedroom
where Philip is asleep and levels a pistol at him, thinking him
to be Wakefield. Just as Luke is ready to fire, a gypsy enters
the window, dislodges Luke from his seat and throws him into
toe room. The pistol goes off in the air and Philip is awakened.
He seizes Luke and a second pistol goes off in the struggle. 81
Wakefield, his wife, Clara, Charles, Michael, and other gypsies enter. The following dialogue ensues:
Wak. Luke, what be the meaning of this?
Mic. Stop - hear old Gipsy Mike: - Master Luke stole away your boy, and sold him to me; I took care of him till one day -
Phi. He ran away, and went to sea - I am that boyT^~
Sjbid., p. 46.
As the others register their surprise, Luke struggles with
Philip and succeeds in drawing a third pistol which he aims at
Wakefield. Philip thrusts back his arm and Luke, receiving the shot, falls dead. The play ends as Philip is embraced by his mother and father.
Historical and Critical Comments
Luke the Labourer was first performed at the Adelphi
Theatre in London on October 17, 1826. 4 The cast for the
^AHardyce Nicoll, .A History of English Drama, 1660-1900 (2d ed.; Cambridge: University Press, 1955), IV, 273. original performance included the following:^
^Buckstone, op. cit., p. 7. 82
Squire Chase, Lord of the M anor ...... M r. F o ster Wakefield, a decayed F arm er ...... Mr. Elliott Charles Maydew, a young Farm er Mr. S. Smith Luke the Labourer...... M r. T erry Philip, a Sailor ...... Mr. T. P. Cooke Bobby Trot, a Country L ad...... Mr. Salter Michael, an old Gipsy ...... Mr. Sanders Dick, a Postilion ...... Mr. Lamert Thomas, landlord of the King’s Head ...... Mr. Phillips
Dame Wakefield...... M rs. Daly Clara, her daughter ...... Miss Boden Jenny, a country g irl ...... Mrs. H. Hughes
Buckstone was not recognized as the author of the play because the manager, Daniel Terry, had lost the playwright's name and address.
Terry, however, had perceived the suitability of the drama and produced it. Buckstone was later identified as the author and a year later played the part of Bobby Trot at the Adelphi. 6
®Sir Leslie Stephen and Sir Sidney Lee (eds.), Dictionary of National Biography (London: Oxford University Press, 1917), HI, 217.
The play became quite popular and was performed many times both in England and the United States during the next thirty-five years. Odell, in his Annals of the New York Stage, cites over forty-five performances of Luke the Labourer in the New York 83 theatres from 1827 until 1865. The play was first presented in
New York at the Park Theatre on February 17, 1827. ^
^George C. D. Odell, Annals of the New York Stage (New York: Columbia University Press, 1928), HI, 245.
Criticism of performances of this play are not readily available. The Athenaeum, which reviewed most of Bucks tone's plays from 1830 on, makes no mention of this play. The Examiner does not mention the play until the second performance at the
Adelphi on October 1, 1827, when the season opened. 8 However,
8The Examiner, XX, No. 1027 (Oct. 7, 1827), 630. no review appears in the notice. Other periodicals which seem ingly should have reviewed this play either failed to do so or issues containing references are missing and unavailable. The fact that
Luke the Labourer was written early in Buckstone's career when he was stilt relatively unknown could be a reason for the lack of coverage of this play.
There were two writers whose criticism of early performances are available. One, identified only by the initials "D - G, " claims that Luke is a rustic of strong mind and stronger passions who
"might have been virtuous; but who, forced from the right path by 84 the vigor of his fate, becomes idle, hopeless, and depraved. "9
^Buckstone, o jd . cit., p. 6.
"D - G" further states:
The errors of Luke are to be traced to this common source [drunkenness); for though not an habitual drunkard, he was, by his own confession, an occasional tippler; and this character being incautiously - perhaps harshly - fixed on him by his master, he becomes idle, for nobody will employ him; and, as evil habits take still deeper root in idleness, Luke, the Labourer sinks into that wretched class of beings which society rejects as a burden and a pest. The picture that he draws of his destitution, and the death of his wife - of his bitter agony and revenge, is truly heart-rending; and, while it holds out a warning to the peasant against the indulgence of criminal excess, it offers a lesson to prosperity not to trifle with the poor man’s only hope and dependance - his character. •‘•0
IQtbid.
