(On an International Scale): the Recent Oil Platforms Case and the International Court of Justice's Inconsistent Commentary on the Use of Force by the United States

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

(On an International Scale): the Recent Oil Platforms Case and the International Court of Justice's Inconsistent Commentary on the Use of Force by the United States NORTH CAROLINA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW Volume 30 Number 2 Article 2 Winter 2004 Destruction of Property (on an International Scale): The Recent Oil Platforms Case and the International Court of Justice's Inconsistent Commentary on the Use of Force by the United States Stewart M. Young Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.unc.edu/ncilj Recommended Citation Stewart M. Young, Destruction of Property (on an International Scale): The Recent Oil Platforms Case and the International Court of Justice's Inconsistent Commentary on the Use of Force by the United States, 30 N.C. J. INT'L L. 335 (2004). Available at: https://scholarship.law.unc.edu/ncilj/vol30/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in North Carolina Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Destruction of Property (on an International Scale): The Recent Oil Platforms Case and the International Court of Justice's Inconsistent Commentary on the Use of Force by the United States Cover Page Footnote International Law; Commercial Law; Law This article is available in North Carolina Journal of International Law: https://scholarship.law.unc.edu/ncilj/vol30/ iss2/2 Destruction of Property (on an International Scale): The Recent Oil Platforms Case and the International Court of Justice's Inconsistent Commentary on the Use of Force by the United States* Stewart M. Young' ABSTRACT This Article examines the recently decided Oil Platforms case announced by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). It remarks on the internal inconsistencies and problems associated with the Court's holding. The ICJ's holding inconsistently applies the traditional "use of force" doctrine as applied in other cases decided by the Court, thereby providing evidence of other factors at work in the Court's decision. Indeed, an analysis of the holding, along with an examination of the several separate opinions, exhibits the ICJ's desire to reprimand the United States for its current actions in Iraq and its fundamental misunderstanding of the "proper" use of force. This Article also contributes to the scholarship on the developing role of the ICJ and provides commentary on international tribunals playing a quasi-political role in international affairs. * The Social Science Research Network (SSRN) placed this Article on its "Top Ten List" of papers authored by young scholars, as of July 10, 2004. t Law Clerk, Hon. Jay S. Bybee, U.S. Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit, 2004-2005. J.D., Stanford University Law School, 2004; M.A., Waseda University, 2002; B.A., Princeton University, 2000. I am greatly indebted to Michael Matheson, Sean Murphy, and Allen Weiner for their generous advice and insight, to Thomas Grey and Barbara Fried for their invaluable comments and conversations in the Legal Studies Colloquim, and to Michael Young for everything else. All errors are not attributable to any of those mentioned above, and are solely my responsibility. N.C. J. INT'L L. & COM. REG. [Vol. 30 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction ........................................................................ 337 II. Commentaries on the "Use of Force" and the Oil P latforms C ase ................................................................... 339 III. Events Leading Up to the Conflict in the ICJ .................... 344 A. General Iranian-U.S. Relations ................................. 344 B. Events Leading to the Destruction of the Oil Platform s ................................................................... 345 IV. The ICJ Procedure and Holding in the Oil Platforms C ase .................................................................................... 34 7 A. The Initial Filing and Jurisdictional Concerns .......... 347 B. The Judgment of November 6, 2003 ........................ 348 1. The Initial Look at the Counterclaims ...................... 349 2. Investigating the Jurisdictional Issues ...................... 350 3. The Underlying Self-Defense Argument .................. 351 4. Reevaluating Jurisdiction Under the Self-Defense C laim ............................................................... 352 C. Looking at Specifics in the Self-Defense Exception 353 1. Evidence Surrounding the October 19, 1987 Attack 354 2. Evidence Surrounding the April 18, 1988 Attack ..... 356 3. Necessity and Proportionality in Self-Defense ......... 358 D. Judgment on Iran's Claims ....................................... 361 1. Commercial Aspects of the Oil Platforms ................ 362 2. U.S. Counter-Argument Against Commerce ............ 363 3. Iran's Argument Regarding Commerce .................... 363 E. Judging the U.S. Counterclaims ............................... 365 F.The Final Judgm ent ......................................................... 366 V. The ICJ's Commentary on Current U.S. Actions and Further Examination of the Oil Platforms Case ................. 367 A. The Court's Decision on Article XX(l)(d) D efenses .................................................................... 367 B. A Noted "Lack of Evidence" and Operational C oncerns ................................................................... 371 C. The Court's Holding on the "Necessity" and "Proportionality" Defenses ....................................... 374 D. Raising Questions About the ICJ and Its Role in the International Community .......................................... 375 V I. C onclusion .......................................................................... 