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POVERTY and URBAN MOBILITY in CONAKRY Final Report

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POVERTY and URBAN MOBILITY in CONAKRY Final Report Sub-Saharan Africa Transport Policy Program SSATP Report No 09/04/CKR PPPOOOVVVEEERRRTTTYYY AAANNNDDD UUURRRBBBAAANNN MMMOOOBBBIIILLLIIITTTYYY IIINNN CCCOOONNNAAAKKKRRRYYY FFFiiinnnaaalll RRReeepppooorrrttt Africa Region September 2004 World Bank POVERTY AND URBAN MOBILITY IN CONAKRY Final Report Prepared by SITRASS, International Solidarity on Transport and Research in Sub-Saharan Africa Sub-Saharan Policy Transport Program (SSATP) Africa Region World Bank The Sub-Saharan Africa Transport Policy Program (SSATP) is a joint initiative of the World Bank and the United Nations Economic for Africa (UNECA) to facilitate policy development and related capacity building in the transport sector of sub- Saharan Africa. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the World Bank, UNECA or any of their affiliated organizations. Autres publications sur le site Internet du SSATP www.worldbank.org/afr/ssatp Summary Assessment This study, conducted by the SITRASS network on behalf of the World Bank, is aimed at assessing in detail the conditions applicable to mobility and access to urban services by the poor populations of Conakry, so as to provide background for the identification of targeted programs of action. The study is based on fieldwork conducted in the fall of 2003, with a similar study being carried out simultaneously in Douala: personal interviews and household surveys on daily mobility, focused on the poorest individuals and households (see inset on methodology). This summary assessment sets forth the main findings of the study and the proposed lines of action. A. A deficient transport system, restricted mobility at a high price Urban mobility in Conakry is characterized by two major constraints: (i) an inadequate road network that provides poor spatial coverage and in some sections is in extreme disrepair; (ii) an inadequate and disorganized public transport system. These two constraints, along with the city’s linear structure and the concentration of administrative and economic activities on or near the Kaloum peninsula, exert considerable pressure on urban travel conditions. A.1 INADEQUATE TRANSPORT SUPPLY The road network, which comprises three major radial trunk roads and just a few transverse roads, can hardly service the outlying areas. The household survey data confirm that living far away from the central area greatly reduces the chances of accessing paved roads (only 18 percent of households located in the most distant peripheral neighborhoods, compared to 65 percent of households in the city center). The poor have somewhat more ground to cover before attaining the paved roads than the non-poor because they are usually more likely to live on the outskirts. The poor cannot afford private vehicles and public transport is their only option other than walking. Public transport supply consists of minibuses (magbanas) and shared taxis plying routes along the major radial trunk roads. However, there are not nearly enough of them during peak hours. From our study, we gathered that commuters see the magbanas as relatively cheap but offering shoddy service. Conversely, taxis are the mode of public transport with the quality of service judged the least inadequate, but most low-income users consider it too expensive. Overall, the views expressed on public transport are quite negative and transport supply falls short of meeting demand in terms of both quality and quantity. A.2. THE FINANCIAL BURDEN OF MOBILITY On average, it costs 50 percent more to take a taxi than a magbana, i.e. 460 Guinean Francs (GF), as against GF 300. The official fares (GF 300, as compared to GF 200) do not adequately reflect the actual cost to passengers because the fare for the journey often has to be negotiated based on distance, time, baggage, or according to route “shortening” practices, which drive fares Summary Assessment ii sharply upward. While the magbana is the “poor man’s means of transport,” it is so mainly because its fares are more affordable. The location of the home is a determining factor in transport inequalities. Traveling by public transport is on average 30 percent more expensive for people living in the outermost suburbs than if they lived in the city center (GF 470 as against GF 360). Poor households spend on average 19 percent of their income on urban transport, whereas the non-poor spend 12 percent. For one in every four poor households, that proportion is 30 percent, and yet, the use of public transport by poor households is quite reduced. Members of poor households spend two times less on public transport than those in non-poor households; accordingly, the poor account for a smaller proportion of public transport passengers than do the non-poor. These findings are a major warning sign of the pressure on household and individual budgets