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Xerox University Microfilms 75-11,302 AL-THAKEB, Fahad T., 1941- THE KUWAITI FAMILY: TODAY AND YESTERDAY. The Ohio State University, Ph.D. 1974 Sociology, family
Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor. Michigan 48io6
THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. THE KUWAITI FAMILY: TODAY AND YESTERDAY
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University
By
Fahad T, Al-Thakeb, B.A., M.A.
The Ohio State University 1974
Reading Committee: Approved by Professor Alfred C, Clarke Professor John P. Cuber Professor Simon Dinitz / Adviser Department of Sociology ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my gratitude and appreciation to
Kuwait University which supported my study in the United
States and made this project possible. A special thanks
to Mr. Anwar Al-Norri Secretary General of Kuwait Uni
versity, for his support and encouragement. To Mr. Ja
mil M. Dawood, lab assistant at Kuwait University, a
special thanks for being my senior research assistant.
I am also indebted to the staff of the Planning
Board and the Central Statistical Office for their help
in selecting the regions for this study, recruiting the
interviewers, and using their census tracts to select
a random sample. My thanks are also due to the inter
viewers. I am especially grateful to the girls from the
Sociology Department who showed great interest and en
thusiasm in conducting the interviews.
The field research would never have succeeded with
out the cooperation of the respondents. To all respon
dents who gave generously of their time and were cour
teous and cooperative I owe sincere thanks.
I owe a special debt of gratitude to my adviser.
Professor Alfred C, Clarke, for his continuous support ii and encouragement. To Professors John P. Cuber and
Simon Dinitz, my reading committee, a special thanks for their helpful suggestions. Finally, to Dr. Wen Li and my colleague. Dr. Brian O ’Connell, I am grateful for their useful help and suggestions in data processing and analysis.
iii October 18, 1941. ...Born - Kuwait
1966 B.A., Beirut Arab University
1970...... M.A., University of Louis ville
FIELDS OF GRADUATE STUDY
Major Field: Sociology
Special Areas of Interest:
Studies in Family: Advisers: Professor Alfred C. Clarke Professor John F. Cuber
Studies in Criminlogy:
Adviser : Professor Simon Dinitz
Studies in Social Organization; Social Stratifi cation :
Advisers: Professor Alfred C. Clarke Professor Russell R. Dynes
Studies in Work and Leisure :
Adviser : Professor Alfred C. Clarke TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... ii
VITA...... iv
LIST OF TABLES...... v^ii
CHAPTER
I Introduction...... 1 The Need for Research in Non-Western Societies...... 9 Family and Kin in the Arab Coun^ tries...... 12 The Aim of the Study...... 18
II The Country and Its People...... 20 Kuwait City...... 21 The Economy...... 23 The Labor Force...... 26 Public Health...... 30 Education...... 32 Population...... 37 Marriage...... 40 Geographic Distribution...... 41 Religion...... 42 Social Welfare and Housing...... 43
III The Study Design...... 46 The Sample...... 46 The Location of Families...... 47 The Selection of Families...... 49 The Socio-Economic Status of Res pondents...... 52 Occupation and Education of Res pondents...... 56 Age and Sex of Respondents...... 59 Definitions...... 60 Table of Contents, cont.
Chapter Page
III, cont.
The Questionnaire...... 61 The Field Work...... 62
IV Family Size and Composition...... 63 Family Size...... 63 Census Data...... 65 Survey Data...... 69 Family Composition ...... 72
V Attitudes Toward Family Size and Composition...... 85 Family Size...... 85 Family Type...... 89 Preference of Family Type According to Family Background...... 89 Education as Related to Choice of Family Type...... 95 SES as Related to Preference of Family Type...... 96 Sex as Related to Preference of Family Type...... 100 Age as Related to Preference of Family Type...... 103 Reasons for Choosing Family Types.... 107 Reasons for Choosing Nuclear Fam ily or Patrilocal Extended Family.... 107 Reasons for Married Sons Living with Parents and Married Brothers Living at the Same Household...... 110 Reasons for Preferring that Widowers Live with Married Sons or in Sep arate Households...... 110
VI Family-Kin Relationships...... 113 Contact between Family and Kin..... 113 Family-Kin Assistance in Times of Need...... 123 Family-Kin as Business Partners...... 131 Family-Kin as Leisure Partners...... 139 Marriage Among Relatives...... 152 Conflict Among Relatives...... 161 Vi Table of Contents, cont.
Chapter Page
VII Changing Marriage Customs and Norms.... 168 Age at Marriage...... 168 Role of Parents in Marriage...... 179 Polygyny and Dowry...... 193 Engagement and Other Aspects of Marriage...... 202
VIII The Status of Women...... 223
IX Summary and Conclusions...... 247
APPENDICES
A Tables 58-172...... 271
B A Note on Field Work...... 387
C Questionnaire...... 392
BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 412
vii LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
1 The Importance of Oil Revenues, 1967- 1972...... 25
2 Ratio of Labor Force to Total Popula tion by Nationality and Sex, 1965- 1970...... 27
3 Government Hospitals and Health Cen ters— 1972 Compared with 1953 and 1963...... 31
4 School Enrollment and Teachers in Government Schools: 1945/46-1972/73.• 34
5 Area, Population, and Density by Locality (1970 Census)...... 41
6 Population According to Religion and Nationality (1970 Census)...... 43
7 Families Interviewed by Sex and Area of Residence...... 51
8 Correlates of Income...... 54
9 Respondents by Income...... 55
10 Respondents by Occupation...... 57
11 Respondents by Level of Education 58
12 Percent of Number of Individuals in Household by Region (1965 & 1970 Censuses)...... 66
13 Percent of Number of Individuals in Households by Educational Attainment (1965 & 1970 Censuses)...... 68
14 Type of Family by Number of Individuals. 70 viii t a b l e PAGE
15 Number of Individuals by Educational Attainment...... 71
16 Number of Individuals by SES...... 73
17 Distribution of the Survey Sample According to Household Composition...... 74
18 Family Type by Family of Orientation.... 77
19 Family Type by SES...... 79
20 Preferred Family Size by SES...... 87
21 Preference of Family Type by Family Background...... 91
22 Preference of Family Type by Family Background...... 94
23 Preference of Family Type by Educational Attainment...... 97
24 Preference of Family Type by SES...... 99
25 preference of Family Type by Sex...... 104
26 Preference of Family Type by Age ...... 106
27 Visiting Relatives by SES...... 114
28 Contact With Kin by Visit and/or Telephone...... 119
29 Family Relations with Relatives by Sex...... 122
30 Helping Relatives in Finding a Job by SES...... 124
31 Exchanging Gifts with Relatives by SES...... 127
32 Type of Help by Number of Kin who Received It...... 130
ix TABLE PAGE
33 Sharing Private Business with Rela tives by SES...... 133
34 Relatives Sharing Business with Res pondents' Kin ...... 134
35 Sharing Property with Relatives...... 135
36 Leisure Time Partners by Educational Attainment...... 140
37 Place for Spending Leisure Time by Educational Attainment...... 144
38 Leisure Activity Preference by Educational Attainment...... 147
39 First Cousin Marriage by SES...... 154
40 Preference for First Cousin Marriage by Educational Attainment...... 158
41 Relative Marriage Among Parents by Family Type...... 159
42 Causes for Conflict Among Relatives by Sex...... 163
43 Women's Responsibility for Conflict by Sex...... 165
44 Best Age for Marriage (Male) by Edu cational Attainment...... 171
45 Best Age for Marriage (Female) by Edu cational Attainment...... 175
46 Parent's Role in Selection fo a Dau- ghter-in-Law by Educational Attain ment...... 181
47 Parent's Role in Selecting Son-in-Law by Educational Attainment...... 186
48 Parent's Role in Respondent's Marriage by Educational Attainment...... 192 t a b l e PAGE
49 Acceptance of Dowry by Educational Attainment...... 199
50 Necessity of Love Before Marriage by Gender...... 204
51 Reasonable Time for Knowing a Person Before Marriage by Age...... 207
52 Relationship of Respondent to Spouse before Marriage by Educational Attainment...... 214
53 Characteristics Influencing Choice of Future Spouse by Age ...... 217
54 Preference for Work for Women by Sex.... 231
55 Reasons for Preferring Government Jobs by sex...... 235
56 Support of Women's Right to Vote and be Nominated by SES...... 239
57 Separation of the Sexes by Educa tional Attainment...... 243
58 Percent of Number of Individuals in Household by Area of Residence...... 272
59 Family Type by Educational Attainment... 273
60 Family Type by Age...... 274
61 Family Type by House Type...... 275
62 Family Type by Number of Rooms...... 276
63 Family Type by Area of Residence...... 277
64 Preferred Family Size by Educational Attainment...... 278
65 Preferred Family Size by Age...... 279
66 Preferred Family Size by Family Type.... 280 xi t a b l e PAGE
67 Preferred Family Size by Number of Individuals in the Family...... 281
68 Preference of Family Type by Family Background...... 282
69 Preference of Widowers Residence by Family Type ...... 283
70 Preference of Family Type by Educa tional Attainment...... 284
71 Preference of Family Type by Educational Attainment...... 285
72 Preference of Widowers' Residence by Educattional Attainment...... 286
73 Preference of Family Type by SES...... 287
74 Preference of Family Type by SES...... 288
75 Preference of Widowers Residence by SES. 289
76 Preference of Family Type by Sex...... 290
77 Preference of Family Type by.Sex...... 291
78 Preference of Widowers' Residence by Sex...... 292
79 Preference of Family Type by Age...... 293
80 Preference of Family Type by.Age...... 294
81 Preference of Widowers' Residence by A g e...... 295
82 Visiting Relatives by Educational Attainment...... 296
83 Visiting Relatives by Sex...... 297
84 Visiting Relatives by Family Type...... 298
85 Calling Relatives (phone) by Sex...... 299
xii TABLE PAGE
86 Location of Kin by SES...... 300
87 Family Relations with Relatives by Educational Attainment...... 301
88 Preference for Kin Ties by Age...... 302
89 Financial Help Between Relatives By SES...... 303
90H Help Among Relatives During Illness by SES...... 304
91 Taking Care of Children Among Rela tives by SES...... 305
92 Consulting Relatives in Personal and Business Problems by SES...... 306
93 Exchanging Gifts with Relatives by Sex...... 307
94 Exchanging Gifts with Relatives by Age...... 308
95 Expecting Help at Old Age by Sex...... 309
96 Sharing Property with Relatives by SES.. 310
97 Preference for Business Partner by SES.. 311
98 Preference for Business Partner by Age.. 312
99 Respondents' Relationship to Relatives who Share the Same Place of Work (by Family Type)...... 131
100 Relatives who Share the Same Work Place and the Same Household by Family Type... 314
101 Place for Spending Leisure Time by A g e ...... 315
102 Leisure Activity Preferred by SES...... 316
103 Preference to Increase Leisure Time by Educational Attainment...... 317 xiii TABLE PAGE
104 Preference to Increase Leisure Time by Sex...... 318
105 Preference to Increase Leisure Time by Age...... 319
106 Having Non-Kuwaiti Friends by SES...... 320
107 Having Non-Kuwaiti Friends by Educational Attainment...... 321
108 Having Non-Kuwaiti Friends by Age ...... 322
109 Marriage Among Relatives by Educa tional Attainment...... 323
110 Marriage Among Relatives by SES...... 324
111 Preference for Marriage Between Rela tives by SES ...... 325
112 Preference for Relative Marriage by Educational Attainment...... 326
113 Preference for Relative Marriages by A g e ...... 327
114 Relationship Between Relative Parents by SES...... 328
115 Popularity of Kin Marriage by Family Background...... 329
116 Conflict Among Relatives by Educa tional Attainment...... ^ 330
117 Frequency of Conflict by Sex...... 331
118 Duration of Conflict by Sex...... 332
119 Marriages Registered According to Age of Husband and Wife— 1971...... 333
120 Best Age for Marriage (male) by SES..... 334
121 Best Age for Marriage (male) by Ag e 335
xiv TABLE p a g e
122 Best Age for Marriage (female) by SES...... 336
123 Best Age for Marriage (female) by A g e ...... 337
124 Best Age for Marriage (female) by Sex...... 338
125 Parental Role in Selecting Daughter- In-Law by Age...... 339
126 Parental Role in Selecting a Daughter- in-Law by Sex...... 340
127 Parental Role in Selecting a Son-in- Law by Sex...... 341
128 Parents' Role in the Selection of Sons-in-Law by SES...... 342
129 Parental Role in Respondent's Mar riage by Sex...... 343
130 Parents' Role in Respondent's Marriage by Ag e ...... 344
131 Attitude toward Polygyny...... 345
132 Attitude toward Polygyny by Educational Attainment...... 346
133 Attitude toward Polygyny by Age...... 347
134 Attitude toward Polygyny by Sex...... 348
135 Accepting Dowry by Sex...... 349
136 Acceptance of Dowry by SES...... 350
137 Necessity for Love before Marriage by Educational Attainment...... 351
138 Necessity for Love before Marriage by A g e ...... 352
139 Reasonable Time for Knowing a Person before Marriage by Sex...... 353 XV t a b l e PAGE
140 Reasonable Time for Knowing a Person before Marriage by Educational At tainment...... 354
141 Necessity of Engagement by Sex...... 355
142 Necessity of Engagement by Age ...... 356
143 Necessity of Engagement by Educa tional Attainment 357
144 Necessity of Engagement by SES...... 358
145 Length of Engagement Respondents Preferred by Sex...... 359
146 Relationship to Spouse before Mar riage by Sex...... 360
147 Characteristics Influencing Spouse Selection by Educational Attainment 361
148 Characteristics Influencing Spouse Selection by Sex...... 362
149 Accepting Kuwaitis Marriage to Other Arabs by Sex...... 363
150 Accepting Kuwaiti Marriages to Non- Kuwaiti Arabs by SES...... 364
151 Acceptance of Interfaith Marriage by Educational Attainment...... 365
152 Preference for Women's Schooling by Educational Attainment...... 366
153 Preferred Educational Level for Women by SES...... 367
154 Preferred Educational Level for Women by Educational Attainment...... 368
155 Preferred Educational Level for Women by Sex...... 369
xvi t a b l e p a g e
156 Preference for Work for Women by Age.... 370
157 Preference for Work for Women by SES.... 371
158 Preference for Work for Women by Edu cational Attainment...... 372
159 Preference for Place of Work for Women by SES...... 373
160 The Role of Women by Age ...... 374
161 The Role of Women by SES...... 375
162 The Role of Women by Eduational At tainment...... ». 376
163 Relative Importance of Home and Career by Sex...... 377
164 Support of Women's Right to Vote and be Nominated by Educational Attainment.. 378
165 Supporting Women's Right to Vote and be Nominated by Age...... 379
166 Supporting Women's Right to Vote and be Nominated by Sex...... 380
167 Separation of Sexes at Meals by SES 381
168 Separation of Sexes at Meals by Edu cational Attainment...... 382
169 Preference for Separation of the Sexes by Age...... 383
170 Preference for Separation of the Sexes at Social Gatherings by Sex...... 384
171 Necessity for Women Having Husbands* Permission to Go Out by SES...... 385
172 Necessity for Women Having Husbands' Permission to Go Out by Sex...... 386
xvii CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
For the past three decades or so, there has been a continuing debate over the notion of whether the urban family is isolated or whether it is involved in extra- familial relationships. Sociologists such as Wirth,
Linton, and Parsons, to name a few,^ argued that the ur ban environment leads to the shrinkage of the extended family and the decline of family-kin relationships.
Louis Wirth felt that urbanization leads to super ficiality in social relationships, the weakening of family-kin relationships, and the "declining social sig nificance of the family," as a result of losing some of its "historical functions." In his view, the family has become smaller, and freer from the larger kinship group.
Thus, individual members move freely to pursue their own interests.^
For other sociologists whose writings express similar views, see: Carle C. Zemmerman, Family and Civiliza tion. (N.Y.: Harper and Brothers, 1947); Ernest W. Bergess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family: From Insti tution to Companionship. (N.Y.: American Book Co., 1945); and William F. Ogburn, "The Changing Family," Publication of the American Sociological Society, Vol. 23, 1928, pp. 124-133.
^Louis Wirth, "Urbanization as a Way of Life," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 44, 1938-9, pp. 1-24, A similar point of view was expressed by Ralph
Linton who argued that geographical and social mobility created by the technological revolution leads to the breakdown of the consanguine (extended) family as a functional unit. The large family loses its function of providing economic security, and its members become free from many imposed obligations as a result. Linton stated that "When a man can do better without relatives than with them he will tend to ignore the ties of kin ship."^
Talcott Parsons, more than any other sociologist, spoke of the isolation of the urban middle class Ameri can family. In his view, "This isolation, the almost symmetrical ’onion' structure, is the most distinctive
feature of the American kinship system and underlies most of its peculiar functional and dynamic problems.
According to Parsons, the isolated nuclear family is
suited to the modern industrial society which demands
Ralph Linton, "The National History of the Family," in Ruth N. Anshen, The Family: Its Function and Des tinv. (New York: Harpers, 1959), pp. 45-46. Also, The Study of Man (Student’s edition), (New York: Appleton-Century Co., 1939), p. 202.
^Talcott Parsons, "The Kinship System of the Contemporary United States," American Anthropologist, Vol. 45, 1948, pp. 22-38. occupational and geographical mobility. He also ob served that the isolated urban American family has lost most of its functions and retains only the socialization of the child and the emotional support of its adult mem bers.^
According to this group of sociologists the im pact of industrialization and urbanization on the family system results in: D a change in the size of house holds from large to small. 2) a loss of most of the family functions to other social institutions; and
3) a breakdown in wider kin ties within the family.
This thesis was accepted virtually as a truism. In the mid 1950's research focusing on analysis of systematic data on immediate family-kin relationships began to challenge this notion.
Axelrod found that a majority of his respondents
get together with relatives more than with friends and neighbors. Over half of his sample see their relatives
once a week and the majority see relatives about once a month. According to Axelrod, the extended family may
have lost its economic function in the urban setting,
Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, Family. Sociali zation, and Interaction Process. (New York: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 16-17. but relatives remain an active source for companionship and mutual aid.^
Greer found that most of his respondents visit their kin at least once a month. Kinship visiting is considered to be "the most single kind of social rela tionship. This led him to assume that what has been seen as of growing importance in kin ties is, in fact, a result of the diminished dependency on neighborhood and local community.
Sussman, who studied help patterns among kin in the Cleveland area, found that the majority of families are engaged in some type of mutual help within the fami ly. About 75 percent of the working class respondents have relatives living close by. The middle class fami lies, in particular, maintain emotional and economic
Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Social Participa tion," ATT: eric an Sociological Review, Vol. 21, 1956, pp. 13-18.