376 2004] OIL PLATFORMS CASE & THE ICJ I. Introduction In the fall of 2003, the ICJ 1 decided the Oil Platforms case, 2 a highly contentious, eleven year-old case relating to the use of force, self-defense, and the permissibility of retaliation measures. In this case, the Court examined the legality of both the military actions taken by the government of Iran and the American military responses to those actions. The gravamen of Iran's complaint to the ICJ was that U.S. forces shelled two off-shore Iranian oil platforms, destroying them both on October 19, 1987,4 and then attacked an additional offshore oil complex on April 18, 1988.' The United States countered that Iran had been using the oil platforms as a base from which to launch missiles against American vessels legitimately sailing in international waters.6 The Iranian complaint, filed on November 2, 1992, four years after the attacks, claimed a dispute "arising out of attack [on] and destruction of three offshore oil production complexes, owned and operated for commercial purposes by the National Iranian Oil Company... on 19 October 1987 and 18 April 1988, respectively."7 The United States responded and, from 1992 to I The International Court of Justice will be referred to as "the Court" or "the ICJ" throughout this paper. 2 Oil Platforms (Iran v. U.S)., (Judgment of Nov. 6, 2003), available at http://www.icj-cij.org/icjwww/idocket/iop/iopjudgment/iop-ijudgment_20031106.PDF (last visited Oct. 27, 2004). The ICJ had already made a determination on its jurisdiction to hear the case, which is often referred to as one of the other "decisions" of the ICJ in the Oil Platforms case. Oil Platforms (Iran v. U.S)., 1996 I.C.J. 803 (Nov. 12) (Preliminary Objection Judgment), available at http://www.icj-cij.orglicjwww/idocket/ iop/iop-isummaries/iopisummary_19961212.htm (last visited Oct. 27, 2004) [hereinafter Preliminary Objection Judgment]. 3 Oil Platforms, supra note 2. 4 45 CONG. Q. WEEKLY REP. 2597 (1987); see also Patrick D. Robbins, The War Powers Resolution After Fifteen Years: A Reassessment, 38 AM. U. L. REv. 141, 168-69 (1988) (discussing some of the events setting the destruction of the oil platforms into motion). 5 Press Release 2003/38, I.C.J., Oil Platforms (Iran v. U.S)., Decision of the Court (Nov. 6, 2003), available at http://www.icj-cij.org/icjwww/ipresscom/ipress2003/ ipresscom2003-38_op-20031106.htm (last visited Oct. 27, 2004). 6 Oil Platforms (Iran v. U.S). (Preliminary Objections of the United States, Annex I), at http://www.icj-cij.org/icjwww/idocket/iop/ioppleadings/iop-ipleadings-l9931216 _preobj.us_05.pdf (Dec. 12, 1993). 7 Preliminary Objection Judgment, supra note 2, at 804. Most of the litigation by the Iranian government was driven by the National Iranian Oil Company, which had a N.C. J. INT'L L. & COM. REG. [Vol. 30 2003, the parties filed numerous motions and pleadings before the Court. The case was finally argued in February 2003 and decided in October 2003.8 The Court's ultimate decision is highly important not only for the apparent limits it places on the doctrine of self-defense, the use of force, and the role of treaties in defusing military relations between countries, but, perhaps, even more important for the significant procedural advances the Court made in this decision. For the first time in the Court's history, the ICJ entertained the use of counterclaims by both parties in the pleadings, leading other countries, such as Yugoslavia, to file their own counterclaims in their respective unrelated ICJ litigation.9 Now, the Court has issued "orders... on the standards by which counterclaims could proceed before the [International] Court,"1° a development that will undoubtedly change the structure and nature of litigation before the ICJ in virtually every case to come before it in the future. Part II of this Article discusses the recent international legal scholarship
Recommended publications
  • The Case of Iran's Nuclear Program
    Penn State Journal of Law & International Affairs Volume 2 Issue 2 November 2013 The Prohibition on the Use of Force for Arms Control: The Case of Iran’s Nuclear Program Mary Ellen O'Connell University of Notre Dame Law School Reyam El Molla Follow this and additional works at: https://elibrary.law.psu.edu/jlia Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, International Law Commons, International Trade Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Political Science Commons, Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons, Rule of Law Commons, Social History Commons, and the Transnational Law Commons ISSN: 2168-7951 Custom Citation The Prohibition on the Use of Force for Arms Control: The Case of Iran’s Nuclear Program, 2 Penn. St. J.L. & Int’l Aff. 315 (2013). The Penn State Journal of Law & International Affairs is a joint publication of Penn State’s School of Law and School of International Affairs. Penn State Journal of Law & International Affairs 2013 VOLUME 2 NO. 2 THE PROHIBITION ON THE USE OF FORCE FOR ARMS CONTROL: THE CASE OF IRAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM Mary Ellen O’Connell and Reyam El Molla* In many discussions of Iran’s nuclear program, there seems to be an implicit assumption that states have a right to use military force to end the program. For example, the Institute for National Security Studies,1 an Israeli think tank, in an article titled, The Legality of an Attack against Iranian Nuclear Facilities, places emphasis on proving the necessity of an attack as a last resort but fails to indicate any accepted legal basis for resort to military force as an initial matter.2 In fact, international law does not permit the use of military force without United Nations Security Council authorization for arms control of any kind, whether to end a nuclear program, to end a chemical weapons program, or to prevent missile shipments.