The reviewer cites the drama as both "pleasing, and well written.
It is not taken from the French, but is entirely original.
n Ibid.
The review ends with complimentary remarks about the acting of
Mr. Terry as Luke, T. P. Cooke as Philip, and Mr. Salter as
Bobby Trot. In this review, "D - G" states that Luke’s motivation
for his vices can be traced to his drunkenness which was the parent
of his poverty and actions. 85
A later writer, also anonymous, suggests that this conclusion was a great mistake. He believes that Luke was depraved both by hereditary disposition and education and suggests that Luke would have grossly ill-treated his wife had she lived. He claims that the drunkenness motivation is a result of misinterpretation of the role of Luke. His criticism (which appears in a prompt book for a later production of the play) follows in part:
There is scarcely a drama in the English language in which the characters are more faithfully pourtrayed rsifl or which excites truer feelings of sympathy in the audience, then "Luke the Labourer. " We have all of us met some such characters; they are not visionary beings, built up in the clouds by the disordered imaginings of a disease or perverted mind. No.1, they are beings of this earth; and so close is the afinity fsicf between their feelings and our own, that we incontinently follow them in all their movements, and sympathise with them in all their feelings.
l^Luke the Labourer, Courtesy New York Public Library. OSU Film No. P 1335, p. 3.
This writer claims "there is no character, however depraved, from
which some good feelings may not occasionally be elicited. Mr.
Buckstone has with great tact availed himself of this knowledge in
depicting Luke. "13 g e continues:
13Ibid.
The only bright spot in his [Luker0 character, is his affection for his wife; and this has been made the 86
means of calling into action its darker shades. Some critics have thought that Luke was goaded into his horrible revenge, consequence of drunkenness succeed ing the death of his wife, which death he imputed to Farmer Wakefield who discharged him for negligence, etc. This is a great mistake; and it is probably because many actors have taken the same view, that so few have succeeded in their impersonations of the character. Luke was, no doubt, depraved both by hereditary dis position and education; and notwithstanding that his finer sensibilities were aroused by seeing his wife perishing of want, (why did he not share with her the like fate: why was not he also starved?) there is no doubt he would have grossly ill-treated her, had she lived. I4
14Ibid.
This writer also believes Mr. Terry to have been the only actor who thoroughly personified Luke and blames other actors1 misunderstanding of the part as the cause of this mistaken idea of Luke's revenge.
The Significance of the Play
Mr. Buckstone wrote Luke the Labourer early in his career and the play was performed when he was only twenty-four years of age. It is interesting to note that one of his first plays was also one of his most important. The play is cited as one which helped to establish the domestic melodrama in England. Doctor McLeod 87 claims that Luke the Labourer was the first thoroughly English melodrama of the domestic type. 15 Nicoll, writing in his Early
l^McLeod, unpublished thesis: "French Influence on English Drama during the First Forty Years of the Nineteenth Century" (Harvard University, 1914), p. 65, as cited in Ernest B. Watson, Sheridan to Robertson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1926), p. 355.
Nineteenth-Century Drama, also cites the significance of this play and its new trend:
The domestic melodrama, too, must be held responsible for a further change of tone, scenes such as those presented in Buckstone's Luke the Labourer (Adel. 1826) calling for a very different setting than had been accorded to the "genteel" comedies of the eighteenth century. In every way we see an approach towards modern ideas and modern con ventions. It is in this period that the detailed "accuracy" of later producers found, if not its birth, at least its boyhood. 16
ISNicoll, op. cit. , p. 38.
Most of the early melodramas performed in England seldom reflected the English scene at all but more often depicted some remote European setting. They were largely patterned after the romantic effects and bits of farce of the French or the sentimen talities and vulgarities of the German melodramas.