^Scott Greer, "Urbanization Reconsidered: A Comparative Study of Local Areas in Metropolises," American So ciological Review, Vol. 21, 1956, pp. 19-25.
^Marvin B. Sussman, "The Isolated Nuclear Family: Fact or Fiction?" Social Problems, Vol. 5, 1959, pp. 333- 340. And "The Help Pattern in the Middle Class Family," American Sociological Review, Vol. 18, 1958, pp. 22-28. For similar findings, see Wendell Bell and Marion Boat, "Urban Neighborhoods and Informal Social Relations," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 82, 1957, pp. 391- 398; Gorden F. Streib, "Family Patterns in Retirement," Young and Willmott, in their study of the family and kinship in London, arrived at a similar conclusion.
They found in London families, as in their American counterparts, a wider pattern of help and contact between family and kin. They argued that they "were surprised to discover that the wider family, far from having dis appeared, was still very much alive in the middle of
London.**^
These studies revealed that the urban-middle class family is not isolated. The help and interaction patterns
Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 14, 1959, pp. 46-60j Eugene Litwak, "Occupational Mobility and Extended Family Cohesion," and "Geographic Mobility and Ex tended Family Cohesion," American Sociological Review, Vol. 25, 1960, pp. 9-21 and 385-394. Litwak suggested an ideal type and called it the "modified extended family": This type differs from the *classical ex tended family' in that it does not denote geographical propinquity, occupational in volvement, or nepotism, nor does it have an hierarchical authority structure...it differs from the isolated nuclear family structure in that it does provide signi ficant and continuing aid to the nuclear family. The modified extended family con sists of a series of nuclear families bound together on an equalitarian basis, with a strong emphasis on these extended family bonds as an end value. For a review and summary of most of these and other findings see: Bert N. Adams, "Isolation, Function, and Beyond: American Kinship in the 1960*s," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 32, 1970, pp. 575-597.
^Michael Young and Peter Sillmott, Family and Kinship in East London. (London: Routledge and Hegan Paul, 1957), pp. xv-xvi. Also see Peter Willmott and Michael Young, were found to be more than anticipated to urbanized countries like the United States and England. But des pite these findings the issue of whether the nuclear family is isolated or not is still an unsettled issue for some sociologists.
Geoffrey Gibson studied kin availability among 486 disability applicants. He found that 38 percent of his respondent's available kin live in the same city. Only
17 percent of available kin provided significant help to their relatives, but about 51 percent of his respondents see their kin at least monthly. Gibson argued that the contemporary nuclear family is experiencing a relatively high degree of isolation. He concluded that the "case against the isolated nuclear family has yet to be made.
While the previously cited studies focused on fami ly kin ties, others investigated the relationship between the nuclear family and industrialization and urbanization.
Pustenberg, commenting on the accounts of foreign trav iers who visited the United States in the past century
Family and Class in a London Suburb. (London; Routledge and Hegan Paul, I960).
^^Geoffrey Gibson, "Kin-Family Network: Overheralded Structure in Past Conceptualization of Family Func tioning," Journal of Marriage and Family, Vol. 34, 1972, pp. 13-23. There are other commentators who support the notion of isolation. See Neil Smelser, "The Modernization of Social Relations," in Myron Weiner (ed.) Modernization: The Dynamics of Growth. (New York : Basic Books, 1966), p. 115. found that changes in the family system have been exa gerated. Attitudes and role perceptions in the pre- industrial American family show similarities to today's family.
Greenfield, basing his remarks upon data from
Barbados, argued that there is no causal relationship between industrialization or urbanization and the nuclear family. In fact, the prior existence of the nuclear family may be considered as a prime mover toward indus trialization both in the United States and England.
In a departure from the issues of one sided cau sality and isolation, Goode suggested what he called the
"conjugal family." Goode believed that the traditional societies* move toward industrialization, urbanization, and westernization is accompanied by a convergence of their familial system into a conjugal type. He stated:
When an economic system expends through industrialization, family patterns change, extended kinships weaken, lineage pat terns dissolve, and trends toward some form of conjugal system generally begin to appear that is the nuclear family. 13
Frank F. Fustenberg, Jr., "Industrialization and the American Family: A Look Backward," American Socio logical Review, Vol. 31, 1966, pp. 326-337.
^^Sidney M. Greenfield, "Industrialization and the Fami ly in Sociological Theory," American Journal of So ciology. Vol. 67, 1961-62, pp. 312-322.
^^William Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns. (New York: The Free Press, 1963), p. 6 6
Goode emphasized that "the conjugal family has far more kinship ties and correlatively is under far more kinship control,than the nuclear family suggested by other
sociologists. In a conjugal family system kin ties con
tinue "through reciprocal gifts and exchanges, visits,
and continual contacts.Besides urbanization and in
dustrialization, Goode considered the ideology of the
conjugal family as important in opening the way for this
new system. He also considered the family as an inde
pendent variable in the sense that it "may facilitate or
retard the acceptance of industrialization."^^
^^Ibid.. p. 371.
Ibid., p. 370. Relevant to Goode *s thesis are the Nimkoff and Middleton findings. They argued that the independent (nuclear) family is associated with so cieties with simple levels of subsistance such as hunting. And the extended family is associated with societies with more complex subsistance levels such as agriculture. Winch and Blumberg tried to recon cile these two points of view by suggesting a continuum of social complexity. They propose that the nuclear family is a characteristic of simple and/or very de veloped societies while extended family type is pre valent in societies with intermediate complexity. See M. Nimkoff and R. Middleton, "Types of Family and Types of Economy," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 66, 1960, pp. 215-225. Also, Robert Winch and Rae Blumberg, "Societal Complexity and Familial Organ ization," Selected Studies in Marriage and the Family Third edition, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1968), pp. 70-92, The literature of the past two decades generally seemed to indicate that societies* move toward indus trialization, urbanization, and westernization, is accompanied by a noticeable change and modification in the family and kinship system. This change is from an extended to a nuclear family type. The findings of many
studies refuted the notion that the nuclear family is isolated. Family-kin ties remain strong through visits, contacts, exchange of gifts, and help in times of need.
There is general agreement that the family has "lost" many of its functions to other social institutions. The nuclear family has become a consuming unit and an agent
for the socialization and affection-giving of its mem bers. Although the American family size has declined in
the last two centuries, assumptions about the size of the
families in the past may have been exaggerated. Winch
reported that the median size of a household was 5.4 in
1790, as compared to 4.2 in 1900, and 3.3 in the last
three decades.
The Need for Research in Non-Western Societies
Research on the impact of urbanization, indus
trialization, and westernization on family structure and
,^'^Robert Winch, "Permanence and Change in the History of the American Family and Some Speculations as to Its Future," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 32, 1970, p. 8. 10 family-kin relations in non-western societies is sparse and limited in scope, and its findings are sometimes con tradictory. Ramu, in a study of the family in south
India found that geographic mobility has caused a break down of large kin groups. But kinship ties remain in tact despite the separation. The nuclear family is the model in the city.^®
In another study of the Indian family, Khatri found that over 50 percent of his respondents live in nuclear families while only 20 percent live in extended and joint families.
In yet a third recent study, Conklin found that joint family households show no decline under the im pact of education and urbanization. He argued instead that education leads only to a change in the roles among his respondents^®
Smith, in a study conducted with 910 families in
35 villages in Thailand, found the nuclear family is both the ideal and the statistical norm. About one-third
^®G.N. Ramu, "Geographic Mobility, Kinship and the Fami ly in South India," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 34, 1972, pp. 147-152.
^^A.A. Khatri, "The Indian Family: An Empirically De rived Analysis of Shifts in Size and Types," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 34, 1972, pp. 725-734.
^®George Conklin, "Emerging Conjugal Role Patterns in a Joint Family System: Correlates of Social Change in Dharwar, India," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 35, 1973, pp. 742-748. In a study of the Chinese family in industrialized and urbanized Hong Kong, Lawrence K. Hong found that a large number of the families he studied were extended.
He also found that there is no substantial difference between the number of extended families in Hong Kong and in traditional rural communities.
Because of the discrepancies in the findings of research to date there is a need for further study in traditional non-western societies. We need to know the extent and intensity of family-kin ties in those so cieties as compared to western societies. Commentators on non-western societies have assumed that family-kin
ties are very strong in the societies they have studied.
Could this assumption be too extreme as were assump
tions made by some researchers about the isolation of
the nuclear family in the West?
There is also a need to test the theory that fami
ly systems in non-western societies are converging in a
^^Harold Smith, "The Thai Family: Nuclear or Extended?" Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 35, 1973, pp. 136-140.
^^Lawrence K. Hong, "A Profile Analysis of the Chinese Family in an Urban Industrialized Setting," Inter national Journal of Sociology of the Family, Vol. 3, March, 1973, pp. 1-9. 12 conjugal pattern under the impact of industrialization, urbanization, and westernization. We need to know the type and average size of families in these societies.
A popular assumption is that non-western societies are characterized by large households consisting of three or more generations. Contrary to this assumption, Peter sen found that, because of some demographic conditions,
"married males with either a living father or a married son" have been in the minority in Egypt for the past 50 years,It is also relevant to investigate whether be havioral patterns, role perceptions, and attitudes of people in traditional societies have changes. If so, what segment of the population has adapted to the norms of the conjugal family? Has it been women, the young, or the educated?
Family and Kin in the Arab Countries
Studies on family and kin in the Arab countries are limited and, for the most part, utilize little or
Karen K. Petersen, "Demographic Conditions and Exten ded Family Households: Egyptian Data," Social Forces, Vol. 46, June, 1968, pp. 431-437. Also see Thomas K. Burch, "The Size and Structure of Families: A Com parative Analysis of Census Data," American Sociolo gical Review, Vol. 32, June, 1967, pp. 347-363, and Marion Levy, Jr., "Aspects of the Analysis of Fami ly Structure," in Ansley J. Coale, et al., Aspects of the Analysis of Family Structure. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, x965}, pp. 1-63. 13 no data. The Arab family was seen by early anthropolo gists, as "patrilocal, patrilineal, patriarchal, and ex tended.” Others recognized an urban-rural difference in family patterns, where the extended family was more prevalent in rural than in urban areas. A third group argued that previous assumptions were much exaggerated, and that many variables (e.g., demographic, economic, and
education) made the number of extended households a minority even in the past.
Raphael Patai represents the first group who ar
gued that the Arab family has remained unchanged under
the impact of urbanization and industrialization.
Beginning with the most ancient times from which historical records are ex tant and down to the present day, the middle Eastern family has remained the same, has been composed of largely the same personnel, structured along the same lines, fulfilled the same func tions, and commanded the same loyalty of its members. 24
He cited six characteristics of the middle Eastern fami
ly; 1) extended, 2) patrilineal, 3) patrilocal, 4) pa
triarchal, 5) endogamous, and 6) occasionally polyga-
Raphael Patai, Golden River to Golden Road: Society, Culture, and Change in the Middle East. (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1962), p. 84.
^^Ibid. See also Raphael Patai, ”The Middle East As a Culture Area,” Middle East Journal, Vol. 6, 1952 pp. 1-21. 14
H» Williams and J. Williams, in two studies of a
Lebanese village (in the 1950's and 1960's) stated that:
Now after a fourteen-year interval, it is apparent that the extended family and the lineage have remained functionally intact...the functioning extended family facilitates economic development and change. 26
Many Arab commentators shared similar views. H.
Naseer estimated that 75 percent of the families in Iraq were extended, with three generations living in one house hold.^^
There are other groups of commentators who took the middle road; Nahas belongs in this category. In his view, extended families were abundant in rural communi ties and among tribes. The conjugal family was preva lent in the cities of more urbanized countries, such as
Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon. He stated, however, that the Arab family was large in size.^®
Although Monroe Berger recognized the impact of change on the family, he argued that the extended family is still the general pattern in the Arab world. He
^®Herbert H. Williams and Judith Williams, "The Extended Family As a Vehicle of Cultural Change," Human Organi zation, Vol. 24, 1965, pp. 61-62.
^^Dr. Malehah Naseer, "Al-aila wa Reaih Al-ejtemaeh fe al-Iraq," Unpublished paper. Kuwait, Dec., 1972.
^®M. Kamel Nahas, "The Family in the Arab World," Mar riage and Family Living, Vol. 16, 1956, pp. 294-300. 15 eite^ an exception in the "urban educated classes" who formed nuclear or conjugal families.
Daghestan! took a similar stand by recognizing that the conjugal family is "at present most frequently found among town populations in various middle Eastern countries.The extended family which became rare in cities, still exists on a "fair scale" in small towns and villages. He saw economic conditions and lack of education as the main factors causing the prevalence of the extended family in those areas.
Goode, unlike other commentators on the Arab fami ly, suggested that because of economic and mortality fac tors, the extended family households have never been the general pattern.
It seems empirically clear that prior to the modern era in the Western world and in all of the cultures we have ex amined (including the Arab countries) several generations of one family did not live under the same roof, and did not carry on all of their productive activities there. If only because of brute facts of mortality and the ne cessity of gaining a living on small
^^Monroe Berger, The Arab World Today. (Garden City, New York; Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1962), p. 131.
^®Kazem El Daghestani, "The Evaluation of the Moslem Family in the Middle East Countries," Vol. V., 1953, p. 583. See also the U.N. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 1970 Report on the World Social Situ ation. (New Yorkl 1971), pp. 72-89, and Gabriel Baer, yopulation and Society in the Arab East, (London: Routledge and Hegan Paul, 1964), pp. 57-69. 16
plots of land, this was true for both urban and rural strata. 31
Goode then rejected the popular belief of writers like
Patai who considered the extended family as the predomi nant family type among the Arabs. He accepted, however, the popular belief only as a "description, not of reality but of i d e a l s . H e argued that the fact that high fer tility societies are also high mortality societies pre vents such phenomena from dominating. But more impor tant are finances. He stated that "average wealth and
income is small plots of land are tiny, and physically maintaining a large household in most Arab households has
simply never been possible, in the past or in the pre
sent. Goode, however, considered it likely that many
Arabs may live in an extended family structure at some
time in their lives. "But a survey at any given time of
a cross-section of all the families of a given region would probably show that a minority of the families were
joint.According to Goode, the conjugal family is the
normal aspiration for the educated Arabs; but Goode, like
his colleagues, thought that the intensity of family-
kin ties, even among the educated, remains strong.
^^Goode, Ibid., p. 371.
^^Ibid.. p. 123.
^^Ibid., p. 123-124. ^^Ibid.. p. 124. 17
Petersen, after reviewing census and survey data, supported Goode's theory by stating that patrilocal ex tended households consisting of three generations "have been uncommon in both rural and urban locales of Egypt, at least since the turn of the century and doubtless be fore that time as w e l l . S h e argued that had other authors considered demographic facts in Egypt, their estimate of family composition would be more modest in rural and more realistic in urban areas. She assumed that Egyptian demographic conditions were no different than any other Arab country.
It is apparent from the above that commentators on the Arab family have had different points of view.
These differences are expected since most of them use little or no data at all. In spite of these differences, the majority seem to have recognized that the extended family is the ideal type in the Arab world, and that extended families are more prevalent in the rural than in the urban centers. Some have argued that the conju gal or nuclear family type attracts the young, educated,
Petersen, Ibid., p. 536.
Baer, Ibid., p. 58. Gabriel Baer pointed out the "typical form of the extended family is evidently less common in Egypt than in the Fertile Crescent countries because in Egypt the average life-span of the father is lower, i.e., he often dies before his sons marry." 18 urbanized Arab. But no systematic data were used to support such assumptions.
These commentators generally agreed that family- kin ties are very strong among the Arabs. Urbanization or education seem to have had little effect in this re gard. It is important to note that little or no sys tematic data have been cited regarding the intensity and extensiveness of such relationships.
The Aim of the Study
This study seeks to examine and explore a number of key assumptions regarding the Arab family in general and the Kuwaiti family in particular. What type of fami ly is prevalent in urban Kuwait? Are large family house holds common now, and how do they differ from the past?
Are kinship ties as wide and strong as they are assumed to be and how has change affected them? Are kin ties more extensive than in the West, and which kin ties are strongest? Are there any changes or modifications in attitude, role perception, and behavioral patterns among urban Kuwaitis? Are they adapting to the norms of the western conjugal family? What is their attitude toward family composition, polygany, equality of the sexes, etc.?
These are some of the questions which this study 19 will try to answer. The study focuses on 1) family com position and Kuwaitis’ attitude toward it; 2) family-kin relationships; 3) marriage norms; and 4) women’s status.
Kuwait provides a number of advantages for examin ing the impact of urbanization and westernization on the family. Kuwait is part of the traditional segment of the Arab world which is assumed to have extended family households and strong kinship ties.
In Kuwait, although industrialization has not pro ceeded very far, the processes of urbanization and wes ternization have moved in a speed and intensity rarely
found in other countries. This change is seen in mas
sive, widespread compulsory education; the establish ment of a new western-like bureaucracy; expansion of com munications; the massive increase and heterogeneity of
the population, etc. This process of urbanization and westernization started two decades ago and is not com
pleted yet. Hence, unlike western countries, Kuwait per
mits us to study change as it is taking place.
Kuwait differs from many non-western countries
in that almost all of the communities in that country
are newly designed with a well-run household registra
tion system. This, together with the fact that the
country is small, and has only one major city, enables
the researcher to obtain a more representative sample. CHAPTER II
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE
Kuwait is an Arab country which lies at the north west shore of the Arabian Gulf. It is bounded on the
southwest by Saudi Arabia and the so-called neutral zone
(the zone is about 2,200 square miles and divided into
two equal portions between Kuwait and Saudi Arabia), on
the east by the Gulf, and on the west and north by Iraq.
The state of Kuwait consists of an area measuring approx
imately 5,800 square miles. There are also a few islands with a combined area of about 400 square miles.
Kuwait, which has been referred to as a little fort was also known among early travelers as Graen.^^ Little
is known about Kuwait's ancient history. In the early
1950»s a Danish archaeological team had identified the
remains of civilization dating back to 2,300 B.C. The
small community with about 10,000 inhabitants. His description "Kaueit or Graen as it is called by the Persians and Europeans, is a seaport town, 3 days jour ney from Zobfjer or old Basra. The inhabitants live by the fishery of pearls and of fishes. They are said to employ in this species of naval industry more than 800 boats. In the favorable season of the year, this town is left almost desolate, everybody going out either to the fishing, or upon some trading adventure,” see Zahra Freeth and Victor Winstone, Kuwait Prospect and Reality. (London; George Allen Univ. LTD, 1972) p.62. 20 21 original settlement of Kuwait is believed to have been established by a group of Bedouins who came from Central
Arabia to the shore of the Gulf about 1710. The majority of the inhabitants belonged to the Aniza Tribe. The ru ling families of Kuwait, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia stem from the same tribe. The A1 Sabah family has ruled Ku wait since 1796 when Sheik Sabah I became Kuwait’s ruler or amir. Kuwait has enjoyed good relations with Britain
since the former was located on a British mail route in the late 18th century. On January 23, 1899, Kuwait and
Britain signed a treaty of protection. Britain handled
Kuwait's foreign relations until Kuwait’s full indepen dence was accomplished in 1961. The treaty of indepen dence abrogated the former protectorate and gave Kuwait
freedom to play a sovereign role in world affairs. The
present political system could be characterized as a con
stitutional monarchical system. The constitution was
drafted in 1962; and the country’s first National As
sembly came into existence after general elections in
January, 1963. Kuwait joined the U.N. as the 111th mem
ber in May, 1963.