    [Show full text]
  • The OIL PLATFORMS Case and the Use of Force in International Law I
    Singapore Journal of International & Comparative Law (2003) 7 pp 579–588 The OIL PLATFORMS Case and the Use of Force in International Law ∗ Caroline E. Foster I. Introduction This brief article reports on the decision of the International Court of Justice on 6 November 2003 in the Case Concerning Oil Platforms (Islamic Republic of Iran v United States).1 The Oil Platforms dispute related to events that took place in the Iran-Iraq war from 1980 to 1988. In the time that it has taken for proceedings to reach the stage where judgment on the merits of the case could be delivered, there has been high-profile United States (US) and US-led activity in Asia and the Middle East. This note does not set out to establish a legal case either against or in defence of US action in Afghanistan or Iraq. At the same time, the judgment in Oil Platforms does draw attention to the continued operation of international law and international judicial machinery in relation to the body of law most directly at issue at least in relation to the US invasion of Afghanistan: international law on the use of force in self-defence.2 The prohibition on the use of force under international law is found both in customary international law and in the UN Charter (Article 2(4)), but under neither does this prohibition extend to a use of force in a State’s exercise of the right of self-defence. The estab- lished criteria for the exercise of the right of self-defence include requirements that the force used must be necessary to repel the armed attack and must be proportionate to this need.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Gray Zone Strategy
    Iran’s Gray Zone Strategy Cornerstone of its Asymmetric Way of War By Michael Eisenstadt* ince the creation of the Islamic Republic in 1979, Iran has distinguished itself (along with Russia and China) as one of the world’s foremost “gray zone” actors.1 For nearly four decades, however, the United States has struggled to respond effectively to this asymmetric “way of war.” Washington has often Streated Tehran with caution and granted it significant leeway in the conduct of its gray zone activities due to fears that U.S. pushback would lead to “all-out” war—fears that the Islamic Republic actively encourages. Yet, the very purpose of this modus operandi is to enable Iran to pursue its interests and advance its anti-status quo agenda while avoiding escalation that could lead to a wider conflict. Because of the potentially high costs of war—especially in a proliferated world—gray zone conflicts are likely to become increasingly common in the years to come. For this reason, it is more important than ever for the United States to understand the logic underpinning these types of activities, in all their manifestations. Gray Zone, Asymmetric, and Hybrid “Ways of War” in Iran’s Strategy Gray zone warfare, asymmetric warfare, and hybrid warfare are terms that are often used interchangeably, but they refer neither to discrete forms of warfare, nor should they be used interchangeably—as they often (incor- rectly) are. Rather, these terms refer to that aspect of strategy that concerns how states employ ways and means to achieve national security policy ends.2 Means refer to the diplomatic, informational, military, economic, and cyber instruments of national power; ways describe how these means are employed to achieve the ends of strategy.