In writing Luke the Labourer, with an English setting,
Buckstone was one of the first to experiment with this new and refined type of domestic melodrama which was marked with more 88 realistic tendencies. This type of melodrama attempted to domesti cate or civilize the situations and characters which varied from the standard type.
In some ways Luke the Labourer did follow the standard melodramatic pattern. For example, Clara was nearly seduced by the wicked squire who was in league with Luke. Charles Maydew, the noble hero, came just in time to save her and her father from ruin. This is in the regular melodramatic strain but the presentation of Luke is not. Nicoll states that the latter "shows inventiveness on the part of the dramatist and makes ample atonement for the poverty of the rest.
17Ib id ., p. 117.
In spite of much poverty-stricken dialogue, there is a new
treatment which calls attention to the characterization of Luke, who, although the villain, is presented in an interesting manner.
Luke’s character is treated as an individual rather than the stock villain of the standard melodrama which is a type. Luke, a
creature of evil circumstances and the victim of drink, is given a definite motive for his attempt to ruin Farmer Wakefield. Luke's 89 own account of his wife’s death is rather effective and deserves particular attention:
Luke: . . . at last all things went cross; - and at one time, when a bit hadn’t been in my mouth for two days, I sat thinking, wi’ my wife in my arms - she were ill, very ill - I saw her look at me wi' such a look as I shall never forget - she laid hold o’ this hand, and, putting her long thin fingers all around it, said "Luke, would na’ the farmer give you sixpence if he thought I were dying o’ want?" I said I’d try once more - I got up, to put her in a chair, when she fell, stone dead, down at my feet.’
Cla: Oh Luke.’ - for mercy’s sake, no more - for give him.’ ,
Luke: (After a pause~J I were then quite ruin’d. I felt alone in the world. I stood looking on her white face near an hour, and did not move from the spot an inch; but, when I did move, it were wi’ my fist clenched in the air, while my tongue, all parch’d and dry, curs’d a curse, and swore that, if I had not my revenge, I wish’d I might fall as stiff and as dead as she that lay before me. 18
18]3uckstone, op. cit. , p. 21.
This domestic type of melodrama later came to be known as the "Adelphi drama" because it was at this theatre where it was first brought forth and developed. Buckstone, Jerrold, and
Fitzball were the principal authors. 19 other popular productions
l^Watson, op. cit. , p. 355. 90 of this type included Jerrold’s Black-Eyed Susan and Buckstone's
The Wreck Ashore, The Green Bushes, and The Flowers of the
F o re s t.
Aspects of Staging
Of the three pro rapt books of Luke the Labourer which were examined in the course of this study, only one^O kas g^y prompter’s
20Luke the Labourer, Courtesy New York Public Library. OSU Film No. P. 321. notes which are of value to the researcher in his attempt to recon struct the manner in which the production was staged. It is this script upon which the following analysis depends. Unfortunately, the prompter did not record the grooves in which the flats and wings were placed. The prompter did record enough stage directions that a reconstruction of the staging was possible when the directions were coupled with a knowledge of the general staging practices of the period.
The nature and placement of scenery
This production of Luke the Labourer was played in eleven scenes, five in the first act and six in the second. From deductions made from stage directions and other notations in the prompt book, the stage positions of the scenery appear to have been placed in 91 three sets of grooves. Although the play is reconstructed with its settings placed in three grooves, it is possible that the play could have been staged using the second, third, and fourth grooves, with the first set of grooves open to give added depth to all of the scenes.
However, there was no evidence to ascertain that such a plan was used.
Act I, Scene 1. —The opening scene of the play was described as “A Village, with Distant View of the City of York;. - Harvest
Carts in the background - Peasants discovered, celebrating the
Harvest Home. - An Alehouse at the side R. S. E. [right second entrancej and Luke seated at the door, smoking and disregarding their actions. " On page fourteen of the script, the prompter divided the first scene of the printed script in two with the entrance of Bobby Trot. A note in the script, "Change here, " with a standard warning symbol indicates the division. "Scene 2" and a note, "Thout Wood, " appear on the interleaf opposite the page of script.