Kuwait City
The old city of Kuwait had a population of about
60,000 in 1930 and was built in an area of 8 square miles. A mud wall with four major gateways was built around the city to protect it against outside threat; the wall was torn down in 1954. The city’s one-story, windowless houses were built around courtyards. The more wealthy had two separate quarters in their house holds— one for women and the other for the head of the family to entertain his guests.^®
Huge oil revenues created a desire to change the structure of the old city. A plan for the new city was prepared in the early 1950*s. The new city extends much beyond the old wall. Most of the old houses inside the town have been demolished and new commercial centers are taking their places. The owners of the old houses in the city received very generous compensation and they all moved to the newly designed suburbs. Each of the
®®Zahra Freeth and Victor Winstone, Ibid., p. 50. Za hra Freeth, daughter of Col. H.R.P, Dickson, one of Kuwait's political advisors in 1929-1936, describes the daily life of Kuwaitis in these years before the oil, "There were few comforts in the average Kuwait's fami lies daily life in those days, and no protection against sickness or epidemics. For both Bedu and town people, life was full of uncertainty and in the natural hazards of the wilderness and the ocean all were conscious of man's helplessness and the need for a protecting God... Gratitude for his beneficence was constantly on their lips, but complaint never...Theft, dishonesty, or crime of violence were rare in Kuwait town and when such of fenses occurred in the desert, there were well estab lished rules for compensation in money or blood." 23 new communities consists of low and high income housing, medical care centers, schools, shopping centers, recrea tion facilities, etc.
The Economy
Kuwait is considered by many economists as one of the most rapidly developing countries. The country’s economy before World War II was based on trade, pearl expeditions, and fishing. The per capita income was es timated at less than $100 at that time. The World Bank
Mission estimated the country’s 1959 gross national product at about $828 million or about $3,200 per capita.
Kuwait’s gross national product with an average annual growth of about 8.3 percent reached $2856 million in 1969-
1970.^^ The income per capita could be slightly lower
than the 1950’s figure, but is still very high and al most unparalleled elsewhere in the world. The decrease
in income per capita, if any, can be attributed to the
radical increase in population. According to 1970
The Economic Development of Kuwait. The John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1965, pp. 2-3, R. El Mailakh, Eco nomic Development and Regional Cooperation. Kuwait, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1968, p. 6, The Planning Board, "The Kuwait Economy 1969/1970," Kuwait, December, 1970. 24 census) Kuwait's population had grown to 733,000. About
52 percent of these are non-Kuwaitis. In contrast, the population was only 206,000 in 1957.
Kuwait's economy is largely dependent on oil re venues. Oil production increased from 125.7 million barrels in 1950 to 1166.4 million barrels in 1971-1972.
Oil revenues jumped from $11 million dollars to about 1 billion dollars for the same period.As a result of the increase in oil prices in 1974, it is expected that
Kuwait's income from oil this year will be about 8.4 billion dollars. Kuwait recently has placed a limit of about three million barrels a day on its production.
The intention is to prevent the exhaustion of oil re serves for at least 60 years.Kuwait ranks seventh in market production with 6.5 percent of world total; and third among middle eastern countries with 23 percent of the middle east total output.
Table 1 clearly indicates the importance of oil and Kuwait's almost complete dependence on oil. Oil revenues represented almost 93 percent of the total
^®The Planning Board, The Kuwait Economy, 1970/71— 1971/1972, Kuwait, p. 33 (in Arabic).
^^Allen T. Kemoree, "Arab Wealth as Seen Through Arab Eyes," Fortune, April, 1974, pp. 108-109.
^^The Planning Board, The Kuwait Economy, Ibid., p. 33. THE IMPORTANCE OF OIL REVENUES (BY MILLION OF K-D) 1967-1972
Percentage of Oil Total State The State Revenues From Year Revenues Oil Revenues Total Revenues
1967-68 287.8 263.1 84.1
1968-69 268.3 243.0 90.6
1969-70 306.5 280.4 91.5
1970-71 343.8 297.7 86.6
1971-72 359.6 332.9 92.5
Source: The Planning Board, The Kuwait Economy, 1970/71- 1971/72, p. 48. government budget in 1971-72. Judging from 1974, oil prices and Kuwait’s income, it is expected that depen dency is going to increase still more. It is important to note that the oil industry employed only 5,200 per sons in 1972 or less than 3 percent of the total labor force. Only 25.3 percent of these were Kuwaitis.
The oil story began when the first productive well was discovered and Kuwait granted a concession to the
Kuwait Oil Company in 1938. The drilling continued up to the start of World War II; it was then suspended. Ex plorations were resumed after the war and the first 26 shipment left Kuwait in June, 1946. Six oil companies, one of which is a national company, are engaged in oil exploration and production in Kuwait and the neutral zone.
The most important and largest is the Kuwait Oil Com pany (K.G.C.) which handles about 92 percent of Kuwait's output. Over 80 percent of its production comes from
the Greater Burgan field, which is probably the largest oil field in the world.
The Labor Force
The 1970 census indicates that the total labor
force was about 242,200; this can be compared with
184,300 in 1965 and about 80,000 in 1957. Of the total
population there were about 39.4 percent in the labor
force in 1970, as compared to 32.8 percent in 1972. The non-Kuwaiti elements outnumbered Kuwaitis in the labor
force by about 3 to 1. In 1965, 19.6 percent of the
total population in the labor force were Kuwaitis com
pared to 57.1 percent non-Kuwaiti in the same year. In
1970, there were 18.8 percent Kuwaitis and 45.2 percent
non-Kuwaitis in the labor force. The proportion of non-
Kuwaiti males in the labor force was higher than that of
Kuwaiti males; 66.2 percent as compared to 36.1 percent
in 1970. Females had a lower representation in the labor 27
force. But non-Kuwaiti women outnumbered Kuwaiti women
in this field. Kuwaiti working women represented only
0.6 percent of the total Kuwaiti population as compared
to 3.7 percent non-Kuwaiti working women in 1970. The majority of the labor force was between 20-65 years of
age. There were only 233 persons or 0.4 percent Kuwai
tis below the age 15, as compared to 1624 or 0.9 percent
younger non-Kuwaitis in the labor market in 1970.
TABLE 2
RATIO OF LABOR FORCE TO TOTAL POPULATION BY NATIONALITY AND SEX 1965-1970
Percent of Total Percent of Total Population in the Population in the Labor Force Labor Force (1965) (1970) Nationality Male Total Male Female Total
Kuwaiti 19.1 0.5 19.6 18.2 0.6 18.8
Non-Kuwaiti 54.0 3.1 57.1 41.5 3.7 45.5
Both 37.6 1.9 39.5 30.5 2.3 32.8
Source: Planning Board Central Statistical Office, "Demographic Situation in Kuwait," August, 1973, p. 8, (a paper).
The occupational distribution in the 1970 census
Planning Board, General Statistical Office, "Demogra phic Situation in Kuwait," August, 1973, Tables, p. 8-9. (a paper). 28 shows that professionals and technical workers repre sented 10.8 percent of the total labor force. The Ku waiti representation in this category was 3734 persons or 6.1 percent out of all Kuwaitis as compared to
21,888 persons or 12.4 percent of non-Kuwaitis in 1970.
The category of craftsmen and production process workers
represented 40.8 percent of the labor force. Kuwaiti
participation in this category was very low compared to
the non-Kuwaiti. Kuwaitis were well represented among
clerical workers with 11,474 persons or 18.6 percent of
the total Kuwaitis, compared to 16,730 persons or 9.5
percent of the non-Kuwaitis in 1970. Kuwaitis also
were well represented in the category of services and
sports and recreation workers. This category which com
prised 24.3 percent of the total labor force had 23,216
Kuwaitis or 37.6 percent of their total as compared to
34,521 non-Kuwaitis or 37.6 percent of their total. The
total rate of unemployment was 3.4 percent of the total
population; 8.9 percent of the Kuwaitis were unemployed
compared to 1.3 percent of the non-Kuwaitis.
The largest economic sector according to the 1970
census was the service sector which included public
^^Ibid.. p. 10-11. Tables. 29 activities. This sector employed 104,136 persons or
44.6 percent of the total population. The Kuwaitis were well represented with 36,828 persons or 61.7 percent of the total Kuwaitis. The non-Kuwaiti element was 67,310 individuals or 38.5 percent of their total number. In terpreting this statistical rating in another way— we found that Kuwaitis represented only 15.7 percent of the total 44.6 percent employed in such services while non-
Kuwaitis represented 28.9 percent. Using the same mea sure we found that Kuwaiti participants in all economic activities were outnumbered by non-Kuwaiti— 25.8 percent
Kuwaiti compared to 74.7 percent non-Kuwaiti. It seems clear from the foregoing that Kuwait will be dependent upon the non-Kuwaiti labor force for some years to come especially as its economy continues to grow.'^^
Looking at educational achievement on the labor force, we found that 37.3 percent of the labor force was illiterate (6 percent less than 1965). Illiteracy was
43.2 percent among Kuwaiti and only 35.1 percent among non-Kuwaitis. There are more non-Kuwaitis than Kuwaitis in the labor force with secondary certificates, univer sity degrees or higher. Kuwaiti university graduates in labor force comprise 1.8 percent compared to 6.3 percent
^^Ibid.. Table, p. 13. 30
Public Health
In 1910 Sheik Mubark invited the Dutch Reformed
Church of America to work in Kuwait. The country’s first health service was initiated in the same year by that mission. Twelve months later, the mission established its first clinic. In 1912, the first concrete building in the country was completed as a hospital. The mission hospital was the only medical facility in Kuwait until the late 1930’s when the government established its first medical clinic. Until then, the small population had relied largely on the use of traditional Arabic medicine, such as herbs.
In 1936, the Department of Health was established; in the same year the first free government clinic with one doctor and pharmacist opened its doors. The first government hospital was completed in 1949. Since the late 1940's Kuwait's public health services have devel oped at a very rapid rate. Today there is a medical clinic in every residential community. The clinics maintain individual medical files for each member of the community. About one out of three such clinics provides
^^Ibid., Table, p. 13. 31
24-hour service for surrounding areas. These clinics handle all types of medical services including dental care. There were 11 hospitals (government and private) in 1972. Hospitals for various specializations were also established, including orthopedic hospitals, mental hos pitals, maternity hospitals, chest services, and a wo men’s sanitarium, as well as fever and leprosy hospitals.
GOVERNMENT HOSPITALS AND HEALTH CENTERS 1972 Compared with 1953 and 1963
Centers 1953 1963 1972
Hospitals and sanitariums 4 12 11
Clinics (general) 5 34 42
Dental clinics 4 23 45
Mother and child care centers —— 11 11
Preventive health centers 1 11 12
School health clinics 41 130 251
Source: Planning Board, "Statistical Abstract," Kuwait, 1973, p. 116, Table p. 61.
The above table clearly indicates the progress in public health in the last two decades. The number of general hospitals increased from 4 to 11 between the years 1953-1972. General clinics increased from five 32 to 42, and dental clinics, from 4 to 45 in the same period. In 1952, there were only 41 school health cli nics, by 1972 the number had reached 251 clinics. The rapid development of health services can also be seen in the increase of the number of doctors and the size of medical staffs. In 1957, there were only 145 physicians,
17 dentists, 92 pharmacists, while by 1972 there were
645 physicians, 58 dentists, and 227 pharmacists.
Medical services are free to Kuwaitis and non-
Kuwaitis alike. If specific illness required special treatment abroad, the patient is sent and treated at the expense of the government if he cannot afford it. Ku wait hospitals have modern equipment and their services are comparable to those of western countries. The me dical staff is largely international. This situation could change in the near future as Kuwaitis who studied medicine return home.
Education
Progress, especially over the last two decades is nowhere more evident than in the area of education.
Before 1912 when the first school was established, chil dren studied the Quran and elementary arithmetic at the h«ne of their teacher. In 1912, a group of merchants 33 who needed trade clerks helped to establish Al-Muba-
rekeh» the first school in the country. The school
lacked a well-defined curriculum and emphasis was placed
on arithmetic and correspondence. In 1931 the school was forced to close due to the lack of funds.
In 1936 the first council on education was formed
and a special tax for education was adopted. A new sys
tem of education was introduced and teachers were brought
in from other Arab countries. Girls attended school
for the first time in 1957, but schools were still not
coeducational. In 1952, two Egyptian experts visited
Kuwait and studied the educational system. A more com
prehensive study was carried out in 1955 by two scholars-
an Iraqi and an Egyptian. Their proposals for new school
curricula, adult education, and a ladder of education
has continued to influence and shape Kuwait’s school
system since 1955.
The ladder of education is divided in three stages,
each stage lasting four years: primary (or elementary),
intermediate, and secondary. A pupil is expected to
start school at the age of six and graduate at the age
of 18. One or two years of kindergarten may preceed
this. Children may begin kindergarten at the age of
four.
All schools are non-coeducational (except 34 kindergarten) but both sexes have comparable educational
facilities. Most of the text books are written locally.
Education in Kuwait is free for Kuwaitis and non-Ku waitis. It is compulsory for Kuwaitis in elementary and
intermediate levels.
TABLE 4
SCHOOL ENROLLMENT AND TEACHERS IN GOVERNMENT SCHOOLS 1945-46— 1972-73
Academic Teachers Students Year Male Female Total Male Female Total
1945-46 108 34 142 2815 820 3635
1955-56 724 392 1116 13526 6776 20302
1972-73 5734 5771 11505 88897 71334 160231
Source : Planning Board, "Statistical Abstract,," Kuwait, 1973, Table 35, p. 72.
As is evident in the table above, educational
development has been extensive. In 1936-37, there were
only 600 male students. This number increased to about
4,000 in 1945-46; cdjout 20,000 in 1955, and about 160,000
in 1972-73. The number of teachers increased from 142
in 1945-46 and 1,116 in 1955-56 to 11,505 teachers in
1972-73. If the number of teachers and students enrolled
in private schools in 1972-73 was added to these figures
the total would be about 197,000 students and 13,212 In the last two decades the government established schools for vocational and professional training: a technical college with twelve branches for specializa tion, two teacher training schools, a commercial school and a religious institution. There aure also three schools— one for the blind, one for the deaf, and the third for the mentally retarded children— all combined in one large institution.
Kuwait University was established in 1966. In
1972-73 the number of students enrolled reached 3,287.
There were about 2,000 Kuwaiti students studying abroad in 1972. Kuwaitis represent 52 percent of the total student population at Kuwait University. Of these, about
53 percent were female. Almost two thirds of the Ku waiti students were females; while the ratio of the sexes is almost equal among non-Kuwaitis.^® There are four facilities: the arts; the sciences; commerce, eco nomics, and political science; and civil and Islamic law. Plans are underway to establish a medical school.
The majority of the teaching staff is non-Kuwaiti and most of these are Arabs.
^^Planning Board, Central Statistical Office, "Statisti cal Abstract, 1973," Kuwait, August, 1973, p. 70. Table 34.
^®Ibid.. p. 99, Table 51. 36
Kuwait achievement in adult education is somewhat slower in comparison to its achievement in other educa tional programs. The first two illiteracy centers for men were opened in 1958; while the first center for women was opened in 1962. Although the number of centers had increased to 50 centers for men and 31 centers for women by 1972, the number of students enrolled declined sharply, especially among female students. In 1965
there were about 7,000 illiterate men and 2,100 illi terate women enrolled in these schools; in 1973 the num ber was 5,000 and 1,500, respectively.
The number of students enrolled in old-age edu cation— the intermediate, secondary, and commercial—
doubled over a period of six years. In 1966 there were
4,000 men and 1,000 women, compared with about 8,200 men and 3,000 women in 1972,^^
Although the number of illiterate students has de
creased, the illiteracy rate in the total population is
still very high. In 1957, 59.7 percent of the popula
tion was illiterate, compared to 47.2 percent in 1970.
Illiteracy among women needs special attention. As of
1970, 62.7 percent of all Kuwaiti women were illiterate,
compared to 32.1 percent of all Kuwaiti men.
^^Ibid.. p. 75, Tables 38A and 38B. 37
About 60 percent of those enrolled in adult edu cation programs are Kuwaitis. Arabs from the Gulf Area represent 11.0 percent; other Arab nationals represent
27.0 percent, and non-Arabs comprise 2.0 percent of those enrolled.
While the number of illiterates has decreased in the last two decades, the number of persons with high school and college degrees is increasing. In 1957 there were 197 high school graduates and 51 university gradu ates, while in 1970 the number had increased to 7303 high school graduates and 1347 university graduates.
Population
Reliable information about the size of the popu lation before the 1957 census is lacking. It was re ported that the population was about 10,000 in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the early twentieth century the population was reported to be about
35,000; this increased to 60,000 in 1930, and 100,000
in 1939. Radical changes in the size and composition of
the population began in the early 1950*s. The oil boom
brought on a population boom according to the first
^^The Ministry of Education, "The 8th World Day for the Eradication of Illiteracy," September, 1973. (A pam phlet), p. 17. ^^Ibid.. p. 17 Table 9. 38 census taken in 1957 the population had grown to 206,458,
By 1962 this figure had reached 322,000 and by 1965,
467,000. According to the latest census taken in 1970,
Kuwait had 738,662 inhabitants. This number is expec
ted to reach one million before the end of this decade.
The rate of population growth is over 10 percent. This
high rate of growth is due to large-scale immigration.
It has been estimated that the average annual rate of net immigration of non-Kuwaitis is about 56 percent.
According to 1970 estimates the native Kuwaitis comprised
47 percent of the population (or 347,000 persons). This
is a somewhat lesser proportion of native Kuwaitis than
in 1965 when the population was 50.3 percent Kuwaiti and
49.7 percent non-Kuwait or in 1957 when the Kuwaitis
comprised of 55 percent of the population.
The sex ratio among Kuwaitis is 50.5 percent
male and 49.4 percent female. Among the non-Kuwaiti the
ratio is 62.4 percent male and 37.5 percent family.
The total sex ratio of the population is 56.8 percent
male and 43.1 percent female. This unusual sex ratio
among the non-Kuwaitis is considered an improvement over
^^Demographic situation in Kuwait, Ibid., pp. 1-2.
^^Ibid., p. 17, Table 9.