    [Show full text]
  • The South China Sea and the Persian Gulf
    Revista de Estudos Constitucionais, Hermenêutica e Teoria do Direito (RECHTD) 12(2):239-262, maio-agosto 2020 Unisinos - doi: 10.4013/rechtd.2020.122.05 A New Maritime Security Architecture for the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road: The South China Sea and the Persian Gulf Uma nova arquitetura de segurança marítima para a Rota da Seda Marítima do Século XXI: o Mar do Sul da China e o Golfo Pérsico Mohammad Ali Zohourian1 Xiamen University (China) [email protected] Resumo China e Irã possuem o antigo portão da Rota Marítima da Seda, além de duas novas vias nessa mesma rota, a saber, o Estreito de Ormuz e o Estreito de Malaca. Ao contrário do Estreito de Ormuz, a segurança marítima no Estreito de Malaca precisa ser redesenhada e restabelecida pelos Estados do litoral para o corredor de segurança. O objetivo deste estudo é descobrir o novo conceito e classificação de segurança marítima, notadamente os elementos de insegurança direta e indireta. Este estudo ilustra que os elementos diretos e indiretos mais notáveis são, respectivamente, pirataria, assalto à mão armada e presença de um Estado externo. Reconhece-se que a presença contínua e perigosa de um Estado externo é um elemento indireto de insegurança. À luz das atividades de violação e desestabilização por parte dos EUA no Golfo Pérsico e no Mar da China Meridional, sua presença e passagem são consideradas atividades não-inocentes, pois são prejudiciais à boa ordem, paz e segurança dos Estados localizados ao longo da costa. Portanto, uma nova proposta chamada Doutrina do “No Sheriff" é oferecida neste artigo para possivelmente impedir a formação de hegemonias em todas as regiões no futuro.
    [Show full text]
  • Ship Covers Relating to the Iran/Iraq Tanker War
    THE IRAN/IRAQ TANKER WAR AND RENAMED TANKERS ~ Lawrence Brennan, (US Navy Ret.) SHIP COVERS RELATING TO THE IRAN/IRAQ TANKER WAR & REFLAGGED KUWAITI TANKERS, 1987-881 “The Kuwaiti fleet reads like a road map of southern New Jersey” By Captain Lawrence B. Brennan, U.S. Navy Retired2 Thirty years ago there was a New Jersey connection to the long-lasting Iran-Iraq War. That eight years of conflict was one of the longest international two-state wars of the 20th century, beginning in September 1980 and effectively concluding in a truce in August 1988. The primary and bloody land war between Iran and Iraq began during the Iranian Hostage Crisis. The Shah had left Iran and that year the USSR invaded Afghanistan. The conflict expanded to sea and involved many neutral nations whose shipping came under attack by the combatants. The parties’ intent was to damage their opponents’ oil exports and revenues and decrease world supplies. Some suggested that Iran and Iraq wanted to draw other states into the conflict. An Iranian source explained the origin of the conflict at sea. The tanker war seemed likely to precipitate a major international incident for two reasons. First, some 70 percent of Japanese, 50 percent of West European, and 7 percent of American oil imports came from the Persian Gulf in the early 1980s. Second, the assault on tankers involved neutral shipping as well as ships of the belligerent states.3 The relatively obscure first phase began in 1981, and the well-publicized second phase began in 1984. New Jersey, half a world away from the Persian (Arabian) gulf, became involved when the United States agreed to escort Kuwait tankers in an effort to support a friendly nation and keep the international waters open.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-Iran Tensions and Implications for U.S. Policy
    U.S.-Iran Tensions and Implications for U.S. Policy Updated July 29, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45795 SUMMARY R45795 U.S.-Iran Tensions and Implications for July 29, 2019 U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Since May 2019, U.S.-Iran tensions have escalated. The Trump Administration, following its Specialist in Middle 2018 withdrawal from the 2015 multilateral nuclear agreement with Iran (Joint Comprehensive Eastern Affairs Plan of Action, JCPOA), has taken several steps in its campaign of applying “maximum pressure” on Iran. Iran and Iran-linked forces have targeted commercial ships and infrastructure Kathleen J. McInnis in U.S. partner countries. U.S. officials have stated that Iran-linked threats to U.S. forces and Specialist in International interests, and attacks on several commercial ships in May and June 2019, have prompted the Security Administration to send additional military assets to the region to deter future Iranian actions. However, Iran’s downing of a U.S. unmanned aerial aircraft might indicate that Iran has not been deterred, to date. Clayton Thomas Analyst in Middle Eastern President Donald Trump has said he prefers a diplomatic solution over moving toward military Affairs confrontation, including a revised JCPOA that encompasses not only nuclear issues but also broader U.S. concerns about Iran’s support for regional armed factions. During May-June 2019, the Administration has placed further pressure on Iran’s economy. By expanding U.S. sanctions against Iran, including sanctioning its mineral and petrochemical exports, and Supreme Leader Ali Khamene’i. Iranian leaders have refused to talk directly with the Administration, and Iran has begun to exceed some nuclear limitations stipulated in the JCPOA.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-Iran Tensions and Implications for U.S. Policy