Figure 3 shows the placement of the flats and wings for the first two scenes. Several things lead to the assumption that the back scene for the first scene (flats B) was placed in the first channel of the third set of grooves. First, the prompter had a note that the villagers went off "Left Upper Entrance" (there was 92
B View of city flats (Scene 1)
D Tree Winer (Sc. 1) Tree Wing
G Wood Flat (Scene 2) A /= r Wood Flat (Scene 2)
I Tree Wing (Sc. 2) ______T ree Winer__ J Ext. Wing (Sc. 1)______Ext._ Wincf_
P Tree Wing (Sc. 1 and 2) Tree Wing
------Proscenium Arch------
Fig. 3. —Placement of Flats and Wings for the First Two Scenes at the Start of the Play. 93 also a note that Charles entered through the "Left Upper Entrance"), suggesting that an extreme depth was used. Second, the opening scene description calls for a distant "View of the City of York"; a deep stage setting would help create this illusion. Third, although the word "dance" does not appear, the villagers are "singing and celebrating, ” indicating movement which could require a deep stage, especially since there are also harvest carts in the back ground. Two warning notes ("See Gun Ready to fire Left Upper
Entrance" and cue marks for "Gun fired L.U.E. ") also indicate that the back scene was in the third groove. The squire also used this entrance as opposed to the "R" in the script which was deleted.
A final clue that the third groove was used for the opening scene is that it follows a usual pattern developed for changing scenes. 21
21see Figure 2, p. 16.
Figure 3 shows the placement of the wings (D, J, and P) which accompany flats B, the view of the city, in the third groove. Wings
D and P were probably stock tree wings while wings J were exterior building or house wings also taken from stock. The script calls for an alehouse door at the R. S. E. (Right Second Entrance—usually indicative of the second groove) and since no one enters or exits
through this door, it may be assumed that it was represented by an 94 exterior wing and that a similar exterior wing was on stage left.
This type of wing would also be necessary in the second groove to represent the "village" as called for in the opening description of the scene.
The set change between scenes 1 and 2 would have been effected by two stage hands running on flats G (see Figure 3) in the first channel of the second groove, while two other hands removed wings J revealing tree wings I and the second scene could proceed immediately.
Act I, Scene 2. —The placement of the flats and wings for this scene and the scene shift have already been described above.
Evidence of the division of the printed script is further substan tiated by the fact that entrances are changed. For example, Luke’s entrance is at "L. I.E. " instead of the original "L. U .E., " which would have been used had the scene not been divided. Since this
scene was turned into a “wood, " it logically and practically follows
that it would have been played in the same groove as Scene 5 which
is also a wood. Stage directions for Scene 5 indicate that the second
groove was used for the back scene. Both the flats and wings were probably taken from stock since a simple "wood setting" was all that
was required. Figure 4 shows the placement of the flats G and
wings I and P for this scene in addition to those for the next scene, 95
_A______Wakefield's Kitchen Flats (Sc._ 3)______k z z.—.~z ~ ~------y_
C Int. Wing (Sc. 3) Int. Wing (Sc. 3)
~ - - - - r 7
G______Wood Scene Flats (Sc. 2)______H Int. Wing (Sc. 3) Int. Winn (Sc. 3) I Tree Wing (Sc. 2)______Tree Wing (Sc, 2)
O Int. Wing (Sc. 3) ______Int. Wing (Sc. 3) P Tree Wing (Sc. 2) ______Tree Wing (Sc. 2)
Proscenium Arch------
Fig. 4. —Placement of Flats and Wings for Scene 2 and Scene 3. flats A and wings C, H, and O. To dissolve into the third scene would have required two stage hands to pull off flats G in the
second groove revealing flats A and wings C in the third groove.
The arrows in the third set of grooves indicate where the flats
and wings of the first scene were, having been removed during
the playing of the second scene. Other stage hands would have
removed the tree wings I and P, revealing interior wings H and O.
The third scene was ready to play.