^^Ibid. , Table 10, page 18. 39 the figures of 1957 when it was 78.5 percent male and
21.4 percent female. This high male ratio could be at tributed to the large majority of the non-Kuwaiti work ing class who consider their stay in Kuwait a temporary one. The increased number of non-Kuwaiti females in 1970 may have been the result of more stable conditions which encouraged some non-Kuwaitis to bring their families.
The 1970 census figures indicate that the population of
Kuwait was very young. About 50 percent of the popula tion was below the age of 15 years and about 38 were be tween 15-44 years of age. It is expected that the pop ulation of Kuwait will double by 1980 if this gross re production rate of 3.4 continues. The 1970 census fig ures show the impact of education on human fertility.
It is estimated that the average percent of live-born children was 4.8 percent among births of illiterate mothers, but only 2.8 percent among mothers with inter mediate certificates, and only 1.8 percent among the mothers with college degrees. The total fertility rate was 6,8 for Kuwaiti women and 6.7 for non-Kuwaitis. As mentioned earlier the gross reproduction rate was 3.4 while the net reproduction rate was 3.1.^^
^^Demographic Situation, p. 1-4. Marriage
Although there is no legal minimum age for marriage, Kuwait girls tend to marry between the ages of
15 and 20, while men marry at between 20 and 30 years of age. The median marriage age is 27 years for males and 16 for females. According to the 1970 census, 61.6 percent of the male population were married; 0.5 per cent divorced; 0.9 widowed; and 37.0 never married.
Among females, 70.2 percent were married; 9.7 widowed;
1.8 divorced; and 18.3 never married. The number of in dividuals in the adolescent population who never married comprised 29.7 percent of the total population, 35.0 percent were single. Among the non-Kuwaitis the per cent of those who never married was 30.8 percent, as com pared to 28.3 percent of the Kuwaitis.
The 1970 census figures seem to indicate a tendency toward postponing marriage to continue one's
education. About 19.1 percent of illiterate Kuwaiti males never married, compared to 19.1 percent of illi
terate Kuwaiti females. Among literate individuals with no academic degrees the rate was 22.2 percent of the men
and 18.4 percent of the women. Of those with less than
a university education 68.7 percent of the males and 72.3
^^Ibid.. p. 5. 41 percent of the females never married. According to 1970 census the average duration of marriage was about 14 years. Comparing the 1965 and 1970 censuses it appears that the percentage of women who had been married less than 10 years was higher than in 1965, while the per centage of those married for more than 10 years was lower than in 1965.^^
Geographic Distribution
TABLE 5
AREA, POPULATION, AND DENSITY BY LOCALITY (1970 census)
Density per Localities Sq. Kilometer Population Sq. Mile
Capital Gover nor ate 19 217,749 4,334.7 Kuwait City 10.580 80,405 2.9 Suburbs and Villiages of Capital Govern. 12 137,344 4,331.8
Hawaiii Governorate 756 415,940 212.3
Ahmadi Governorate 20 104,219 1,983.3
Total 44 738,662 6,530.3
Source: The Planning Board "Statistical Abstract, 1973" Kuwait, August, 1973, Table 8, pp. 14-16.
^^Ibid.. p. 5. 42
As shown in the table above Kuwait is divided into three governorates. Each governorate is divided into many residential and non-residential areas. The population density differs greatly from one area to the other. In the capital governorate, for example, the density ranges from one person per square kilometer in the desert to 13,763 per square kilometer in Salhiya.
In the capital and Ahmadi governorate the ratio of non-
Kuwaiti to Kuwaitis is about 48 percent. But in the suburbs and villages of the capital governorate the ra tio of Kuwaitis to non-Kuwaitis is about 2 toi. Ex patriates comprise 60.0 percent of the residents of the
Hawaiii governorate.^® About two thirds of the Arab nationals live in the Hawalli governorate particularly in Hawalli and Salhiya. The majority of non-Arab resi dents live in some parts of the old city, such as Sharq,
Murgab, or Salhiya. There are some areas of ethnic con centration such as the Hawalli district for Palistinians and Jordanians, Sharq for Iranians, and Duha for Iraqis,^®
Religion
As Table 6 indicates, Moslems are the
^®The Planning Board, "Statistical Abstracts, 1973," Kuwait, 1973, p. 22-24, Table 12. ®®Ibid.. p. 25. 43
unchallenged majority in Kuwait. There is, however, a non-Moslem minority which comprises less than 10 percent
out of the total population or about 11 percent of the
non-Kuwaiti population. The ratio of Christians to
non-Christians in this minority is about 7 to 1. The
category of others in the table probably refers to Hin
dus and other religions.
Table 6
POPULATION ACCORDING TO RELIGION AND NATIONALITY (1970 Census)
Religion Kuwaitis Non-Kuwaitis
Moslem 347,209 352,589
Christian 182 34,001
Others 5 4,676
Total 347,396 391.266
Source: Table 15, p. 27, Planning Board, "Statistics Abstract, 1973," August, 1973, Kuwait.
Social Welfare and Housing
In Kuwait in addition to the free education
and health service programs, there is a public assistance
program. In 1962 a public assistance law was passed
which provides help to all those who need it. The pro
gram provides assistance to the disabled, diseased. 44 orphans, widows, the aged, divorced, poor, unmarried girls who are pregnant and deserted, the families of prisoners, and student families.
The social welfare system, which is run by the
Ministry of Social Affairs, provides training and finan cial assistance to those trying to establish themselves in small businesses. In 1955, there were 612 recipient families, compared to 8862 families in 1972. The median amount each family received was about $170 in 1955, but
$1250 in 1972.^® The social welfare system of Kuwait was designed to meet the needs of those misfortunate people who need help.
The government also has a program to assist
limited income families with home construction. The
Social Affairs Ministry is charged with the distribu
tion of these houses. The limited income house consists of three rooms, a kitchen, and bath. Electricity, water,
and sewage are also provided. Individuals purchasing
limited income homes pay for the house over 25 years
without interest. The program is restricted to Kuwaiti
citizens only. Since the program began in 1953, the
government has distributed about 13,000 limited income
houses. Government civil agents with higher income and
^^Planning Board, Public Services Statistics, 1973, Kuwait, Dec., 1973, Table 92, p. 101. university graduates can also get a generous loan of about $60,000 for. home construction. This loan also is collected over 25 years with no interest. According to the 1970 census there were about
10.000 villas, 6,000 buildings, 30,000 Eastern style houses, 13,000 tents.and huts, and 1,000 independent rooms in Kuwait. Most Kuwaiti residences are villas.
Eastern style houses, limited income houses, huts and tents, while non-Kuwaitis reside mostly in bungaloes and flats.Outside Kuwait City there are a number of slums. According to the 1970 census there were about
20.000 huts and tests (temporary households). The people residing in these slums were mostly Bedouins or poor immigrants from neighboring countries. There are about 11,000 Kuwaitis who live in huts, compared to
4,441 non-Kuwaitis and about 2,000 Kuwaitis and non-
Kuwaitis who live in tents.The government is now trying to take care of these unfortunate citizens by re-settling them in areas where there is adequate housing, schools, medical care centers, etc.
^^Planning Board, ’’Statistical Abstract, 1973,” Aug. 1973, p. 143, Tables 85-86, and 87.
^^Ibid., p. 143, Tables 86-87. CHAPTER III
THE STUDY DESIGN
As indicated before, this is an exploratory study.
The aim is to develop generalizations about the impact of urbanization and westernization on the family system in Kuwait, In particular, the study is concerned with the impact of change on family composition and family- kin relationships. Although industrialization has not progressed very far in Kuwait, urbanization and western ization are evident in all aspects of life. This modest report is based primarily on an analysis of survey and census data related to family composition and family- kin relations among urban Kuwaitis. Other sources of data for our analysis are economic and social reports and other related surveys about Kuwait.
The Sample
Kuwait, as seen in the previous chapter, was an underdeveloped traditional society. The majority of
the country's inhabitants lived in Kuwait City. In the
last two decades households in the old city have been
demolished and their owners have moved to the newly 46 47 designed suburbs outside the old city's wall.
Because of a lack of rural population in Kuwait it was decided to select the sample only from the urban residents of the suburbs. In the last two decades the majority of those people went through a radical change regarding their style of living, and other behavioral patterns.
Kuwait has a large expatriate community consisting
of about 53 percent of the total population. It was de
cided to exclude this segment of the population from our
sample since their stay in Kuwait is considered tempor
ary and since this study is about the Kuwaiti family.
The Location of the Families
Kuwait is divided into three governorates. The
Central Statistical Office divides each governorate into
districts. There are about 32 districts and each dis
trict is divided into a number of "census segments."
There are about 313 census segments with an average of
360 households per segment.
The Central Statistical Office also divides resi
dential districts into four categories, according to the
ratio of Kuwaiti— non-Kuwaiti residents in each district.
The first category applies to districts with less than
20 percent Kuwaiti population; the second refers to those with 20-50 percent; the third includes those with greater than 50 percent, and the fourth, areas with residents occupying temporary huts.
It was decided to select six districts which were thought to represent a cross-section of Kuwaiti society.
Four of these areas are suburbs of the Capital governor ate and the other two are in the Hawalli governorate.
The selection is based on two criteria: first, the per centage of Kuwaitis in the area; and second, the general
social characteristics of the area.
The six districts are: Residential Shuwaikh,
Nazha, Abdulla-Al-Salem Suburb, Khaldiya, Daiya, and
Omariya. The first area is generally a traditional,
upper class district. Most of its residents are busi
nessmen or high level government employees. The second
and third areas are newly designed suburbs ; the majority
of their residents represent the new, emerging middle
class. These residents are either middle level govern
ment civil servants or businessmen. The fourth area
shares the general characteristics of the above two.
The fifth district— especially the section selected—
represents the typical lower class. The majority of the
residents live in traditional Eastern-style homes. The
residents are mostly unskilled and work in low paying
jobs, with the exception of the few middle class 49 households surrounding this section of the district.
Finally, the sixth area is characterized by its low- income housing built by the government. The majority of its residents hold low-key government jobs and are mostly unskilled. A significant number of residents in the last two areas are Kuwaitis from Persian ethnic background or are Bedouins who have been assimilated
into urban areas over the last two decades.
The Selection of the Families
Since Kuwait lacks a city directory, our attention
was directed to the census tracts. The Central Sta
tistical Office at the Planning Board carried out large-
scale sample censuses in 1972 and 1973. Their purpose
was to get accurate estimates of the population between
the regular census years.
The Central Statistical Office sample consists of
a 20 percent random sample of the 311 census sectors.
Five of the districts selected were represented in the
geographical sample by a census sector. The only ex
ception is residential Shuwaikh. This study's sample
The Planning Board, Central Statistical Office. "Col lection and Compilation of Demographic Data in the State of Kuwait," August, 1973, State of Kuwait. (Pamphlet). 50 was selected at random from the 1973 population sample census. The reason for the selection of the 1973 in stead of the 1970 census is that the former is more up- to-date . It provides current information regarding the number of households and their geographical location, the number of members of each household, their sex, etc.
Another reason for selecting the 1973 census is that Ku wait is growing rapidly and three years have resulted in major changes in the distribution of the population.
Two of the areas selected are relatively new. There were very few residents in those areas in 1970. Ac cording to the 1970 census tracts there were only 97
Kuwaitis living in the Abdulla-Al-Salem suburb and 129
Kuwaitis living in Nazha. The 1973 population sample
census includes all of the residents in those areas. The one exception is the Shuwaikh district where the 1970
census tracts were used for selecting a random sample.
This area, as indicated before, is a traditional upper
class residential area where the structure seldom changes.
Table 7 shows that our sample consists of 341 fami
lies or 526 individuals. The interviews were conducted
with the head of the family and his wife where ever pos
sible. This was achieved in 184 families. In 88 fami
lies it was only possible to interview the male head of
the household, and in 69 cases, the female head of the TABLE 7 FAMILIES INTERVIEWED BY SEX AND AREA OF RESIDENCE
Area of Head of Family Total Number of Residence Male & Female Male Only Female Only Respondents Families
Residential Shuwaikh 30 8 10 78 48
Abdulla-Al- Salem Suburb 17 4 3 41 24
Nazha 25 8 8 66 41
Khaldiya 23 14 9 69 46
Omariya 49 23 17 138 89
Daiya 40 31 22 134* 93
Total 184 88 69 526 341
In one family, the two wives were interviewed. 52 households was interviewed.
In some cases the respondents were neither a husband or wife, but others who answered because of the unavailability of the head of the household. The majori ty however were answered by husband and wife. Respon dents included 243 husbands (48.8 percent); 200 wives
(40.2 percent); 19 mothers (3.8 percent); 27 married sons and/or daughters (5.4 percent); two brothers and/or sisters (0.4 percent); and in seven cases answers were made by other relatives who live in the same household.
Twenty-eight respondents (5.3 percent of the total) did not declare their relationship to the head of the household.
The Socio-Economic Status of Respondents
Respondents were asked to give their occupation, occupational rank, income, education, house type, its number of rooms, number of servants, etc. There is no need to emphasize the relation between SES and the first four factors— occupation, rank, education, and income.
After reviewing the data it was found that 327 respon dents or 62.2 percent of the total did not declare an occupation and occupational rank. Almost all female respondents were housewives but most of these declared 53 no occupation at all. Others who declared no occupation were either un-employed or self-employed males. Educa tion alone is not sufficient for determining socio economic status in a newly developing country. Among the respondents there are only 13 who completed college and 17 who hold higher than a high school degree, but lower than college degree.
Income is thought to be the best available in dicator of SES at present. It is important to note that in Kuwait there is no income tax or any other type of taxation; thus, people are not reluctant to declare their income. Among the respondents only 29 individuals, or
5.5 percent, did not declare their income. In order to determine the relationship between income and other vari ables a Pearsonian correlation coefficient was used. As shown in Table 8, income has a significant relationship with all other variables (e.g., occupation, occupational rank, education, address, house type, number of servents, number of rooms, number of cars, number of t.v.'s).
Hence income was chosen as the indicator for socio economic status.
As shown in Table 9, eight income categories were used. These were converged into five categories: the first and second category represent the lower SES; the third category represents the lower middle SES; the TABLE 8
CORRELATES OP INCOME
Occupational Educational House Number of Occupation Rank Attainment Type Servants
-0.45*
Number of Number of Number of Rooms Cars T.V.
5.0.001
N-162-269 TABLE 9 RESPONDENTS BY INCOME
Annual Income Number of Respondents
1. Less than 1000K-. D 18 3.4
2. 1000-15000K-D 37 7.0
3. 1600-2000K.D 141 26.8
4. 2100-4000K.D 181 34.4
5. 4100-6000K.D 52 9.9
6. 6100-8000K.D 25 4.8
7. 8100-10,COOK.D 10 1.9
8. More than 10,000K.D 62 11.8
Total 526 100.0
An estimated income level was assigned to each of the 29 cases according to other related factors. 1 K.D « $3.3 56 fourth, fifth, and sixth represent the upper middle
SES; and the seventh and eighth represent the upper SES,
Occupation and Education of Respondents
As indicated above, only 47.8 percent of the res pondents declared their occupation. Almost all of the women, who represent 48.1 percent of the respondents, are housewives.
As shown in Table 10, of those 199 respondents who declared their occupation, 31,7 percent are clerical and kindred workers. The second most prevalent occupation includes managers and administrators, who make up 21.6 percent of those interviewed. This category is followed by service workers, with 18.1 percent. Professionals and craftsmen represent 10.1 percent each.
In contrast to occupation, all respondents have declared their educational achievement as shown in Table
11. A large segment (37,9 percent) of the respondents are illiterate. This ratio is expected in this adult group since, the illiteracy rate among Kuwaitis is 47.2, according to the 1970 census. Those respondents who can read represent 8.4 percent as compared to 20.9 percent who can read and write but hold no school degree. The sample includes 8.9 percent of the respondents with pri mary certificates, 11.8 percent with intermediate 57
TABLE 10 RESPONDENTS BY OCCUPATION
Type of Occupation Respondents Percent
Professionals, Technical, and Kindred Workers 20 10.1
Managers and Adminis trators 43 21.6
Clerical and Kindred Workers 63 31.7
Craftsman and Kindred Workers 20 10.1
Operatives, except Transportation 7 3.5
Transport Equipment Operatives 5 2.5
Laborers, except farm 5 2.5
Service workers, except private household 36 18.1
Total 199 100.0 RESPONDENTS BY LEVEL OF EDUCATION
Level of Education Respondents Percent
Illiterate 198 37.6
Read Only 44 8.4
Read and Write 110 20.9
Primary Certificate 47 8.9
Intermediate Certificate 62 11.8
Secondary Certificate 35 6.8
Below University Level 17 3.2
University Graduate 13 2.5 59 certificates, and 6.8 percent with secondary certificates.
Only a small segment of the sample hold university de grees or have had some post-secondary education; these represent 62.5 percent and 3.2 percent, respectively.
For analytical purposes the eight categories were clustered into five categories. Categories two and three,
five and six, and seven and eight were combined.
Age and Sex of Respondents
Age categories in the questionnaire range from
15 to 60 years, with 5-year intervals between each. For
analytical purposes, these ten categories were combined
into five categories. The three first categories (15-
29) were clustered into one containing 19.2 percent of
the total. The second category contains the age group
30-39 and includes 27.0 percent. The age category 40-
49 contains 24.0 percent, while the category 50-59 re
presents 19.6 percent of the total. The fifth and final
age category (60 years and above) consists of 10.3 per
cents of the total.
The respondents include 273 males (51.9 percent)
and 253 females (48.1 percent). 60
Definitions
The first term to be defined is '’family,” The word "family” is used to refer to any group of people, not less them two, who live in one residential unit and
aure related to each other by blood ties or marriage. In contrast, a "household” is defined as one or more persons who occupy a given house, whether or not they are related by blood or marriage.
The term "nuclear” family or what is sometimes
called "conjugal” family refers to a family unit con
sisting primarily of a husband, wife, and their chil
dren. A widow and her children are also considered a
nuclear family.
The term "extended” family applies to families
with two or more nuclear families living in the same
household and where the males are related by blood, such
as father-son or brother-brother.
The term "quasi-extended" family (or, as it is
called by some sociologists, "stem-family") refers to
any family group of relatives who are more than husband-
wife-children and less than extended, as two married
male relatives. In Kuwait it is still a moral obliga
tion, a part of the traditional family welfare function,
for a married person to have in his home his widowed 61 parent, unmarried brothers and sister, and/or other re latives, such as a parent, unmarried brothers and sisters, in-laws, uncles and aunts, etc. Polyganous families belong in this category, if a husband has his wives in the same household.
The term "urbanization" is used according to K.
Davis' definition to refer to the increasing ratio of urban-dwelling individuals in a given country.
