Montesquieu's View of Separation of Powers
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Citizen Participation in Government
Autocracy, Oligarchy, & Democracy © 2014 Brain Wrinkles In each country, the people have different rights to participate in the government. •In some countries, any citizen can run for office or vote in elections. •In other countries, there are restrictions placed on who can run for office and who can vote. •There are also countries where NO citizen can vote and there are no elections. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles Types of Government are based on two key questions: 1. Who governs the country? 2. What is the citizen participation like? The way a country answers these questions determines its government type: Autocracy Oligarchy Democracy © 2014 Brain Wrinkles • Have a single ruler with unlimited power. • Citizens cannot participate in the selection of the ruler or vote on the country’s laws. • One benefit – decisions for the country can be made quickly. • However…the needs of the citizens may be ignored. • The leader may make poor or selfish decisions that hurt the citizens. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles Generally the power to rule the country is inherited (kings/queens) or is taken by military force. There are two main types of autocracies: Dictatorshi Absolute Monarchy • Thep leader uses force • The monarch has to control the citizens. absolute power (no • Example: Hitler constitution) over the citizens. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles © 2014 Brain Wrinkles • The country is ruled by a small group of people. •The group gets their power from either religion, military force, or wealth & resources. • The citizens do not select the members of this group or vote on the country’s laws. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles The citizens hold the power of the government. -
The Two Faces of Populism: Between Authoritarian and Democratic Populism
German Law Journal (2019), 20, pp. 390–400 doi:10.1017/glj.2019.20 ARTICLE The two faces of populism: Between authoritarian and democratic populism Bojan Bugaric* (Received 18 February 2019; accepted 20 February 2019) Abstract Populism is Janus-faced; simultaneously facing different directions. There is not a single form of populism, but rather a variety of different forms, each with profoundly different political consequences. Despite the current hegemony of authoritarian populism, a much different sort of populism is also possible: Democratic and anti-establishment populism, which combines elements of liberal and democratic convic- tions. Without understanding the political economy of the populist revolt, it is difficult to understand the true roots of populism, and consequently, to devise an appropriate democratic alternative to populism. Keywords: authoritarian populism; democratic populism; Karl Polanyi; political economy of populism A. Introduction There is a tendency in current constitutional thinking to reduce populism to a single set of universal elements. These theories juxtapose populism with constitutionalism and argue that pop- ulism is by definition antithetical to constitutionalism.1 Populism, according to this view, under- mines the very substance of constitutional (liberal) democracy. By attacking the core elements of constitutional democracy, such as independent courts, free media, civil rights and fair electoral rules, populism by necessity degenerates into one or another form of non-democratic and authori- tarian order. In this article, I argue that such an approach is not only historically inaccurate but also norma- tively flawed. There are historical examples of different forms of populism, like the New Deal in the US, which did not degenerate into authoritarianism and which actually helped the American democracy to survive the Big Depression of the 1930s. -
Michels's Iron Law of Oligarchy
MICHELS’S IRON LAW OF OLIGARCHY Robert Michels ( 1876– 1936), was a young historian who had been unable to get a job in the German university system, despite the recommendation of Max Weber, because he was a member of the Social Democrats. Michels had participated extensively in party activities and had come to the conclusion that the Socialists did not live up to their own ideals. Although the party advocated democracy, it was not internally democratic itself. The revolutionary Marxism of the speeches at conventions and on the floor of the Reichstag was just a way of whipping up support among the workers, while the party leaders built a bureaucratic trade union and party machine to provide sinecures for themselves. Michels’s analysis appeared in 1911 in a book called Political Parties. The phenomenon of party oligarchy was quite general, stated Michels; if internal democracy could not be found in an organization that was avowedly democratic, it would certainly not exist in parties which did not claim to be democratic. This principle was called the Iron Law of Oligarchy, and it constitutes one of the great generalizations about the functioning of mass‐ membership organizations, as subsequent research has borne out. The Iron Law of Oligarchy works as follows: First of all, there is always a rather small number of persons in the organization who actually make decisions, even if the authority is formally vested in the body of the membership at large. The reason for this is purely functional and will be obvious to anyone who has attended a public meeting or even a large committee session. -