    U.S.-Iran Tensions and Implications for U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Kathleen J. McInnis Specialist in International Security Clayton Thomas Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs July 1, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R45795 SUMMARY R45795 U.S.-Iran Tensions and Implications for U.S. July 1, 2019 Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs In the spring of 2019, U.S.-Iran tensions have escalated. The Trump Administration, [email protected] following its 2018 withdrawal from the 2015 multilateral nuclear agreement with Iran Kathleen J. McInnis (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, JCPOA), has taken several steps in its campaign Specialist in International of applying “maximum pressure” on Iran. Iran or Iran-linked forces have targeted Security commercial ships and infrastructure in U.S. partner countries. [email protected] U.S. officials have stated that Iran-linked threats to U.S. forces and interests, and attacks Clayton Thomas on several commercial ships in May and June 2019, have prompted the Administration Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs to send additional military assets to the region to deter future Iranian actions. President [email protected] Donald Trump, while warning Iran not to take action against the United States, has said he prefers a diplomatic solution over moving toward military confrontation. The For a copy of the full report, Administration has expanded U.S. sanctions against Iran, including sanctioning its please call 7-.... or visit mineral and petrochemical exports during May-June 2019, placing further pressure on www.crs.gov. Iran’s economy.
    [Show full text]
  • Aerial Incident of 3 July 1988 Affaire De L'incident Aerien
    INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE PLEADINGS, ORAL ARGUMENTS, DOCUMENTS CASE CONCERNING THE AERIAL INCIDENT OF 3 JULY 1988 (ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN v.. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA) VOLUME II COUR INTERNATIONALE DE JUSTICE MEMOIRES, PLAIDOIRIES ET DOCUMENTS AFFAIRE DE L'INCIDENT AERIEN DU 3 JUILLET 1988 (RÉPUBLIQUE ISLAMIQUE D'IRAN c. ÉTATS-UNIS D'AMERIQUE) VOLUME II The case conceming the Aerial Incident of 3 July 1988 (Islamic Republic of Iran V. United States of America), entered on the Court's General List on 17 May 1989 under Number 79, was removed from the List by an Order of the Court of 22 February 1996, following discontinuance by agreement of the Par- ties (Aerial Incident of 3 July 1988 (Islamic Republic of Iran V. United States of America), 1. Cl Reports 1996, p. 9). The pleadings in the case are being published in the following order: Volume 1. Application instituting proceedings of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Memorial of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Volume II. Preliminary objections of the United States of America; Observa- tions and submissions of the Islamic Republic of Iran on the preliminary objections; Observations of the International Civil Aviation Organization; selection of correspondence; SettIement Agreement. Regarding the reproduction of case files, the Court has decided that hence- forth, irrespective of the stage at which a case has terminated, publication should be confined to the wntten proceedings and oral arguments in the case, together with those documents, annexes and correspondence considered essential to illus- trate its decision. The Court has also specifically requested that, whenever tech- nical1y feasible, the volumes should consist of facsimile versions of the docu- ments submitted to it, in the form in which they were produced by the parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Notes April 2021
    THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY APRIL 2021 POLICY NOTES NO. 103 Deterring Iran in the Gray Zone: Insights from Four Decades of Conflict Michael Eisenstadt resident Joe Biden has stated that if Iran returns to full compliance with the 2015 nuclear accord, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the United States will too, as a starting point for P 1 follow-on talks about Iran’s missile program and regional activities. The path to a stronger, longer, and broader JCPOA, however, may be tortuous and prolonged; success is not foreordained. Indeed, since the Biden administration took office, Tehran has already resumed proxy attacks on U.S. intrests in Image: The Japanese-owned Iraq, and has accelerated work on its nuclear program while limiting access tanker Kokuka Courageous, by international inspectors, in order to (1) build leverage, (2) roll back U.S. showing damage from an sanctions, and (3) obtain other concessions. Washington needs to be able to Iranian limpet mine attack in the Gulf of Oman, June 2019. deter or counter such moves and deny Tehran advantage in ways that do not Screenshot: U.S. Central hinder renewed diplomacy. Moreover, even if talks succeed, U.S.-Iran ties will Command. MICHAEL EISENSTADT DETERRING IRAN IN THE GRAY ZONE likely remain tense for years to come. Deterrence engendered by more effectively deterring and will therefore remain a core component of U.S. policy countering Tehran’s regional activities may enhance toward Iran as a way to manage tensions, avoid Washington’s ability to deter a potential future escalation, and deny Tehran leverage, thus creating nuclear breakout by Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • Self-Defense to Cyber Force: Combatting the Notion of ‘Scale and Effect'