The Questionnaire
A questionnaire was used for data collection. The interview schedule includes sixty-seven questions, both open-ended and structured. The questionnaire covers five major subjects; household composition, attitude toward family composition, family and kin relationships, marriage norms and customs, and women's status. The third category is divided into five sub-categories:
family-kin assistance in times of need, family-kin as business partners, family-kin as leisure partners, mar riage among relatives, and conflict among relatives.
^^Karen Petersen has three categories in her study: kin as work partners; kin as leisure companions; and kin as assistants in times of prolonged need. She sug gested for future research the addition of marriage and conflict among kin. We followed this general principle. See Karen Petersen, "Family and Kin in Contemporary Egypt," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia Uni versity, 1967. 62
In addition, vital demographic data were requested.
These data included sex; marital status; educational achievement; occupation; occupational rank; type and o%mership of households; number of cars, t.v.*s, and rooms; number of servants.
In general, the questionnaire is similar to those used in family studies in western and non-western coun tries. Some questions relevant to the family in Kuwait were used directly; others were modified. The original copy was drafted in English and later translated into
Arabic. A pre-testing of the questionnaire carried out in Kuwait resulted in a few minor changes.
The Field Work
A discussion of the field-work operation and the difficulties encountered by interviewers are given in the Appendix. CHAPTER IV
FAMILY SIZE AND COMPOSITION
This Chapter examines two important aspects of change and the family. The first is the size of house holds in Kuwait; the second, family composition among the sample strata.
Family Size
A widely accepted hypothesis among family sociolo gists is that the family, in traditional societies, is large in size and complex in composition, containing more than one nuclear family. As societies move toward development and modernization, the extended family tends to be replaced by the nuclear amd large size families by those of a small size. Some sociologists such as Hsu,
Lang, and Fried^^ have pointed out that many factors
See Francis Hsu, "The Myth of Chinese Family Size," American Journal of Sociology, 48 (March, 1943) pp. 555-562. Olga Lang, Chinese Family and Society, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946, and Morton H. Fried, "The Family in China: The People's Republic," in The Family : Its Function and Destiny. Ruth Wander Anshem (ed. ), (^'evised edition. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1959), pp. 148-149. They generally argued that economic conditions among other factors prevent such phenomena from dominating. Large size households were prevelant among the upper classes. The average size of five or six persons has been the norm according to available census data for many years. 63 64 prevent the large and complex family from prevailing in non-industrial societies such as China. The major chal lenge to this hypothesis was carried out by Goode and
Levy,^^ who have stated that economic and demographic conditions limit the possibility of developing and main taining a large and complex family household. Levy's thesis has been supported by Burch.More relevent to our study, Petersen found that demographic conditions in
Egypt have prevented the ideal extended family from spreading widely. Petersen found that large size house holds (six persons or more) have been a minority (about
40 percent) in Egypt since the beginning of this century.
In urban centers, such as Cairo, about 26 percent in
William Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns. New York: The Free Press, 1963, and Marian Levy, Jr. "Aspects of the Analysis of the Family," In Ansley J. Coale, et al.. Aspects of the Analysis of Family Structure.(Princeton: Princeton university Press, 1965) pp. 1-63.
^^See Thomas Burch, "The Size and Structure of Families: A Comparative Analysis of Census Data," American Sociological Review, Vol. 32, No. 3, (June, 1967), pp. 347-363. He found that in no society he inves tigated has the large family become a model. He sup ported Levy's general proposition that the "actual" size and composition of the family in all societies is virtually the same. And, found no nation among those investigated that averaged more than 5.5 per sons per family household. He stated that family household size mainly reflects fertility and has little to do with extended family or structure. 65
1917 and 37 percent in 1960 lived in large households.^®
In this chapter, we attempt to demonstrate that although the average family size is relatively large in
Kuwait (approximately 7.6), the ideal extended family households are in the minority.
Census Data
Information regarding household size is available in the 1965 and 1970 censuses. Table 12 clearly demon strates that unlike Egypt and many other countries cited earlier, households with six persons and more are in the majority in Kuwait. The proportion of these households has increased from 66.4 percent in 1965 to 70.2 percent in 1970. There is little or no difference in the average household size of various regions in the state, the least increase seen in Kuwait city with 65.0 percent of the households having six persons or more. The increase of
large size households in 1970 as compared to 1965 is due
to an increase in the average number of surviving child-
Karen Petersen, "Demographic Conditions and Extended Family Households: Egyptian Data," Social Forces, 45 (June, 1958), pp. 531-537. TABLE 12
PERCENT OF NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS IN HOUSEHOLD BY REGION 1965 and 1970 Census
1970 Region 1-5 6 or more 1-5 6 or more
Kuwait City 37.2 62.8 35.0 65.0
Suburbs and Villages of Capital Gov- ernorate 28.6 71.4 28,0 72.0
Capital Governorate 31.3 68.7 29.5 70.5
Hawaiii Governorate 34.7 65.3 28.6 71.4
Ahmad Governorate 37.7 62.3 30.0 70.0
Total State of Kuwait 33.6 66.4 29.1 70.2
Source; Tabulated from Table (16A), Planning Board, Central Statistical Office, "1965 Census," pp. 148-153 and Table (18), The Planning Board, Cen tral Statistical Office, "1970 Census, Part 2" pp. 167- 168. 67
It seems that Kuwait, due to modernization, has become a high fertility and low mortality country.
Table 13 illustrates the distribution of household size according to the educational attainment of the head of the household. Households with six persons or more were in the majority in all educational levels in both
1965 and 1970. The table shows that the proportion of large size households increased in all levels in 1970 except among those with college education. In this group the precentage of households with six or more persons decreased from 67.4 percent in 1965 to 56.9 percent in
1970. Individuals with more education tend to have fewer children and fewer relatives living at home.
Table 58 in the Appendix shows the distribution of households according to size in areas of the survey.
Two of these areas, Nazha and Abdulla-Al-Salem Suburb, had not yet developed when the 1970 census was taken. In the other four areas, the percentage of households con sisting of six or more persons was approximately 80 percent. In Shuwaikh it was 87,4 percent; in Khaldiya,
82 percent; in Omariya, 75.5 percent; and in Daiya, 78 percent.
In summary, census data show that Kuwait households are large. Their size is increasing due to the low mor tality and high fertility rates. Although the educated 68
TABLE 13
PERCENT OF NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS IN HOUSEHOLD BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT 1955 and 1970 Census
Educational 1965 1970 Attainmen t 1-5 6 or more 1-5 6 or more
Illiterate 38.2 61.8 32.2 67.8
Read Only and Literate 27.2 72.8 22,3 77.7
Primary 36.5 63.5 29.3 70.7
Intermediate and Secon dary 34.5 65.5 32.6 67.4
Below Uni- veristy Level and College Graduate 32.6 67.4 43.1 56.9
Source; Tabulated from Table (12A), The Planning Board Central Statistical Office, "1965 Census" p. 126 and Table (56), The Planning Board, Central Statistical Office, "1970 Census" pp. 422-423. 69 segments of the population tend to have large households, their average household size has decreased in recent years. And finally, in four of the survey areas, about
80 percent of the households have six or more persons.
Survey Data
Previous studies have demonstrated the average size of private households to be about 3-6 persons. Over half of the population in underdeveloped countries live in such households. However, Table 14 shows that only
26 percent of the nuclear families interviewed (parents and children only) consist of less than six persons.
Over 70 percent of the pure nuclear families contain 6-
12 persons. In addition, 25 percent of the extended families have 10-12 persons, and 48 percent are families with 13 persons and more. These figures clearly indicate that family size, although relevent, is not a good indi cator for family type.
The survey data show significant educational and
SES differences in family size. Table 15 clearly shows that while 40 percent of those with college educations have families of 5 persons or less; about 54 percent of the illiterate heads have families consisting of 10 or more individuals. The table further shows that 33 percent TABLE 14
TYPE OF FAMILY BY NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS
Type of Family 1-5 6-7 8-9 10-12 13 and up Total
Nuclear 81 83 65 73 7 309 26.2 26.9 21.0 23.6 2.3 59.1
Quasi-Extended 19 20 19 22 16 96 19.8 20.8 19.8 22.9 16.7 18.4
Extended 3 7 21 30 57 118 2.5 5.9 17.8 25.4 48.3 22.6
TOTAL 103 110 105 125 80 523 19.7 21.0 20.1 23.9 15.3 100.0 TABLE 15 NUMBER OP INDIVIDUALS BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Number of Read Only Intermediate Some Univ. Train Individuals Illiterate and Literate Primary and Secondary ing/Univ. Grad,
1-5 23 29 7 32 12 103 11.7 19.0 14.9 33.3 40.0 19.7 6-7 28 32 15 29 6 110 14.2 20.9 31.9 30.2 20.0 21.0 8-9 39 39 8 13 6 105 19.8 25.5 17.0 13.5 20.0 20.1
10-12 61 36 14 11 3 125 31.0 23.5 29.8 11.5 10.0 23.9 13 and up 46 17 3 11 3 80 23.4 11.1 6.4 11.5 10.0 15.3
TOTAL 197 153 47 96 30 523 37.7 29.3 9.0 18.4 5.7 100.0 72 of those families whose heads have an intermediate or secondary education are households with 5 or less per sons. In comparison, only 12 percent of the illiterate live in this type of households.
The relationship between SES and family type is shown in Table 16. Large size households are upper and lower middle SES phenomena. Over 38 percent of lower
SES families are small, with 1-5 persons. In contrast, only 24 percent of the upper SES families and 14 percent of the lower middle SES families belong to this category.
About 72 percent of lower middle SES have 8 or more per sons per household as compared to only 51 percent of the lower SES families.
It is interesting to note that survey data show little or no differences in household size according to house types and the humbers of rooms.
Family Composition
The survey families were divided into three major types; nuclear, quasi-extended, and extended. Table 17 shows that nuclear families comprise 59,0 percent; quasi extended, 18.7; and extended families, 22.3 percent. A breakdown of these three major types shows the membership composition of these families. Widowed and divorced TABLE 16
NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS BY SES
Number of Lower- Upper- Individuals Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
1-5 21 19 46 17 103 38.2 13.6 18.0 23.6 19.7
6-7 6 20 68 16 110 10.9 14.3 26.6 22.2 21.0
8-9 7 36 47 15 105 12.7 25.7 18.4 20.8 20.1
10-12 13 36 59 17 125 23.6 25.7 23.0 23.6 23.9
13 and up 8 29 •* 36 7 80 14.5 20.7 14.1 9.7 15.3
TOTAL 55 140 256 72 523 10.5 26.0 48.9 13.8 100.0 TABLE 17 DISTRIBUTION OF THE SURVEY SAMPLE ACCORDING TO HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION
Type of Family Type of Household Membership Number of Families Percent
1 Husband, Wife and Children 185 54.3 2 Mother, Unmarried Children and/or a relative 16 4.7
Quasi- Extended Husband, Wife, Children and Mother 6.2 Husband, Wife, Children, Mother, and Unmarried Brothers and Sisters 5.0 Husband, Wife, Children, Father, and Unmarried Brothers and Sisters 2.3 Husband, Two Wives, and Children 2.3 Husband, Wife, Children and a Relative(s) 10 2.9
lA Two Married Brothers and Their Children 10 2.9 IB Two Married Brothers and Their Children and a Relative(s) 8 2.3 2A Father, Mother, Married Son(s) and Children 42 12.3 28 Father, Mother, Married Son(s), Children and a Relative(s) 16 4.7
341 100.0 75 mothers number significantly in nuclear and quasi
extended families. About 8 percent of the nuclear fami
lies consist of a mother and her unmarried children. In
addition, about 60 percent of the quasi-extended families
are made up of a widow and her unmarried children. In
contrast, only 12 percent of the quasi-extended families
have a retired father and his unmarried children. This
proportional difference is due to demographic as well as
social conditions. Women in Kuwait, as in other parts of
the world, tend to live longer than men. Furthermore,
divorced and widowed mothers are discouraged from re
marrying but they are expected to take care of their
children. According to the 1970 census there are about
4,269 widowed females as compared to only 725 widowed
males, Polygynist families comprise 2.3 percent of the
survey sample.
Patrilocal extended families consist of father,
mother, and their married sons and children; these repre
sent 17 percent of the total. The other type of ex
tended family consists of two married brothers and their
children, representing about 5.3 percent of the survey
sample. The table clearly shows that extended families,
particularly the traditional patrilocal extended, are in
the minority in Kuwait now. 76
It is very difficult to determine the type and size of the families in Kuwait in the past. There are no census figures before 1957 and no other relevent refer ences. A crude measure was used in this study to give us a clue about the type and size of the families in the past. Respondents were asked whether their family of orientation was nuclear or extended. Table 18 shows that nearly 72 percent of the respondents were born in nuclear families as compared to about 28 percent born in extended families. Over 80 percent of the respondents were born before the oil boom of the 1950’s. The proportion of extended families of orientation differs very little from the present extended family ratio of 22.3 percent.
Those who were born in extended families tended to con tinue living in this type of family, more than those who were born in nuclear families. Over 71 percent of res pondents who live in quasi-extended families were born in nuclear families. Thus, a high proportion of nuclear families of orientation are shown in the table.
Analysis of the data shows that the majority of extended families of orientation (about 58 percent) con sist of two nuclear families. Those with three nuclear families comprise 28 percent; and those with 4 or more,
13 percent. 77 TABLE 18
FAMILY TYPE BY FAMILY OF ORIENTATION
Family of Orientation Family Type Nuclear Extend*
Nuclear 194 116 310 62.6 37.4 59.2
Quasi- 69 28 97 Extended 71.1 28.9 18.5
Extended 69 48 117 59.0 41.0 22.3
TOTAL 332 192 524 71.6 28.4 100.0 78
In contrast, a greater majority (75 percent) of extended families of procreation consist of two nuclear families. Those with 3 nuclear families comprise 13.5 percent, while those with 4 or more make up 11 percent of the sample.
It seems that traditional extended families are and were in the minority in Kuwait. There might be little difference in proportion; but, according to this measure, although crude, this type of family never was the "actual" majority.
Respondents also were asked about the size of their family of orientation. Families of orientation with 5 or less members consist of 18 percent each.
The hiqhest proportion (35 percent) are families with
13.members and up. Studies cited above tend to suggest that the nu clear family, although it is not the ideal model in the
Arab world, is more prevelant among the urban, young, middle class, educated segments of the population. Sur vey data were analyzed according to social profiles of head of the household.
Table 19 suggests that the nuclear family is the norm in upper middle and upper SES. While the propor
tion of this type of family is 64 percent among these
two categories, its rate is around 50 percent in both TABLE 19
FAMILY TYPE BY SES
Family Upper Type Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Nuclear 27 73 165 46 311 49.1 51.8 64.0 63.9 59.1
Quasi- Extended 17 24 45 11 97 30.9 17.0 17.4 15.3 18.4
Extended 11 44 48 15 118 20.0 31.2 18.6 20.8 22.4
TOTAL 55 141 258 72 526 10.5 26,8 49.0 13.7 100.0 80
lower and lower-middle SES. A good proportion (about 31 percent) of lower SES families are quasi-extended. In contrast, these types of families make up only 15 per cent of upper SES families. This indicates that lower
SES families maintain the welfare and social services
function of the family. Traditionally, a married son
sometimes has in his household (in addition to a re
tired parent) unmarried brothers and sister, divorced
or widowed sisters (sometimes with their children), and/or
retired or unmarried uncles or aunts. The table also
shows that the proportion of extended families is al
most the same in all SES (about 20 percent) with the ex
ception of the lower middle SES where extended families
make up 31 percent of that category.
The impact of education in this survey is very
difficult to assess since only 5.7 percent of the res
pondents finished two years of college and/or completed
a college education. Table 59 in the Appendix shows
that a higher proportion of illiterate live in exten
ded families than those with college degrees. The pro
portions are 30 percent to 17 percent respectively. In
contrast, the proportion of those who head nuclear fam
ilies among the literate is higher than among the il
literate.
Table 60 in the Appendix shows that nearly SO per
cent of the young live in nuclear families; a significant 81 number, however, live in quasi-extended. It seems that persons at such an age have not disassociated them selves from family obligations, and hence, have some one living with them in the household. The highest pro portion of persons who live in nuclear families are in the age group 30-39 (65.5 percent). On the other hand, only 52 percent of those 60 years of age and over live in such families. Respondents age 50 and over have the highest proportion of extended families. The lowest proportion is among the age group 30-30. Because of late marriage in Kuwait, this latter age is the prime time for independence from kin obligation.
Family type was found to vary according to house type. Table 61 in the Appendix shows that the majority of respondents who live in apartments and limited-income housing live in nuclear families. A small minority live in extended families. Limited-income housing is, like apartments, limited in space and number of rooms. Al though modern villas are generally large, 59 percent of those in Kuwait are occupied by nuclear families. Only
26 percent of the villas are occupied by extended fami lies. A minority (around 40 percent) of the traditional eastern-style housing is occupied by nuclear families.
And a significant proportion (33 percent) are occupied by extended families. 81
The nuclear family seems to be in the majority in all types of houses except those with 11 rooms or more.
Table 62 in the Appendix shows that the nuclear families make up 74 percent of households with 9-10 rooms. Ex tended families are in the upper minority range (around
46 percent) only in households with 11 rooms or more.
This shows that since the typical family size is large in
Kuwait, number of rooms is not a good indicator for fami ly structure.
Table 63 in the Appendix shows the distribution of family types within the survey areas. In Shuwaikh, the traditional upper class area, most of the families are nuclear (about 80 percent). Abdulla-Al-Salem, Na- zha, and Khaldiya, generally middle class areas, have a majority of nuclear families (between 54-68 percent).
All of the above areas, with the exception of Khaldia, have less than 20 percent extended families. Khaldia has about 35 percent. Over 67 percent of the households in Omariah, an area with limited-income housing, are oc cupied by nuclear families. Daiya, with its traditional eastern-style houses, has about 37 percent of its house holds occupied by nuclear families, 25 percent by quasi extended, and 38 percent by extended families.
To summarize, the Kuwaiti family, with its average size of 7.6 persons per household, is considered one of the largest in the world.It is possible that due to low mortality and high fertility, average family size might increase in years to come before it reaches its peak.
Family size seems to have no relationship with family type, household type, or number of rooms. How ever, family size has a negative relationship with edu cation, and a positive relationship with SES. Census data show that family size has increased in all segments of the population except the college educated. Census data from between 1965 and 1970 show that respondents with a college education tend to live in smaller house holds than most others. Large family households were found to be more prevalent among respondents in lower middle and upper SES. Small families are more preva lent among lower and upper middle SES. It seems that economic conditions for the former and ideological rea sons for the latter perpetuated the small size family among these two groups.