Parliamentary Privilege
Patterns of change – parliamentary privilege How do the privilege provisions applying to Australia’s national parliament compare internationally? Has the curtailment of traditional provisions weakened the Parliament’s position? Bernard Wright Deputy Clerk, House of Representatives December 2007 PATTERNS OF CHANGE – PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE 2 1. Summary 1.1 The law of parliamentary privilege applying to Australia’s national parliament has undergone significant change, as has the way matters of privilege and contempt are dealt with. This paper examines the law in Australia in comparison to the provisions in other parliaments. It does so by summarising three key provisions and commenting on the law of privilege in the wider legal context. It refers to two models for the privileges and immunities which apply in contemporary parliaments, and notes the way key provisions are dealt with in each model. The paper refers to adaptations in this area of law in other parliaments and to assessments that have been made of the needs of modern legislatures. It suggests that, paradoxically, the processes that involved significant reductions in traditional provisions applying to Australia’s national parliament have strengthened the parliament. The paper ends by speculating about some of the issues that may arise in this area in the future1. 1 I am most grateful to Professor Geoff Lindell, who read through a draft of this paper and made very helpful suggestions for improvement - BW PATTERNS OF CHANGE – PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE 3 2. Privilege in the national Parliament – three key features Freedom of speech 2.1 Members of the national Parliament enjoy the privilege of freedom of speech2. -
Parliamentary Privilege, Article 9 of the Bill of Rights and Admissibility: What Use Can Be Made of Parliamentary Materials in Litigation?
Parliamentary privilege, Article 9 of the Bill of Rights and admissibility: What use can be made of Parliamentary materials in litigation? I. INTRODUCTION 1. As the Court of Appeal observed recently, “…it has become relatively commonplace in public law proceedings for every last word spoken or written in Parliament to be placed before the court. In particular, debates are relied upon extensively when they should not be and, furthermore, the conclusions of select committees are prayed in aid with the court being asked to “approve” them. For the reasons summarised by Stanley Burnton J in his judgment in Office of Government Commerce v Information Comr (Attorney General intervening) [2010] QB 98, paras 46–48, that should not happen”: R (Reilly) v Secretary of State for Work and Pensions [2017] QB 657 at ¶109. 2. The reason that Parliamentary materials should not be used in this way is, of course, Parliamentary privilege. There are two distinct aspects to this: Article 9 of the Bill of Rights 1689; and a wider principle known as the “exclusive cognisance” privilege. The former is statutory, whereas the latter is a feature of the common law. Article 9 cannot be waived even by Parliamentary resolution, but the exclusive cognisance principle can be: R v Chaytor [2011] 1 AC 684 at ¶¶61, 63, 68 per Lord Phillips and ¶130-131 per Lord Clarke. 3. This paper summarises the law in relation to both aspects of Parliamentary privilege (Sections II and III), and then discusses the resulting practical constraints in relying upon Parliamentary material in judicial review and other public law proceedings (Section IV). -
19 03 BR Tomkins.Pdf
THE REPUBLICAN MONARCHY REVISITED THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. By Walter Bagehot.1 Edited by Paul Smith.2 Cambridge University Press. 2001. Pp. xxxii, 253. $21.00 Adam Tomkins3 Of all the works of nineteenth-century British constitutional scholarship that have come down to us, two stand out. Among lawyers it is Dicel that continues to be revered above all others. But among communities of political scientists and journalists it is Bagehot who has that honor. The centenary of Bagehot's English Constitution was marked in 1967 with the publication of a new edition, edited by Richard Crossman. Crossman was a leading minister in the gov ernment of Harold Wilson, who was Prime Minister from 1964- 1970 and again from 1974-1976. Crossman's famous introduction to his edition of Bagehot was a masterpiece of reading the politi cal concerns and preoccupations of 1960s government into the work that Bagehot had written a century earlier, and as a result his introduction now looks very dated-indeed, it has withstood the test of time rather less impressively than have the far older words it introduced.5 Now the brilliant Cambridge University Press series of Texts in the History of Political Thought6 has added a new edition of Bagehot to its formidable list, this new edition edited and introduced by historian Paul Smith.7 To have the new scholarly edition alongside Crossman's more familiar one is welcome. A professional and historical (as opposed to popular and political) appraisal of Bagehot has been long com ing. It has been worth the wait. I. 1826-1877; English essayist, economist and journalist; editor of The Economist, 1860-1877. -