Act I, Scene 3. —This scene, described simply as “A
Kitchen, " is marked as Scene 3 instead of the printed "Scene II"
due to the division of the first scene. It seems logical to assume
that this scene's back flats would be in the third set of grooves, the
same as that for Scene 1; otherwise there is no reasonable explana
tion for dividing the first scene. The stage crew probably needed
time to set up the kitchen scene. In the playwright's direction
"Enter Dame Wakefield, " the prompter blacked out the "Enter, "
which would indicate a discovery. A discovery further indicates
that this scene would have to be deeper than the preceding one which
has already been established as having its back scene in the second
groove. Act H, Scenes 2 and 4, also take place in Wakefield's
kitchen. In both of these scenes there is evidence that the back
scenes were placed in the third groove. All three scenes call for 97 a door in the stage left flat. In Act II, Scene 2, there is a prompter's note "Ready for Shout behind door flat, " and then on the next page the shout is cued, "Sound Ye]l L. U. E. " This upper entrance cue, indicating the use of a deep stage, further streng thens the argument that the third groove was used for this scene.
Another significant observation is the fact that at the end of each of these three scenes is a notation ("the scene closes" or "the
scene shuts them in”) indicating an alternation to a more shallow
scene. No other scene in the play has a similar note and no other
scene alternates to a more shallow scene except after the last
scene of the first act and the act curtain closes it. It is also
important to observe here that this kitchen setting in the third
groove can remain undisturbed for the remainder of the play when
it will be used again for Scenes 2 and 4 of the second act.
Act I, Scene 4_. —This scene is described as "An Apartment
at the 'Squires. " Once again, the simple description seems to
indicate that stock scenery was used. Figure 5 shows the place
ment of the apartment flats M and the wing flats O. Perhaps the
interior wings used in the preceding scene in the first groove were
retained for this scene. To alternate to this scene from the kitchen
one would simply require two stage hands to run on the apartment
flats. 98
_A______Kitchen Flats (Sc. 3)
C Int. Wing (Sc. 3) Int. Winer (Sc. 3)
H Int. Wing (Sc. 3) Int. Winer (Sc. 3)
M ______Apartment Flats (Sc. 4)
O Int. Winer (3c. 3 and 4) Int. Wing (Sc. 3-4)
Proscenium Arch
Fig. 5. —Placement of Flats and Wings for Scene 3 and Scene 4. 99
The shallowness of the stage setting is indicated by the fact that all stage directions are for either "R" and "L" or "R. I.E. ” and ”L. I.E. " The back scene had a door in the right side; several notes refer to the closet door "D.R. F. " (door, right flat). It also follows that the back scene for this setting had to be in the first groove if the preceding one was in the third groove and the next scene has its back scene in the second groove.
Act I, Scene 5. —Scene 5 is called "A Wood. *' It seems practical and natural for this wood scene to be staged with the same set of scenery and in the same groove as that for Scene 2.
Figure 6 shows the wood scene G, I, and P with the back scene in the second groove and the preceding apartment scene M and O with its back scene in the first groove. The wood scene in the second groove was set up while the apartment scene was playing. To change scenes, stage hands ran off flats M and ran on tree wings
P. A lighting or special effects cue for lightning at "R. 2.E. "
(Right Second Entrance) also helps to verify that the back scene was in the second groove. Logical deduction insists that the scene be played either here or in the third groove and there is no evidence of the latter. A prompter's note indicates that an act drop was used between the first and second acts. This would have permitted scene changes for the next act. 100
G ______Wood Scene Flats (Sc. 5)
I Tree Wing (Sc. 5) Tree Winer (Sc. 5)
M ------Apartment Flats (Sc. 4)
Q Int. Wing (Sc. 4) Int. Wing (Sc. 4) P Tree Wing (Sc. 5) Tree Wing (Sc. 5)
Proscenium Arch
Fig. 6. —Placement of Flats and Wings for Scene 4 and Scene 5. 101
Act H, Scene 1. —"Interior of a Village Alehouse - Jugs,
Horns, Tables and a Stool." Although one might think a deeper setting would be needed for this scene, there is no evidence to support an assumption that such was used. The fact that Wake field's kitchen is the next scene, to be played in the deeper groove, suggests a shallow setting for H, 1. All directions for entrances and exits are either "R" or through the "L. D. F. " (left door flat). A warning at the end of the scene ("Look out for clear") could indicate that a quick clearing of the tables and stool was needed in alternating to a deeper scene.