It was found that the nuclear family type is the statistical majority among the survey respondents. The
^^The average household size is 3.3 in the United States; 2.8 in Sweden; 4.5 in Hong Kong; 5.0 in Egypt; and 5.7 in Turkey. See Burch, Ibid., p. 355. 83 traditional patrilocal extended family is a minority among sample families. It seems, as Goode suggested, that although this is the ideal type, it was in the minority even prior to urbanization.
The nuclear family type was found to be more pre valent among upper middle and upper SES respondents.
All segments of SES have essentially the same propor tion of extended families. On the other hand, upper
SES families, although larger in size, are relatively nuclear in type.
Extended families were found to be more prevalent among the illiterate segment of the survey sample. Nu clear families tend to be more prevalent among literate families.
Nuclear family type was found to be more prevalent among respondents of the age group 30-39. In contrast, respondents of 50 years and over tend to live more of ten in extended families.
Although family type has no relationship with number of rooms, it has a significant relationship with house type. Nuclear families are found more often re siding in apartments, limited-income housing, and villas.
Traditional eastern-style housing has very few of the nuclear families, and the greatest majority of extended families and quasi-extended families. 84
Ecologically, the nuclear family type is the sta tistical majority in Shuwaikh, an upper class residen tial area. In contrast, in a low income section of
Daiya, this type of family is in the minority. The latter area has the highest occurrence of extended fami lies. CHAPTER V
ATTITUDES TOWARD FAMILY SIZE AND COMPOSITION
In Chapter IV, the Kuwaiti family was found to be generally large in size and nuclear type. Since actual behavior sometimes differs from attitudes, this chapter examines the attitudes of respondents’ family size and composition.
Family Size
It is anticipated that ideological as well as social conditions may have an impact on respondents* attitudes toward family size. Specifically, education plays an important role in influencing people's atti tudes. Table 54 in the Appendix clearly indicates that illiterate respondents, more than literate, preferred a large-size family. The majority of illiterates (64 per cent) preferred a family with more than 8 persons, while only 16 percent of respondents with a college education preferred such a large family. The majority of the literate prefer a family with 7 persons or less. Only
35 percent among the illiterate prefer this smaller fami ly. Generally, literate respondents seem to prefer fewer 85 86 family members than they actually have. In table 15 above about 40 percent of respondents with a college education have a family of 8 persons or more; in compari son, only 16 percent preferred this family size. About
50 percent, however, prefer a family with 6-7 persons.
This size family is considered large by any standards, particularly among the educated.
Attitude toward family size was found to be asso ciated with SES. Table 20 shows that lower and lower middle SES respondents seem to prefer a larger size family. Over 45 percent of lower SES respondents and about 54 percent of lower middle SES respondents pre fer families with 8 persons or more; only 16 percent of those in upper SES prefer families with 8 persons or more.
Again, comparing attitudes to actual family size, it is clear that respondents in all SES levels generally prefer a smaller size family than they actually have.
When respondents were distributed according to age it was found that young respondents generally prefer a smaller size family than older ones. Table 65 in the
Appendix shows that 53 percent of those over 50 years old prefer a family with 8 members or more, as compared to only 27 percent of those 15-29 years old.
Family size preferences were also found to differ TABLE 20
PREFERRED FAMILY SIZE BY SES
Preferred Lower- Upper- Family Size Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
1-5 12 21 59 24 116 27.3 16.9 26.2 35.8 25.2
6-7 12 26 77 32 157 27.3 29.0 34.2 47.8 34.1
8-9 7 25 40 6 78 15.9 20.2 17.8 9.0 17.0
10-12 8 22 28 4 62 18.2 17.7 12.4 6.0 10.2
13 & up 5 20 21 1 47 11.4 16.1 9.3 1.5 10.2
Total 44 124 225 67 460 9.6 27.0 48.9 14.6 100.0 88 according to the respondent’s family background. Res pondents who live in nuclear families generally seem to prefer a smaller size family as compared to those who live in quasi-extended and extended families. Table 66 in the Appendix shows that about 64 percent of respon dents who live in nuclear families prefer a family size of 7 persons or less, as compared to about 46 percent of those living in extended families. But these dif ferences are generally not substantial. It is inter esting to note that about 74 percent of those who live in nuclear families prefer a family with 6 persons or more. This figure is very high by international stan dards, especially when researchers use this size as a measure for the existence of extended families. This again indicates that family size and attitude toward it do not have a significant relationship to family back ground .
In summary, these findings indicate, as shown in
Table 67 in the Appendix, that Kuwaitis in general seem to prefer a smaller size family than they actually have.
The table shows that while about 60 percent of the res pondents prefer a family with 7 persons and less, only
42 percent of the respondents live in this type of family.
The general tendency, then, is toward a "smaller"
family. This trend is more apparent among those segments 89 of society which have been more influenced by westerni zation and urbanization— the young, the educated, and the upper class.
Family Type
Respondents were asked the following four questions to ascertain whether their attitudes toward family com position had changed in recent years:
1) Do you prefer to live with a small family (fa ther, mother, and children) or with many families (fa ther, mother, brothers, their wives, children, etc.)?
2) Do you prefer that a son should live with his parents after marriage or should he live in a separate household?
3) Do you prefer that married brothers live in one household after their parents' death or should each live in a separate household?
4) Do you prefer that widowers live with their married sons or should they live in a separate household?
Preference of Family Type According to Family
Back ground.— IVhen respondents were asked in which type of family they would prefer to live, a majority of 376
(71.6 percent) stated that they preferred the nuclear family and only 149 respondents (28.4 percent) preferred 90 the traditional patrilocal extended family. Table 21 shows a breakdown for these gross percentages according to family background. The table shows that respondents from nuclear families and quasi-extended families are overwhelmingly in favor of nuclear family living. Res pondents from extended families, however, form a sur prising majority in expressing their preference for nu clear family living.
The high percentage of nuclear and quasi-extended family respondents (77 percent and 73 percent respec tively) who prefer the nuclear family type may indicate two things : First, that the majority of those who live in nuclear families are satisfied with this pattern, and second, those who live in quasi-extended families con sider the type of their families as being in transition to a nuclear type. It seems possible that the 55 per cent of respondents who live in extended families and prefer a nuclear one considered traditional patrilocal family living unsatisfactory and have reservations about its practicability.
The minority of respondents who live in nuclear and quasi-extended families and prefer the extended type may be forced to live in these types for economic as well as government housing policies. These findings in dicate that the traditional patrilocal extended family 91
TABLE 21
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY FAMILY BACKGROUND
Preference of Family Type Family Type Nuclear Family Extended Family Total
Nuclear 241 70 311 77.5 22.5 59.2
Quasi- 70 26 96 Extended 72.9 27.1 18.3
Extended 65 53 118 55.1 44.9 22.5
Total 376 149 525 71.6 28.4 100.0 92 is not the ideal type as commentators on the Arab world assumed. Instead, the ideal type is the nuclear family especially among those who live in nuclear and quasi extended families.
The attitudes outlined above shifted somewhat when respondents were asked whether they prefer that married brothers live together, and/or a married son and parents live in the same household.
Table 68 in the Appendix shows that the majority of those who live in nuclear and quasi-extended families
(69 percent and 65 percent respectively) prefer that married brothers live in separate households after the death of their father while only a minority of 46 per cent of those who live in extended families prefer such separation.
It appears that although a majority of respondents generally favor the nuclear family to the patrilocal ex tended type, those who live in extended families generally prefer fraternal extended types. Even among those who live in nuclear and quasi-extended families, the min ority who prefer an extended family type increases in favor of fraternal households.
Attitudes toward family type become still more clear in light of the respondents’ answers to the third question (whether or not they prefer a married son to 93 live with his parents). Table 22 shows that only a small majority among those who live in nuclear and quasi extended families (56 percent and 50 percent respectively) prefer that a married son live in an independent house hold. The majority (68 percent) of those who live in extended families, however, expressed their preference for one family households for married sons and parents.
How would one explain this difference in attitude?
A majority of 72 percent prefer the nuclear family to
the patrilocal extended family, and yet only about 50 percent express preference for the former type when com pared with one married son living with parents. It seems essentially, that the respondent's opinion of the tra ditional patrilocal family is that it is unsatisfactory
and impractical, while they think that the son-parent
household is practical and satisfactory.
When respondents were asked about preferred resi
dence for widowers it was found that the overwhelming
majority of respondents prefer that widowers live with
their married sons. This is expected since Kuwait does
not have special homes for the elderly and there is a
national tendency to consider their care a prime obli
gation. There is an anticipated difference between those
who live in nuclear and extended family in their prefer
ences on this issue. Table 69 in the Appendix shows 94
TABLE 22
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY FAMILY BACKGROUND Preference of Married Son's Residence Family Type With Parents Independent Total
Nuclear 136 173 309 Family 44.0 56.0 59.3
Quasi- Extended 48 48 96 Family 50.0 50.0 18.4
Extended 79 37 116 Family 68.1 31.9 22.3
Total 263 258 521 50.5 49.5 100.0 95 while over 17 percent of those who live in nuclear fami lies prefer that widowers live in a separate household, only 8 percent of those who live in extended families prefer such an arrangement.
Education as related to choice of family type.—
Most commentators on the Arab family feel that the idea of the nuclear family appeals mostly to the educated.
Education is seen by many as an important source of change. A breakdown of the respondents according to their educational attainment was undertaken to see whether education makes a difference in their answers to the four previous questions. Table 70 in the Appendix shows that respondents from all educational levels ex press a preference for the nuclear family as opposed to the traditional patrilocal extended family. Most res pondents with a college education (87 percent) prefer a nuclear family as compared to 63 percent of the illi
terates who prefer this type.
The difference in attitudes between literate and
illiterate respondents becomes more apparent in Table
71 in the Appendix. While a 90 percent majority of the
college educated prefer that married brothers live in a
separate household, only 51 percent of the illiterate
prefer such a pattern. 96
But the impact of education on respondents' at titudes toward family type is clearly shown in the fol lowing table. In their answers to the question con cerning married son-parents mutual living, the majority of the literate preferred an independent household for married sons, while a majority of the illiterate res pondents preferred that a son live with parents. About
75 percent of respondents with intermediate and secondary education preferred the independent household, as com pared to only 33 percent of the illiterate.
These figures clearly indicate that education has a significant impact on the individual's attitudes toward family type. The nuclear family is seen as the ideal type even among those with primary education or those who read and write only. As the massive education pro gram continues in Kuwait it is expected that this ma jority will probably increase.
It is interesting to note, as Table 72 in the Ap pendix illustrates that respondents from all educational levels prefer that the family maintain its traditional function of taking care of widowers. A majority ranging from 85-90 percent of all respondents prefer that wi dowers live with married sons.
SES as related to preference of family type.— Fami ly theorists like Goode assume that lower class TABLE 23..
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Preference of Some Univ. Married Son's Intermediate Training/ Residence Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
With Parents 131 76 21 24 11 263 66.8 49.4 44.7 25.3 37.9 50.5
Independent 65 78 26 71 18 258 Household 33.2 50.6 55.3 74.7 62.1 49.5
Total 196 154 47 95 29 521 37.6 29.6 9.0 18.2 5.6 100.0 9 8 individuals, because of their social environment, are expected to prefer the nuclear family moreso than those in the upper classes who usually resist change and ap prove of little modification in the extended family system. Our findings question such an assumption.
Table 73 in the Appendix shows that the majority of respondents from all SES levels prefer the nuclear
family to the traditional patrilocal extended family.
A higher majority (82 percent) of the upper SES respon dents as compared to a lesser majority (73 percent) of the lower SES respondents prefer the nuclear family.
The differential distribution of respondents from
the four SES levels according to their preference for
fraternal extended families is seen in Table 74 in the
Appendix. A more appreciable difference is found between
upper and lower SES levels. While a majority of 76 per
cent of upper SES respondents prefer that married bro
thers live in a separate household, only 53 percent of
those in the lower SES level prefer this living pattern.
The general trend seems to be that as the SES
level rises, the percentage of those in favor of the nu
clear family type increases. This trend is clearly seen
in the following table. About 73 percent of upper SES
respondents prefer that a married son live in a separate
household from parents, in contrast to only 33 percent of TABLE 24
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY SES
Preference of Married Son's Upper- Residence Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
With Parents 37 85 122 19 263 67.3 60.7 47.8 26.8 50.5
Independent 18 55 133 52 258 Households 32.7 39.3 52.2 73.2 49.5
Total 55 140 255 31 521 10.6 26.9 48.9 13.6 100.0 100 those in lower SES who favor such living arrangements.
It seems that upper middle and especially upper
SES respondents are more exposed to the influence of urbanization and westernization than their lower and lower-middle counterparts.
The traditional practice of a widowed parent living with a married son is favored to be maintained among all SES levels. Table 75 in the Appendix shows that 75-91 percent of respondents at all SES levels favor such living patterns. A closer look at the fig ures shows a difference between SES levels in regard to this issue. While only 9 percent of the lower SES res pondents prefer that a parent live in a separate house hold, a significant 25 percent of those in the upper
SES favored this position.
This indicates once again that the upper SES level is more effected by change and probably has become an instrument of change.
In summary, the findings show that upper SES in dividuals, contrary to some assumption, do favor a nu clear family. It is, in fact, the ideal as well as the practical model for this segment of the population.
Sex as related to preference of family type.— In
a country like Kuwait where most women are housewives. 101
the extended family life probably presents greater dis comfort for women than for men, Çoode suggested that the idea of the nuclear family attracts women because of its emphasis on freedom and equality. Hence, one would expect that women would favor the nuclear family type in a greater frequency than men. On the other hand, women in Kuwait are less educated and mostly illiterate.
As housewives, they have less contact with the outside world than do men. The lack of education and contact might prevent women from being influenced by westerni
zation and urbanization. Hence, they may favor the tra
ditional extended family.
Table 76 in the Appendix shows that generally
a majority of both men and women expressed preference
for the nuclear family over the traditional patrilocal extended family, A closer look, however, shows surpri
singly that proportionately more men than women favor
the nuclear family. While about 24 percent of the male
respondents prefer the traditional extended family,
over 32 percent of the women interviewed favored this
type. This difference seems to suggest that women are
less influenced by the new ideas than men.
This differential pattern is maintained when men
and women were distributed according to their outlook 102 on fraternal extended families. As seen in Table 77 in the Appendix, there are proportionately more men than women who favor an independent household for mar ried brothers. The percentage of men who chose inde pendent households is 66 percent, as compared to about
60 percent of the women. This is a small difference to allow any affirmative conclusion, but it is in line with the assumption that men are more influenced by urbaniza tion and westernization than are women.
A radical shift in women's position is seen in the following table. A comparison of men's and women's at titudes toward married son residence shows that women more than men favor an independent household for married sons. The table shows that a minority of 47 percent of the males preferred the independent household pattern, while a majority of 52 percent of the females favored such a pattern.
This shift in attitude is not surprising. Women do not favor nuclear family patterns per se, but prefer an independent residence for married sons. The reason
for this attitude stems from the fact that the married son-parents living arrangement gives rise to difficul ties between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law. In
Kuwait, as long as the parents are alive, the mother-
in-law is in complete charge of the household and the 103 son’s Wife is only a "piece of furniture." There are also difficulties arising from quarrels over children, income, and jealousy.
The above pattern also is clearly seen in Table 78 in the Appendix. A higher proportion of men (88 per cent) prefer that widowers live with married sons, while only 83 percent of the women favor this type of arrange ment. This difference, although small, demonstrates that women are somewhat hesitant to accept in-laws at home.
Age as related to preference of family type.—
Goode, among other sociologists, suggested that the nuclear family is the ideal type for the younger genera tion. The young are seen to be more influenced by wes ternization and urbanization than the older generation.
An analysis of the data in Table 79 in the Appendix gen erally supports such an hypothesis. There is certainly
a proportional difference between the young and old res
pondents. There is an inverse relationship between age
and ideal family type. It appears that as age increases
the percentage in favor of the nuclear family decreases.
While 78 percent of respondents 15-29 years of age pre
fer the nuclear family, only 61 percent of the respon
dents aged 60 years and over favor this type of family. TABLE 25
PREFERENCE OP FAMILY TYPE BY SEX
Preference of Married Son's Sex Residence Male Total
With Parents 144 119 263 52.9 47.8 50.5
Independent 128 130 258 Household 47.1 52.2 49.5
Total 272 249 521 52.2 47.g 100.0 105
Analysis of respondents' attitudes toward fraternal living patterns support the above hypothesis. Table 79 in the Appendix shows that respondents from all ages favor a separate household for married brothers. But a closer look at the figures shows that as age increases a lesser percentage of respondents prefer such an ar rangement. The table figures indicate that a high pro portion (72 percent) of those 15-29 years of age pre fer independent households for married brothers, as com pared to a lesser proportion (54 percent) of those 60 years and over.
The clearest support for the above hypothesis is seen in the following table. While a proportional ma jority of respondents age 15-29 years favor an inde pendent household for married sons, the majority of those age 40 years and over prefer that married sons live with parents. The difference between 31 percent of those 60 years and over and 63 percent of the respon dents 15-29 years of age who prefer the independent resi dential pattern seems to suggest that urbanization and westernization have a significant influence on the younger generation.
A majority of respondents ranging from 83 percent
to 91 percent of all age groups expressed preference for TABLE 26
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY AGE
Preference of Married Son's Aqe Residence 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
With Parents 37 60 68 61 37 263 37.0 43,2 54.4 59.2 63.5 50.5
Independent 63 79 57 42 17 258 Household 63.0 56.8 45.6 40.8 31.5 49.5
Total 100 139 125 103 54 521 19.2 26.7 24.0 19.8 10.4 100.0 107 widowers residing with married sons. As seen in Table 80 in the Appendix it is surprising to find that the highest proportion of those who support such living arrangements are among the very young (15-29) and the very old (60 and over). A possible explanation is that individuals in their early years probably feel more obligated to their parents.
Reasons for Choosing Family Types
Following each of the above four questions, res pondents were asked why they selected one family type over another. Their answers were not pre-coded, but they were free to state the reasons they wished. More over, these answers were not coded and tabulated.
Reasons for choosing nuclear family or patri- local extended family.— The reasons respondents cited for choosing the nuclear family are the following:
1. It helps to avoid conflict or friction be tween immediate family and family of orientation.
2. It gives greater freedom for "ego" and his immediate family.
3. It allows parents to raise and socialize the children according to their own wishes. 108
4. Households are smaller.
5. It is a way of avoiding the greater responsi bilities and demands of the larger family.
6. It provides less tension, and more quiet.
7. It gives the person a sense of self-dependency
and responsibility.
The above reasons probably reflect the influence
of urbanization and westernization on Kuwaitis. They
rationalize that the people have realized the advantages
of the nuclear family and the shortcomings of the patri-
local extended family. Respondents consider the nuclear
family to be the setting in which they could have more
freedom in decision making. Some simply said that our
times— with their sophistication— demand such a family.