The Origins of Oligarchy: the Evolution of Communism and the System of Pressure Groups in the USSR
CONFRONTATION AND COOPERATION 1000 YEARS OF POLISH–GERMAN–RUSSIAN RELATIONS T h e J o u r n a l o f K o l e g i u m J a g i e l l o n s K i e T o r u n s K a s z K o l a W y z s z a V o l . i : 3 9 – 4 4 DOI: 10.2478/conc-2014-0006 Jaryna Boreńko The origins of oligarchy: the evolution of communism and the system of pressure groups in the USSR Key words: nomenklatura, Soviet Union, Ukraine, Russia 1. Introduction more than antidemocratic. Such structures, referred to as oligarchies, are not a novelty in the history of the The phenomenon of oligarchy in post-Soviet countries, development of group system in Soviet society. They mainly in Russia and Ukraine, has recently become result from the evolution of the communist system, the label for the functioning of the political system to especially specific activities of pressure groups. When distinguish the real participants of political processes. we pay more attention to the characteristics of political They, in fact, due to their un-established legal status activity and behaviour, and less to the institutional replace the formal structures of a state, such as political conditioning of the system, the evolution of the group parties or local authorities, in the process of decision system in Russian policy perceived as the phenomenon making. The characteristics of the oligarchs` activities, of the influence of informal subjects on decision their high position on the lists of the wealthiest people making, enables the comprehension of the character of of the world, as well as their participation in opposition the modern day oligarchy. -
Study of Military Oligarchy
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1969 Study of military oligarchy Richard Francis Murphy The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Murphy, Richard Francis, "Study of military oligarchy" (1969). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5232. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5232 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A STUDY OF A' IGLlflSf OlIO ARC .BY w Elctuurd T0 Mmphf S«3 »» Btighm Yeung Mtmmity, 1965 FreMMfeed la fartiai fulflllmnt «f the r«9«lr®»emts for the degree of Master of Arts w i f i s s i f f o f m m A M 1 9 6 9 Approved by: O ij& iniA | Baat'ci o f lxaaio.ora Goafe* aradtfatft' seheol ^ 4£4t£ UMI Number: EP40696 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. DiMNxtatkm PUNisNng UMI EP40696 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). -
Magna Carta and the Development of the British Constitution
Magna Carta and the development of the British constitution Robert Blackburn explains why, 800 years on, Magna Carta still has relevance and meaning to us in Britain today. agna Carta established the crucial idea that our rulers may not do whatever they like, but are subject to the law as agreed with the society over which Mthey govern. In establishing this point, the Charter laid the foundations for modern constitutionalism and provided the core principles on which all forms of governments should be based, whether monarchies, republics or democracies. Above all, the Charter affirmed some of the most important fundamental freedoms which were later to be embodied in written constitutions and international treaties all over the world. In a sense the Charter may be seen as ‘the first great act’ of the nation, by its guarantee of liberties ‘to all free men of the realm’ pointing the direction of travel towards the development of our representative institutions today. The content and intention of the Charter were naturally the product of time and circumstance. Included in the 63 clauses of the original 1215 version were a number that dealt with immediate political grievances, among them the release of hostages (clause 49) and the removal of King John’s foreign- born officials (clause 50). A primary concern of the Charter’s draftsmen was to remedy the king’s abuse of his feudal rights, by regulating, for example, payments in lieu of military service and control over the property of widows, minorities and intestate estates. At the same time, however, the Charter asserted some fundamental liberties, for example the freedom of the Church (clause 1: the English church shall be free ..) and freedom of movement abroad (clause 42: it shall be lawful for An illustration from the Wriothesley Garter Book of any man to leave and return to our kingdom unharmed and the Parliament of England assembled at Blackfriars in without fear, by land or water, preserving his allegiance to us, the year 1523. -
The USSR: Oligarchy Or Dictatorship?