It is quite possible that the same scenery used for the squire's apartment in Act I, Scene 4, was used for this alehouse scene. If stock scenery was used, which was often the case, perhaps all that was done was to switch the flats so that the right door flat from the apartment scene would now be on the left side as indicated by the script (see Figure 7, M and O). This could have easily been done between the acts. However, if the theatre where
the play was produced had enough stock scenery, probably a separate set of flats and wings would have been used. (Figure 7,
L and N). There is no evidence to support either plan. Regardless
of which set of flats and wings were used, evidence supports the
notion that the scene's back scene was in the first groove. To 102
L Ale-house Flats M Apartment Flats N Ale H. Wing Ale H. Wing 0 Int. Wing Int. Wing
Proscenium Arch
Fig. 7. --Two Possible Placements of Flats and Wings for Act H, Scene 1. 103 dissolve to the next scene, either flats L or flats M would be run off and wings O would either remain or be run on if the optional alehouse wings N had been used. With the first groove flats removed, the next scene could continue immediately.
Act II, Scene 2. —A note, "Wakefield's cottage as before, " clearly indicates that this scene should be played with the same scenery and in the same place as that for Scene 3 of Act i. Evi dence from this scene and Scene 4 of Act II has already been cited in helping to determine that the back scene was in the third groove.
(See Figure 5 for placement of flats and wings A, C, H, and O for
this scene.) To alternate to the next scene would require either flats (F or G) in Figure 8 to be run on and wings (I and P) to be placed in front of wings (H and O).
Act H, Scene 3. —This scene, "A View of the Country, " probably was placed in the second groove and co uld have been
the same scenery as used in the previous two wood scenes (Figure
8, units G, I, and P). Again, if the theatre had an abundance of
exterior scenery, a different set of flats could have been used.
(Figure 8, flats F.) Stage directions for sound, entrances, and
exits are similar to those of the wood scenes, which helps establish
this scene in the second groove. To change to the kitchen scene 104
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F View of Country Flats G Wood Scene Flats H Int. Wing (Sc. 2 and 4) Int. Wing I Tree Wing (Sc. 3) T ree Wing
O Int. Wing- (Sc. 2 and 4) Int. Wincf P Tree Wing (Sc. 3) Tree Wing
------Proscenium Arch------
Fig. 8. --Two Possible Placements of Flats with Wings for Act n, Scene 3. 105 again simply required flats F or G, whichever was used, and wings
I and P to be removed.
Act H, Scene 4. —This is Wakefield's kitchen again and an alternation to the third groove as previously established seems logical and in order. The scene is shut in when flats K and wings
P (see Figure 9) are run on for the next scene.
Act n, Scene 5. —This scene is described as "Stage dark -
The back part of Wakefield's Cottage. - A light is seen through a window in the flat. " Figure 9 shows the placement of the flats and wings in the first groove, K and P. This short scene, just one half page of script, obviously was of shallow depth. Luke enters
**R,,f is followed by three gypsies as he crosses the stage, and exits "L" after declaring his intentions to murder Wakefield. The scene was just long enough for the stage hands to set up the last scene in the second groove. The final alternation (see Figure 10) was achieved by removing the cottage flats K and revealing the bed room flats E and wings H in the second groove. Tree wings P were run off exposing interior wings O and the final scene was ready for action.
Act H, Scene 6. —The placement of the flats and wings (E, H, and O) for the last scene, "A Bed-room in the Cottage, " is shown in Figure 10. Although it is possible the scene could have been 106
K______Back of Cottage Flats (Sc. 5)
O Int. Wing (Sc. 4 and 6) Int. Win a P Tree Wing (Sc. 5) Tree Wing
------Proscenium Arch------
Fig. 9. —Placement of Flats and Wings for Act II, Scene 5. 107
E______Bedroom F lats (Sc. 6)
H Int. Wing (Sc. 6)______Int. Wing
K £------Back of Cottage Flats (Sc. 5) }
O Int. Wing (Sc. 6) Int. Wind (Sc. 6)