It helps the individual to have self-dependence and res
ponsibility toward his immediate family rather than de
pending on others. This type of family helps parents to
raise and socialize their own children.
The reason most often cited is respondents' be
lief that the nuclear family is a way of avoiding the
conflict generated among women and children in a large
family. Moreover, the nuclear family is seen as a place
of less tension and more quiet. Other respondents feel
that in modern times, it is hard to cope with the 109 demands a^d greater responsibilities of patrilocal ex tended families* And finally, some respondents recog nized that the majority of the new households are small and suitable for only the nuclear family pattern.
Thus, the dominant image of the nuclear family in the minds of the respondents is one of more freedom, less tension, and fewer responsibilities.
In contrast, the chief reasons cited by those who chose the patrilocal extended family are;
1. It allows the perpetuation of stronger rela tions between immediate family and kin.
2. It promotes economic cooperation.
3. It helps to avoid the loneliness of the nu clear family.
It is interesting to find that while some res pondents feel that the patrilocal extended family set ting causes conflict and friction between relatives, others believe the contrary. The latter group of res pondents felt that family-kin relations are strengthened by living in one household.
Other respondents emphasize that patrilocal ex
tended families are good for business cooperation and
the sharing of responsibilities between all male members.
They felt that having a separate residential pattern 110 for brothers and father might lead to a business sepa ration.
Some respondents, especially women, feel that the patrilocal extended family is the solution to avoiding the boredom and loneliness of the housewife in the nu clear family. They also recognize that in a patrilocal extended family there is more sharing of responsibilities among women in household work.
Reasons for married sons living with parents and married brothers living at the same household.— Many respondents favor married son-parents living patterns as seen in the above tables. The reason most often cited has to do with moral and family obligations. Many respondents feel that they should return the favor of providing care by living with their parents while they are old.
Economic cooperation between father and son was mentioned by some as a reason. Others feel that there
is a need to consult parents in personal as well as business problems, and having them at the same residence
facilitates such mutual exchange of advice. Many res
pondents believe that the interrelation between son and
father is still based on unwritten obligations and that
the son should, live with his parents. Many segments of Ill the sample interviewed have liberated themselves from this traditional obligation and it is expected that many will follow suit.
Only two major reasons were cited for married brothers having a mutual residence; these are economic cooperation and avoiding the breakdown of family rela tionships.
Respondents who favor an independent household for married sons and married brothers cited reasons similar to those stated for preferring the nuclear family.
Reasons for preferring that widowers live with married sons or in a separate household.— Several rea sons were cited for preferring that widowers live with married sons :
1. It allows sons to be able to take care of widowed parents.
2. It gives widowed parents more security.
3. It helps such parents to avoid lonliness
4. It is seen as a religious and family obli
gation.
5. It helps to avoid criticism of others.
In Kuwait one of the most lasting family tradi
tions is taking care of widowed parents. This is seen 112 by many as a religious obligation. Many realize that in
Kuwait widowed parents have no alternative to living with married sons except to live alone. The latter is seen as a poor alternative for security and psycholo gical reasons. In a community as small as Kuwait City people try to avoid the criticism of others by having their parents live with them.
Others who object to having widowed parents live with them do so because they prefer to avoid a conflict between wife and mother-in-law. Respondents also recog nize that mothers have a tendency to dominate and their ideas are often incompatible with those of their sons and daughters. Finally, and interestingly, some res pondents favor a separate household for widowers simply to let that parent have his or her freedom. CHAPTER VI
FAMILY-KIN RELATIONSHIPS
Census data provide no information on family-kin relationships. Survey data is used to measure the ex tent of contact, help, business cooperation, leisure partnership, marriage, and conflict among kin.
Contact between Family and Kin
One of the forms of contact among kin which has been widely investigated in the United States is visi ting. This pattern of contact was found to be more frequent among the survey sample than previous studies had indicated among kin in the United States.Table
27 shows that of the survey sample, 182 (about 35 per cent) visit their relatives daily; 233 (about 45 percent) weekly; 74 (14 percent), monthly; and 20 (about 4 per cent), yearly. In other words, an overwhelming majority
^^See, for example, Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Social Participation," American Sociological Review, Vol. 1, 21, pp. 13-18, 1956, and Paul Reies, "The Ex tended Kinship System: Correlates of and Attitudes on Frequency of Interaction," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 24, 1952, pp. 333-339.
113 TABLE 27
VISITING RELATIVES BY SES
Frequency of Visiting Lower Lower-Middle Upper-Middle Upper Total
Daily 14 41 93 34 182 25.9 29.3 36.2 47.9 34.9
Weekly 20 68 118 27 233 37.0 48.6 45.9 38.0 44.6
Monthly 18 21 33 2 74 33.3 15.0 12.8 2.8 14.2
Yearly 2 9 7 2 20 3.7 6.4 2.7 2.8 3.8
Other 0 1 6 6 13 0.0 0.7 2.3 8.5 2.5
Total 54 140 257 71 522 10.3 26.8 49.2 • 13.6 100.0 115 of about 80 percent visit their kin on a daily or weekly basis.
A breakdown of the gross total according to SES background of respondents indicates a positive rela
tionship between SES and visiting kin. This is contrary
to the general findings of studies in the United
States.The figures in Table 27 indicate that as
respondents* SES increases the percentage of those who
visit kin daily increases. While about 48 percent of
the upper SES respondents visit their relatives daily,
only 26 percent of lower SES respondents do so. The
highest proportion of lower and upper middle SES res
pondents visit kin weekly (49 percent and 46 percent
respectively). A third of the lower SES respondents
(33.3 percent) visit their relatives monthly as compared
to only about 3 percent of the upper SES respondents.
This difference in visiting patterns among SES categories
can be attributed to several factors. In Kuwait, it is
generally known that many upper SES residents live close
to their nearest kin. They have private transportation
Murray Straus, "Social Class and Farm-City Differences in Interaction with Kin in Relationtto Societal Mo dernization," Rural Sociology, Vol. 34, pp. 476-495, 1969, and Bert Adams, Kinship in an Urban Setting. Chicago: Markham, 1969. 116 and free time made possible by servants and modern home devices. It is interesting to note that the sample pop ulation employs 148 cooks, 300 servants, 133 chauffeurs
82 child care persons, 13 gardners, guards, etc. The majority probably are employed by upper middle and upper
SES families.
A breakdown of the data according to respondents* educational attainment indicates that the literate visit kin daily moreso than the illiterate. The only exception is those respondents with primary education. Table 82 in the Appendix shows that while 50 percent of the col lege educated visit relatives daily, only 26 percent of the illiterate do. In contrast, 24 percent of the il literate visit kin monthly as compared to only 4 percent of those with intermediate or secondary education. The proportional differences between the five educational categories is not large enough to allow us to make con clusive remarks about educational level and contact with kin. A case in point is the exceptionally small propor tion (23 percent) of respondents with primary education who see kin daily.
Contrary to the findings of studies in the Uni ted States, men were found to have more frequent contact Appendix indicate that about 44 percent of the males see kin daily, as compared to only 25 percent of females.
Both sexes have the same proportion (around 44 percent) who see kin weekly. Women have a higher proportion of monthly and yearly visits. It is possible that some of the men see kin daily at work or at the dewania (men’s quarters). Some prominent families open their dewania every night for male relatives and friends to gather and talk, watch TV or play cards. Another explanation is that women in Kuwait might have a wider social circle outside the kin network. Furthermore, women are more engaged in fulfilling social obligations. This results in a lower proportion of females who see kin daily.
Family-kin contact patterns were found to be rela ted to respondents' family background. Table 84 in the
Appendix shows that more of those who live in extended
families see their kin daily than do respondents from nuclear or quasi-extended families. About 41 percent
of those who live in extended families visit relatives
^^Paul Reiss, Ibid.; Robins, Lee and Mirada Tomonee, "Closeness to Blood Relatives Outside the Immediate Family," Marriage and Family Living, 24, pp. 340- 3 4 6 , 1962; Merla Komarovsky, Blue Collar Marriace. New York : Random House, 1964; Bernard Farber, Family: Organization and Interaction. San Franciso; Chandler, 1964. 118 d aily, as compared to 23 percent of those who live in
quasi-extended families, and 36 percent of the respon dents from nuclear families. The differences are too
small (especially in other categories) to allow any con
clusive explanation.
When respondents were asked how often they con
tact their kin by telephone, over 52 percent declared
that they call them daily; about 29 percent call weekly;
7 percent, monthly; and only 1 percent yearly. A
breakdown of the respondents* answers according to age,
educational attainment, SES, and family background shows
no significant relationship between telephone contact
with kin and the above variables. The only exception,
as Table 85 in the Appendix shows, is sex differences.
A majority of about 60 percent of the females telephone
kin daily as compared to about 46 percent of the males.
A larger proportion of females than males also call
weekly. Over 17 percent of the males, as compared to
only 2 percent of the females have no contact with kin
by telephone. It seems that women substitute daily
visits with daily calls.
Respondents were asked to list those relatives
whom they see or call. Table 28 below shows that 310
respondents contact brothers and sisters; 161, cousins; 119
129, parents* 128, uncles and aunts; 41, sons and caughters; and 37 listed other relatives.
Table 28
CONTACT WITH KIN BY VISIT AND/OR TELEPHONE
Number of Respondents
Brothers & Sisters 310
Cousins 161
Parents 129
Uncles & Aunts 128
Sons & Daughters 41
Others 37
The above figures indicate still another differ
ence between these findings and earlier ones in the
United States.Studies in the United States show th
ego has a more positive relationship with kin who are
closely related to the nuclear family, such as grand
parents, aunts, and uncles. Other relatives, such as
See, for example, Lee Robins and M. Tomonee, "Close ness to Blood Relatives Outside the Immediate Family," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 24, pp. 340- 346, 1962. 120 cousins, who fall beyond what Parsons calls the ’’outer circle” are less frequently contacted, although a high proportion of respondents do have contact with cousins.
In Kuwait, the major contact seems to be between bro thers and sisters rather than parents and children as is the case in the United States. It appears that the lat ter pattern of contact is in one direction— primarily children contacting parents. The above figures clearly demonstrate the importance of wider kin in ego's social life.
The fact that many respondents live next to their kin can be the contributing factor to SES differences in particular and frequent visiting patterns in general.
It could also explain this high interaction between bro
thers and sisters. Table 86 in the Appendix clearly
shows that 223 (43 percent) of those surveyed have rela
tives who live next door. This is a very high propor
tion by any standards. The figures indicate differences
in behavior by SES while 60 percent of upper SES indivi
duals live next door to kin, only 44 percent of lower
SES fit into this category.
Respondents were asked to name relatives who live
next door. Only 203 elected to answer. The following
is a breakdown of the gross total : Parents 27
Brothers & Sisters : 123
Sons & Daughters 12
Uncles & Aunts 39
Cousins : 43
Others : 12
This overwhelming majority of brothers and sisters who live next door to each other explains the high propor tion of contact among this group.
When we turn to in-law relations, studies in the
United States show that husbands have more frequent in teraction with in-laws than with their own kin. Wives, however, seem to take the opposite patterns.Table
29 clearly shows a different result. The figures indi cate that, in general, 47 percent of the respondents have stronger relations with husbands' relatives, as compared
to 31 percent who have a stronger relationship with wives' relatives, and 21 percent with both.
The figures indicate that males have stronger
^^See Mirra Komarovsky, Blue-Collar Marriage. New York: Random House, 1964. Paul Reiss, "The Extended Kin ship System: Correlates of and Attitudes on Fre quency of Interaction," Journal of Marriage and Family, Vol. 24, 1962, pp. 333-339. relations with their own kin than with in-laws. About
70 percent of the males chose their kin, and only 14 percent chose in-laws. In contrast, 50 percent of the women feel that their relationship is stronger with their own kin than with in-laws. The other half chose in-laws or both.
Table 29
FAMILY RELATIONS WITH RELATIVES BY SEX
Wife's Husband *s Sex Relatives Relatives Both Total
Male 37 182 41 260 14.2 70.0 15.8 51.2
Female 123 57 68 248 49.6 23.0 27.4 48.8
Total 160 239 109 508 31.5 47.0 21.5 100.0
Respondents* relationship with in-laws has a sig nificant correlation with educational attainment. It appears from Table 87 in the Appendix that as ego's education increases, relations with husbands' relatives become stronger than with wives' relatives. While 64 percent of the college educated respondents have a strong relationship with husbands' relatives, only 42 percent of the illiterates enjoy this type of a relationship. 123
It seems that males, especially those with college education, enjoy more power at home than their counter parts in the United States. The husband uses his power to alter the balance of family-kin relations.
Respondents were asked whether they prefer kin ship ties to be strong or casual. About 90 percent pre fer strong kinship ties, while only 10 percent prefer casual kinship ties. There was little or no difference based on sex, education, SES, or family background.
Table 88 in the Appendix shows some age differences. It seems that as age increases the percentage of those who prefer strong kinship ties becomes higher. While 98 percent of those over 60 years of age prefer strong kin ties, only 85 percent of the respondents in their 30’s preferred such a relationship. The only exception is those who are less than 30 years of age, in which case
93 percent preferred strong ties. This is expected since most of the younger, as seen above, live with relatives and seem to enjoy it.
Family-Kin Assistance in Times of Need
Help patterns among kin have been studied widely in the West, one would anticipate that the extent and frequency of help is very high among the survey sample. 124
Respondents were asked several questions focusing on six types of help. They were first asked whether they helped any relative in finding a job. Figures in Table 30 in dicate that about 40 percent of the respondents have helped kin in this respect.
Table 30
HELPING RELATIVES IN FINDING A JOB BY SES
Question : Did you help any relative in finding a job?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 15 40 108 44 207 28.8 28.6 42.2 62.9 40.0
No 37 100 148 36 311 71.2 71.4 57.8 37.1 60.0
Total 52 140 256 70 518 10.0 27.0 49.4 13.5 100.0
The table shows significant differences between
SES cateogries. While 42 percent of the upper-middle
SES and 63 percent of the upper SES respondents have
helped kin in finding a job, only 29 percent of respon
dents in both lower and lower-middle SES helped rela
tives in this regard. This is expected, as many res
pondents indicated in their answers. Those who have no
connections in government or private business are 125 primarily lower and lower-middle SES respondents. Fur
thermore, the government grants jobs to all Kuwaitis who
ask for them. Since the government gives equal pay ac cording to individual educational attainment, upper- middle and upper SES help seems to be in the form of
finding higher status jobs for relatives, rather than
finding jobs, per se.
The second question respondents were asked is whether or not they would go to a relative in case of
financial needs. This is a hypothetical question be
cause we thought that respondents would be reluctant to
talk about the actual behavior. Table 89 in the Appen
dix shows that over 42 percent felt that they would go
to a relative when in financial need. A breakdown of
the gross totals (according to respondents' sex, SES,
age, educational attainment) shows no significant dif
ferences. The majority indicate that they are either
not in need, or that they would go to a bank or friend
rather than a relative. Most cited embarrassment and
keeping face as reasons for not asking kin.
Giving assistance during illness is one of the
most widespread types of help among kin. Table 90 in
the Appendix shows that 96 percent of the respondents
regardless of their age, SES, sex, educational attain
ment, or family background have helped kin during 126 Illness. In such a small country where kin are close by, such high participation is anticipated.
Child care is yet another form of help that kin
share when needed. An average of 83 percent of the respondents, regardless of their SES, sex, education, age, number of individuals, or family background, have helped relatives in child care when needed. Table 91 in the Appendix shows a breakdown of respondents' an swers according to their SES background.
In the analysis of respondents* answers to the question, "Do you consult relatives in personal and busi ness problems?" no differences were found as to the res pondents' age, sex, education, and SES. Table 92 in the Appendix shows that 48 percent of the respondents do consult their relatives in business and personal prob
lems. The Cleveland study mentioned above found the middle class, more than the working class, seek their kin's advice in personal and business matters. Survey
data show that there is some, but not a significant
amount of difference between SES categories in this
regard.
The amount and frequency of exchanging gifts among
relatives was very limited in the past. Now, there
are all kinds of social occasions which demand gift
exchanges— birthdays, engagements, anniversaries, etc.
When respondents were asked if they do exchange gifts 127 with relatives, about 79 percent said they do. Analy
sis shows a significant difference regarding the res pondents' sex, education, age and SES in their gift-
giving habits. Table 31 shows that there is a positive correlation between SES and gift exchanges.
Table 31
EXCHANGING GIFTS WITH RELATIVES BY SES
Question : Do you exchange gifts with relatives?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 39 98 214 60 411 70.9 69.5 83.3 85.7 78.6
No 16 43 43 10 112 29.1 30.5 16.7 14.3 21.4
Total 55 141 257 70 523 10.5 27.0 49.1 13.4 100.0
It seems that as SES increases, the percentage of
respondents who exchange gifts with relatives increases.
The table shows about 85 percent of upper SES individuals
exchange gifts with relatives as comparred to 71 percent
lower SES respondents.
Table 93 in the Appendix shows that females ex
change gifts more often than males. About 90 percent
of the females, as compared to only 68 percent of the 128 males exchange gifts with kin. This is expected since women carry on the task of social obligations.
It was found that there is a negative relation ship between age and gift exchange patterns. Table 94 in the Appendix shows that as age increases the percent age of those who exchange gifts with relatives decreases.
While only 65 percent of those over 60 years of age ex change gifts, 88 percent of those between 30-39 years of age do. It seems that a number of old people expect to receive rather than give at this stage of life.
The final question respondents were asked was whom do they expect to help them when they get old. Table
95 in the Appendix shows that 86 percent of respondents named their sons and daughters ; 4.3 percent their bro thers and sisters; over 4 percent, God; 2 percent, hus band; 2 percent, government; and less than 2 percent, nephew and grandchildren and other relatives.
In Kuwait, the general expectation is that sons and/or daughters must take care of their parents when they get old. This help should include providing them with shelter, food, and all other needs. The majority, as seen above, have their widowed parent living with them. This might generate conflict, but since there is no housing for the aged, the only other solution would 129 be to maintain a separate household, if one could afford
it.
Respondents who answered "yes" to questions con cerning their help patterns were asked to name the kin with whom they were exchanging help. Table 32 shows a breakdown of their responses. Some respondents have named more than one relative and hence, the total of
each category does not correlate with the number of
respondents. The figures show that in all five cate
gories the highest interaction is among brothers and
sisters. It seems that brothers and sisters are the
primary source of help in cases of financial need, ill
ness, and child care. They are the most trusted with
personal and business problems and most frequently the
relative with whom gifts are exchanged.