ROBERT G. WESSON The USSR: Oligarchy or Dictatorship? By the summer of 1971 Leonid Brezhnev had apparently become effective head of state of the Soviet Union and its spokesman. When Chancellor Brandt visited the Soviet Union in September he conferred with no one else, and Pravda reported (September 19) that "responsible members of the Secretariat of the General Secretary" participated in the conversations. One is reminded of the power obscurely exercised by Stalin's personal secretariat, especially the mysterious Poskrebyshev during the later years of his rule, and of the role of Hitler's secretariat, headed by Martin Bormann. Yet Brezhnev is certainly not the despot implied by these analogies. Officially, he has assumed no new powers. More important, no one has been ousted from the top circle since 1965, when the regime seemed to be truly a plural leadership in which no individual was clearly dominant. Yet it is practically the first task of a new tyrant to replace with his dependents those who were formerly his equals or at least potential rivals. This raises anew the question whether a plural-oligarchic or a single, more or less dictatorial leadership may be considered the more normal one in the Soviet system. History does not give a clear answer. About two-thirds of the fifty-four years since 1917 have seen individual, although not necessarily autocratic, rulership; but this proportion is distorted by the very long dictator ship of Stalin, which is unlikely to be repeated without systemic change. Stalin was forty-two when he became general secretary, but Brezhnev was fifty-eight on attaining the top party post, and the apparatus continues to age. -
Governance and Democracy
GOVERNANCE AND DEMOCRACY Governance is the system of practices and processes that An oligarchy is a type of government where power rests a community or group uses to organize themselves and with a small number of people, generally individuals who make decisions. Governance models determine who has are rich and powerful, often due to family lines, wealth or authority or a voice in making decisions, how decisions prominent political or military connections (e.g., China, are made and who is accountable for them. There are Venezuela). People living under oligarchic rule usually several different governance or leadership styles, such as have some rights and freedoms. Similarly, an aristocracy autocratic, democratic and laissez-faire. is a form of governing where administration or power is in the hands of a special class of people. Aristocrats are Autocratic governance, also known as authoritarian connected to royal families through blood, whereas an leadership, is characterized by one person having complete oligarchy is not. control over all decisions with minimal input from other group members. Democratic governance involves A democracy is a type of government where a majority collective decision-making and the sharing of tasks and of the people are included in political decision-making responsibilities, and leadership changes regularly with and citizens elect political representatives to make participation from many group members. Laissez-faire decisions on their behalf (e.g., Canada, United States of is the absence of an organized leadership style; there is America). Citizens are also free to run for political office. no authority and group members are responsible for all In democratic countries, citizens have protected civil and community goals and decisions. -
Judiciary Rising: Constitutional Change in the United Kingdom
Copyright 2014 by Erin F. Delaney Printed in U.S.A. Vol. 108, No. 2 JUDICIARY RISING: CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN THE UNITED KINGDOM Erin F. Delaney ABSTRACT—Britain is experiencing a period of dramatic change that challenges centuries-old understandings of British constitutionalism. In the past fifteen years, the British Parliament enacted a quasi-constitutional bill of rights; devolved legislative power to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland; and created a new Supreme Court. British academics debate how each element of this transformation can be best understood: is it consistent with political constitutionalism and historic notions of parliamentary sovereignty, or does it usher in a new regime that places external, rule-of- law-based limits on Parliament? Much of this commentary examines these changes in a piecemeal fashion, failing to account for the systemic factors at play in the British system. This Article assesses the cumulative force of the many recent constitutional changes, shedding new light on the changing nature of the British constitution. Drawing on the U.S. literature on federalism and judicial power, the Article illuminates the role of human rights and devolution in the growing influence of the U.K. Supreme Court. Whether a rising judiciary will truly challenge British notions of parliamentary sovereignty is as yet unknown, but scholars and politicians should pay close attention to the groundwork being laid. AUTHOR—Assistant Professor, Northwestern University School of Law. For helpful conversations during a transatlantic visit at a very early stage of this project, I am grateful to Trevor Allan, Lord Hope, Charlie Jeffery, Lord Collins, and Stephen Tierney.