    American University International Law Review Volume 36 Issue 4 Article 1 2021 Self-Defense to Cyber Force: Combatting the Notion of ‘Scale And Effect' Thomas Eaton Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the Internet Law Commons Recommended Citation Eaton, Thomas (2021) "Self-Defense to Cyber Force: Combatting the Notion of ‘Scale And Effect'," American University International Law Review: Vol. 36 : Iss. 4 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr/vol36/iss4/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SELF-DEFENSE TO CYBER FORCE: COMBATTING THE NOTION OF ‘SCALE AND EFFECT’ THOMAS EATON* I. INTRODUCTION.............................................................697 II. WHY THIS QUESTION IS IMPORTANT......................702 III. STARTING WITH THE TEXT........................................704 IV. CHARTER-IS-DEAD SCHOOL ......................................706 V. SCALE AND EFFECTS SCHOOL ..................................710 VI. PROBLEMS WITH SCALE AND EFFECTS SCHOOL.715 A. PREDICTIVE PROBLEMS..................................................717 B. DESCRIPTIVE PROBLEMS................................................719
    [Show full text]
  • Islamic Republic of Iran V United States of America)*
    CASE NOTES CASE CONCERNING OIL PLATFORMS (ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN V UNITED STATES OF AMERICA)* DID THE ICJ MISS THE BOAT ON THE LAW ON THE USE OF FORCE? Case Note — Oil Platforms CONTENTS I Introduction II Facts and Earlier Proceedings III The Judgment on the Merits A Iran’s Claim B The US Counterclaim IV Comment A The Law on the Use of Force B The Meaning of ‘Freedom of Commerce’ C Judicial Methodology V Concluding Remarks I INTRODUCTION On 6 November 2003 the International Court of Justice delivered its judgment on the merits in the Case concerning Oil Platforms (Islamic Republic of Iran v United States of America).1 The decision, handed down more than 10 years after Iran initiated proceedings, brought to a close a series of disputes between Iran and the US.2 Arising out of the US attacks on Iranian oil platforms in the Persian Gulf during the 1980–88 Iran–Iraq war, this unusual case came before the ICJ as a question of alleged breaches of a ‘freedom of commerce’ provision in a bilateral trade agreement between the US and Iran, rather than as a dispute over the use of force under general international law.3 However, it did offer the Court an opportunity to comment on the law of self-defence at a time when the Charter of the United Nations framework on the use of force was under significant * Oil Platforms (Islamic Republic of Iran v United States of America) (Merits) [6 November 2003] ICJ <http://www.icj-cij.org> at 1 May 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • Self-Defense": What Is the Proper Role of the International Court of Justice in Use of Force Cases?
    When Naked Came the Doctrine of "Self-Defense": What Is the Proper Role of the International Court of Justice in Use of Force Cases? Harvey Rishikoft I. INTRODUCTION In the unique novel set in South Florida, Naked Came the Manatee, thirteen talented authors created a "literary game of telephone" whereby each wrote a chapter and then passed it on to the next contributor, who did his best to craft a plot line.' The result was a novel of "wildly fluctuating styles and more crazy plot curves than a daytime drama, but thanks to these ... masters of the craft, this roller coaster of a book is almost as much fun to read as it obviously was to write." 2 After reading the recent opinions of the fifteen judges from the International Court of Justice in the Case Concerning Oil Platforms (Islamic Republic of Iran v. United States of America),3 one cannot help but believe the Court has just issued its legal version of "Naked Came the Doctrine of Self-Defense." The masters of the craft of legal writing have combined fluctuating legal styles, jurisprudential plot turns, and creative avoidances with tortured analysis to produce a roller coaster of an opinion t Visiting Professor, National War College, Washington, D.C., 2002-2003; Professor of Law, Roger Williams University School of Law. I would like to give special thanks to Trudi Rishikof for her assistance, David P. Auerswald, Kevin Keith, Robert Louis, Michael Mazarr, and Theresa Saboinis-Helf for their help and comments, and Patrick Bratton for his research and comments. I would like to especially thank Professor Harvey M.
    [Show full text]