due to essential travel needs to ensure livelihood activities. Tight budgets severely limit transport use by the poorest urban dwellers. Easing this constraint entails either increasing their incomes or reducing public transport fares. A.3 WALKING AS A WIDESPREAD MEANS OF TRANSPORT The poor travel as much as the non-poor but use motorized transport far less often than the non- poor do. In Conakry, walking is by far the chief means of transport, and more so among the poor (see table). Most pedestrian travel is over short distances but long journeys on foot are not uncommon, which points to the mismatch between public transport supply and needs, as well as to fares that are too high for the poor. Travel on foot is usually under harsh conditions, not to mention the discomfort always involved in walking during difficult weather conditions (severe heat and heavy rains). Pedestrians face two types of obstacles: lack of or insufficient roadways and sidewalks, and nuisances due mainly to the city’s conditions (poor lighting, unsafe roads, filth, etc.) Many of Conakry’s pedestrians therefore use the railway tracks as a walkway, particularly during the rainy season, because there is no danger from oncoming motor vehicles and because the track bed is relatively dry. In addition to more limited use of public transport, the poor walk more often before and after their public transport trip than the non-poor. There are several reasons for this: they take the minibus more frequently and minibuses usually only run on paved roads, they live in areas inadequately served by public transport, and they rely on walking to reduce transport expenditure, by keeping the distance traveled by public transport short and the fare low. On weekdays, the poor travel less for work and education (30 percent) than for household-related activities (40 percent, mostly for shopping or to obtain supplies). Social activities account for the third major reason (30 percent). Walking is the main mode of travel, whether it be for household- related activities (86 percent), to attend school (76 percent), for social activities (74 percent), and even to commute (72 percent, as against 49 percent for the non-poor). SITRASS SSATP Summary Assessment iii Daily mobility indicators for Conakry’s poor and non-poor (individuals aged 11 years and over, averages from Monday to Friday) Poor Non-poor Total number of trips per individual and per weekday 3.8 3.9 Modal split: - Walking 78% 61% Walking for 30 minutes or more 11% 9% - Minibuses (magbanas) 14% 15% - Shared taxis 6% 20% - Other public transport vehicles (buses, undeclared cabs, etc.) 1% 1% - Private vehicles 1% 3% Percentage of public transport users walking more than 5 minutes at the start and end of their public transport trips 41% 21% Travel Time Budget 1 hr 20 min 1 hr 45 min A.4 STRANDED IN THE RESIDENTIAL NEIGHBORHOOD OR CONSTRAINED ACCESS TO THE CITY Mobility needs are strongly determined by gender, age and occupation. Two major mobility profiles are showed in evidence among the poor: 9 The dominant profile is one of mobility organized in the vicinity of the home. Mobility takes place in the neighborhood of residence and most trips are made on foot. Trips to distant neighborhoods to pay a visit or to run domestic errands are rare, as is public transport use. This is the general profile of non-working people, men and women alike, but the same holds true for most students and a large number of the working poor. 9 The second type of mobility profile applies to the employed, older students, and job seekers whose out-of-home activities take them to the city. They therefore have to weigh the pros and cons of the financial burden and difficulty of access to public transport on the one hand, and the discomfort of walking on the other. B. Many difficulties accessing basic services Problems accessing urban services, as well as getting to work, seem to pose more restrictions on poor urban dwellers than others and tend to accumulate, thus weighing heavily on living conditions in disadvantaged households. B.1 GETTING TO WORK—AN OBSTACLE COURSE When times are hard, getting to work is more difficult and yet even more crucial. In poor households, each working person provides on average for 4.4 non-working persons (3.3 in non- poor households). Although salaried workers frequently use public transport to get to work, its use by workers from the informal sector is less frequent because of the close proximity of home and work and their more irregular income flows. A combination of factors (long distances, waiting and connection times, peak hour traffic jams) explains the long travel times when using public transport, especially the magbanas. The hardships are even more acute among poor workers, because when they work “in town” many of them have to walk to get there, thus covering even longer distances. SITRASS SSATP Summary Assessment iv Getting to town, however, means accessing higher paying jobs.
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