Parents, as expected, also have a prominent role
in this regard, but second to brothers and sisters. Par
ents are asked for help in all help categories except
child care. This is expected because of the age of the
parents and the availability of younger kin. Very few
parents have named sons and daughters as sources of
help. Parents primarily expect their children to ask
for financial aid, personal or business adivce, expect
to receive gifts from them, but not vice versa. It is TABLE 32
TYPE OP HELP BY NUMBER OP KIN WHO RECEIVED IT
Taking Consulting Exchanging In Case of Care of Relatives in Gifts with Kin Financial Illness Child Personal Problems Relatives
Parents 61 123 44 52 83
Brothers & 81 242 246 138 210 Sisters
Sons & Daughters 9 18 23 20 21
Uncles & Aunts 23 99 53 29 52
Cousins 22 106 93 40 79
Others 6 58 47 7 43 131
the son's or daughter's "obligation" to help without being asked in all ways when needed.
' The role that cousins play is an important one.
The figures show that this "outside" member is as ac
tive in the family help pattern as the parent. Cousins were second to brothers and sisters in child care, but
third in other categories. This clearly indicates that
this help pattern is not limited to the members of the
immediate family; rather, a wider kin network is involved.
The figures on the uncles and aunts category give fur
ther support to this assumption.
Relatives other than the five indicated above are
mainly involved in such help patterns as care of chil
dren, illness, and gift exchanges. They are seldom in
volved in financial help and personal or business con
sulting. Nonetheless, about 10 percent of the respon
dents do exchange help of some sort with these distant
relatives.
Family-Kin as Business Partners
One of the important characteristics of the ex
tended family system is the collective ownership of
business and property by fathers and sons or by bro
thers after the death of the father. Major businesses 132 in Kuwait generally operate in this fashion. A special study of the relationship between kinship and economic affairs in modern Kuwait will make a valuable contribu tion in the future. In a random sample it is difficult to assess this type of relationship, especially when census data have no relevant information.
Respondents were asked if they have a private business. Nearly one-hundred individuals claimed that they do. These individuals were further asked whether they share their private business with kin. An analysis of their answers shows a slightly significant difference in responses regarding SES background. Table 33 shows that 24 percent share their private business with rela tives. The figures indicate that only in the upper SES category is there a significant percentage sharing business with kin. While in the lower SES category, only 1 person (representing 17 percent) and in the upper
SES, 17 persons (47 percent) share business with rela tives. This is expected since upper SES usually own businesses large enough to be shared by more than one.
Furthermore, some of these businesses are inherited by brothers and thus remain intact.
Table 34 shows that most of the businesses are kept within the family of orientation with very few 133
TABLE 33
SHARING PRIVATE BUSINESS WITH RELATIVES BY SES
Question; Do you share a private business with kin?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 1 1 5 17 24 16.7 4.8 13.2 47.2 23.8
No 5 20 33 19 77 83.3 95.2 86.6 52.8 76.2
Total 6 21 38 36 101 5.9 20.8 37.6 35.6 100.0 exceptions.
RELATIVES SHARING BUSINESS WITH RESPONDENTS KIN
Kin Number of Respondents
Parents 1
Parents,Brothers 1
Parents, Brothers, & Cousins 1
Brothers 17
Brothers and Uncles 1
Uncle 1
Cousins 1
Others 1
As indicated above, these are more likely in herited businesses rather than newly established ones.
But once again this small number from a random sample demonstrates that kin involvement in business is pro bably higher in Kuwait than in the United States.
Respondents were also asked whether they share any property with relatives. Table 96 in the Appendix shows that 57 (about 12 percent) have common property with kin. As expected, kin ownership was found to have 135 a positive relationship with SES. The figures show that while 22 percent of the upper SES share property with relatives only 8 percent of the lower SES do. Pro perty, like business, is inherited and it is considered good business to maintain common ownership rather than divide it.
Table 35 indicates that the highest sharing of property is within the family of orientation, and es pecially among brothers and sisters.
Table 35
SHARING PROPERTY WITH RELATIVES
Kin Number of Respondents
Parents 1
Parents, Brothers & Sisters 1
Parents & Other Relatives 1
Brothers & Sisters 30
Brothers and Sisters, and Uncles and Cousins 1
Sons and Daughters 1
Uncles and Aunts 2
Cousins 3
As in the case of business, shared property is most
likely inherited. It is interesting to note that 136 daughters inherit property but seldom inherit businesses.
Most businesses are owned by fathers and sons or bro thers. The main reason for this is to keep the wealth within the family. The property pattern might change in
the future since people are investing heavily in real estate in recent years.
Respondents* attitudes toward common business own
ership with kin was measured by respondents* answers to
the following question: "If you have a choice, would you like your business partner to be a relative or a
stranger?" A surprising majority of 79 percent preferred
relatives as business partners. Table 97 in the Appen
dix shows a breakdown of respondents* answers according
to SES background. Lower SES respondents, more often
than their upper SES counterparts, preferred a relative
to a stranger for a business partner (93 percent to
76 percent, respectively). Many upper SES respondents
probably were then or had been at some time in joint
business with relatives. This type of ownership in the
West is thought to be a source of conflict; hence, the
76 percent of the upper SES who prefer this type of part
nership is indeed surprising. It is interesting to note
that 22 of 24 respondents (mostly upper SES) who ac
tually share businesses with kin prefer this type of 137 ownership.
In comparison, this type of mixing business with kinship is probably very limited and less popular in the United States. Leichter and Mitchellfound about half of their respondents opposed to this type of part nership. In their Jewish sample nearly 75 percent had some reservations about mixing business and kinship. It is believed that this type of relationship generates conflict and consequently is bad for both business and the kin relationship.
Age was found to have a significant relationship with preference to relatives as business partners.
Table 98 in the Appendix shows that nearly 76 percent of those aged 15-29 years preferred a kin as business partner as compared to 92 percent of those 60 years of age and over. Generally, this is a very high ratio in both categories. The difference seems to result from the influence of westernization among some young people.
Nearly half of the survey sample are civil ser vants. The majority are males. Respondents were asked whether any of their kin work at the same ministry or
"^^Hope Leichter, and «'illiara Mitchell, Kinship and Case work . New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1967. 138 government agency. Seventy-four respondents (27 percent) indicated that they have a kin who shares the same work agency. No significant relationship was found between having a relative at work and respondent’s occupation,
SES, or family background.
Table 99 in the Appendix shows a breakdown of the total kin who share respondent’s place of work. The kin most often working together are brothers and sisters with 37 respondents (54 percent). Cousins make up the
second largest group with 17 respondents (25 percent).
Very few fathers, sons and daughters, uncles and aunts,
etc. share the same workplace. Kuwait is a small coun
try with few ministries and government agencies, but the
total of 74 (27 percent) civil servants is high and very
probably did not happen by chance alone. The high oc
currence of brothers and sisters working together indi
cates that there is probably consultation and help in
recommending and getting certain jobs at the kin’s place
of work.
A final question that respondents were asked was
whether kin who share the same workplace share the same
household. Table 100 in the Appendix shows only 9 res
pondents who share the same working place also share
households. Five of these live in extended families. 139 while two each live in quasi-extended and nuclear fami
lies. The number is very small to allow any further
interpretations.
Family-Kin as Leisure Partners
Kuwait is known, especially in the past, to have
little to offer in terms of recreational emd leisure
facilities. People used to spend most of their free
time visiting relatives and friends. The major attrac
tion is the sea where people go swimming or fishing.
With developments since the 1950's new leisure attrac
tions came to light such as TV, movies, theater, social
clubs, travel abroad, etc.
In this section the main focus is on the type of
leisure activities respondents are engaged in, where it
takes, place, with whom, and finally, the amount of time
spent for leisure.
When respondents were asked with whom they spend
their leisure time, an overwhelming majority (75 percent)
stated that they spend their leisure time, especially
weekends and holidays, with their families. In contrast,
11 percent spend it with relatives, 3 percent with nei
ghbors, 11 percent with friends, and less than half a
percent with others. The figures in Table 36 clearly TABLE 36
LEISURE TIME PARTNERS BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: Whom do you spend your leisure time with, especially on weekends and holidays?
Some Univ. Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Family 153 116 39 66 21 395 78.5 75.3 83.0 68.8 70.0 75.7
Relatives 23 16 6 11 1 57 11.8 10.4 12.8 11.5 3.3 10.9
Neighbors 9 4 1 1 0 15 4.6 2.6 2.1 1.0 0.0 2.9
Friends 9 18 1 17 8 53 4.6 11.7 2.1 17.7 26.7 10.2
Others 1 0 0 1 0 2 0.5 0.0 0.0 1.0 0.0 0.4
Total 195 154 47 96 30 522 37.4 29.5 9.0 18.4 5.7 100.0 141 show the impact of education and westernization on people’s choice of leisure partners. The percentage of those who spend their leisure time with family or kin decreases as the level of education increases. Most of the college educated (97 percent) spend their leisure time with friends and immediate family. No one spends leisure time with neighbors and only one person spends it with relatives. In comparison, nearly 12 percent of those with less than a college level education have relatives as leisure partners, and 5 percent of the illiterates have their neighbors as leisure companions.
While 27 percent of college educated spend leisure time with friends, only about 5 percent of the illiterate do so. Educational gap and different leisure pursuits probably leads the educated to avoid neighbors and re latives in their leisure time.
SES differences were evident as well. A smaller percentage of upper SES respondents spend leisure time with relatives, and a higher percentage with friends, as compared to the other three SES categories. A higher percentage of lower SES respondents than any other category spend leisure time with neighbors. Their limited income probably prevents them from spending lei sure time outside the kin and neighbor circles. 142
It was found that while a smaller percentage of men and women combined spend their leisure time with their families, a higher number of females than males spend their leisure time with relatives and neighbors.
In contrast, more males than females (17 percent and 2 percent respectively) share leisure time with friends.
This *is expected since men use some of their free time without female companionship. The large difference in these figures (between the illiterate and college edu cated) in sharing time with friends could be partially explained by the fact that most of the survey's college educated are men and most illiterates are women. The analysis shows no differences regarding respondents' family background or age.
In general, it seems that only a small proportion
(11 percent) spend their time with relatives. And an even lesser proportion (10 percent) with friends. The majority (76 percent) spend their time with their im mediate families. Comparing this proportion with other figures on family-kin interaction, this proportion seems very small, but not surprising. It will be shown below that the major types of leisure activities that respon dents are involved in are individualistic and most are done at home. 143
The second question which this report is concerned with is where respondents spend their leisure time— at home or outside. In the precoded questionnaire these two alternatives were offered, but some respondents chose both which lead us to create a third category when the data were tabulated. Table 37 gives a breakdown as to the respondents answers to the above question, according to their educational level. Generally, a majority of
61 percent spend their leisure time at home, about 34 percent outside, and over 4 percent chose both. The table clearly shows that there is a negative relation ship between spending leisure time at home and respon dents* educational level. A majority of those with pri mary education or less spend leisure time at home; in contrast, a majority of those with intermediate educa
tion and above go outside for leisure pursuits. While a majority of 57 percent of the college educated go out
side for their leisure activities only 25 percent of the
illiterate do so. As indicated above, this might be
influenced by the higher representation of men among the
college educated and the higher representation of women
among the illiterate. At any rate, in a sexually segre
gated society, men tend to spend most of their free time
outside the home. PLACE FOR SPENDING LEISURE TIME BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question ; Do you spend your leisure time at home! or outside the home?
Some Univ. Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
At Home 138 96 31 43 12 320 70.1 62.3 66.0 44.8 40.0 61.1
Outside 50 48 16 50 17 181 Home 25.4 31.2 34.0 52.1 56.7 34.5
Both 9 10 0 3 1 23 4.6 6.5 0.0 3.1 3.3 4.4
Total 197 154 47 96 30 524 37.6 29.4 9.0 18.3 5.7 100.0 The place of spending leisure time was found to be associated with family composition. It appears that as the number of individuals at home increases a higher percentage of respondents tend to spend their leisure time at home. It is either that the house becomes more inviting with a larger family, or that it is more ex pensive to seek leisure pursuits outside the home with such a large family.
Age, as expected, was found to be positively as sociated with spending leisure time at home. Table 101 in the Appendix shows that as age increases, so does the percentage of those who stay at home during their free time. While nearly 50 percent of respondents aged
15-29 go outside, only 17 percent of those 50 and over do so. The aged, moreso than any other group, suffer
from the lack of recreational facilities in Kuwait.
As expected, a breakdown of the gross totals ac
cording to SES background shows that although a majority
of all respondents from the four categories spend their
leisure time at home, a larger number of upper middle and upper SES go out than the other two lower categories.
Only 22 percent of the lower SES go out for leisure pur
suits, as compared with 41 percent upper SES respondents. 146
The third major question that respondents were asked was what they do in their leisure time. Respon dents were aksed to rate three leisure activities out of ten according to their importance. Only their first choices were used for our analysis. Table 38 shows a breakdown of their answers according to educational attainment. In general, one-third of the respondents spend leisure time watcnrng TV; 30 percent working inside the house; 13 percent visiting friends and relatives;
11 percent reading; and the rest going to movies, thea ter, social clubs, swimming and fishing, and listening to music.
The table shows that a higher percentage (nearly
38 percent) of the illiterates watch TV as compared to
17 percent of the college educated. An overwhelming majority of 60 percent of the college educated spend their leisure time reading, as compared to less than 20 percent of all other educational categories. Working inside the house seems to have a negative relationship with educational level. The higher the educational
level the lower the percentage of those who work inside
the house during leisure time. About 79 (41 percent) of
the illiterate work inside the house, as compared to
only 2 (7 percent) of the college educated. The latter
category does much less visiting friends and relatives. TABLE 38 LEISURE ACTIVITY PREFERENCE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: What do you like to do most during leisure time?
Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Watch TV 73 48 18 31 5 175 37.6 31.6 38.3 33.0 16.7 33.8 Go to movies 2 1 0 3 0 6 1.0 0.7 0.0 3.2 0.0 1.2 Read 0 18 9 14 18 59 0.0 11.8 19.1 14.9 60.0 11.4 Work inside 79 45 14 17 2 157 the house 40.7 29.6 29.8 18.1 6.7 30.4 Listen to 4 1 0 0 1 6 music 2.1 0.7 0.0 0.0 3.3 1.2 Visit friends 24 24 3 13 1 65 and relatives 12.4 15.8 6.4 13.8 3.3 12.6 Go swimming & 10 11 3 12 0 36 fishing 5.2 7.2 6.4 12.8 0.0 7.0 Theater 0 0 0 1 0 1 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.1 0.0 0.2 Sports & social 2 4 0 3 3 12 clubs 1.0 2.6 0.0 3.2 10.0 2.3
Total 194 152 47 94 30 517 37.5 29.4 9.1 18.2 5.8 100.0 1 4 8 of svdimning and fishing as compared to other educational levels.
In summary, respondents either watch TV, work inside the house, visit friends and relatives, or read in their leisure time. The amjority of the illiterate spend their leisure time engaged in the first and se cond activities. Those with some university trsdning share all four activities, with over one-third watching
TV. In contrast, the majority of the college educated read in their leisure time.
Data analysis shows SES differences regarding
leisure time pursuits. It seems that upper-middle and upper SES read more and work less inside the house as
compared to lower and lower-middle SES. Table 102 in
the Appendix shows that while 27 percent of the upper
SES prefer to read in their leisure time, only 5 percent
of the lower SES prefer to do so. The table further
shows that while 37 percent of lower SES and nearly 40
percent of lower-middle SES work inside the house during
leisure time, a smaller percentage of less than 19 per
cent among the upper SES do the same. This is expected
and is probably parallel to many societies.
Age differences were found regarding respondents*
preferences for favorite leisure activities. A higher
percentage of the young favor reading, watching TV, 149 going to movies, and social clubs than do respondents
50 years and over. In contrast, older respondents pre fer to listen to the radio and music or visit friends and relatives in their leisure time moreso than younger respondents do.
It was found that there is a difference between men and women regarding leisure time preferences. A higher percentage of women than men watch TV, go to movies, or work inside the house during leisure time.
In contrast, men prefer to read, listen to music, visit friends and relatives, go fishing and swimming, and atte attend sports and social clubs. This is expected in a society where social interaction between men and women is limited and where a higher percentage of women are illiterate and spend most of their time at home.
Civil servants in Kuwait work 34 hours weekly.
This gives them a great deal of free time. When res pondents were asked how much of their daily free time is devoted to leisure activities, about 60 percent in dicated 1-3 hours; 23 percent indicated 4-6 hours. Res pondents were then asked if they would like to increase their leisure time activities. Only a minority of 31 percent prefer to increase it, as compared to 62 percent who prefer not to, and 7 percent who do not know. Table 150
]Û3 In the Appendix shows that as the level of education increases the percentage of respondents who prefer to increase their leisure time becomes higher. A minority of only 28 percent of the illiterates preferred the in crease of time as compared to a larger minority of 43 percent among the college educated. It seems that the educated need and can afford the extra leisure time more than the illiterate who are less sophisticated.
Wbmen prefer to increase leisure time more than men. Table 104 in the Appendix shows that only 20 per cent of the men prefer an increase in leisure time, as compared to 44 percent of the women. It seems that as mothers or housewives, women have less time for leisure than men.
The young more than the old prefer to increase their leisure time. Table 105 in the Appendix clearly shows a negative relationship between age and preference
for increased leisure time. Forty-three percent of those 15-29 years old prefer such an increase, as com pared to only 19 percent of those 50 years and over.
It is interesting to note that there are no SES differences in this regard. This is expected since most of the major leisure activities which the population
is involved in are free and inside the house. 151
Over 50 percent of the population in Kuwait is non-Kuwaiti. The question is; Do Kuwaitis have any friends among them and do they share some of their leisure time with them? Table 106 in the Appendix shows a positive relationship between respondents* SES and hav ing non-Kuwaiti friends. While 72 percent of the upper
SES have non-Kuwaiti friends, only 34 percent of the lower SES do. It was found that as educational level increases, the proportion of respondents who have non-
Kuwaiti friends increases. Table 107 in the Appendix
shows that while nearly 32 percent of the illiterates have non-Kuwaiti friends, a majority of 70 percent of
the college educated do. It appears that individuals with higher education and consequently higher SES are able to move in various social circles and acquire
friends among the non-Kuwaiti technocrats. The lower
SES person tends to look at non-Kuwaitis as competitors.
Furthermore, economic conditions prevent him from mov
ing freely in outside circles.
Age differences are less apparent than SES and
educational differences in this regard. Table 108 in
the Appendix shows that respondents less than 40 years
of age have a higher percentage of non-Kuwaiti friends
than those over 50 years of age. 152
It is important to note that no significant dif ferences were found regarding the relationship between respondents* SES, education, or age and spending leisure time with their non-Kuwaiti friends. When respondents were asked whether they spend any leisure time with non-
Kuwaitis, only 132 (57 percent) said yes. Many Kuwaitis who declared non-Kuwaiti friends probably know them only from work.
One important barrier for social interaction be tween Kuwaitis and non-Kuwaitis is the Kuwaiti custom
(with the exception of some of the educated) of the separation of the sexes when friends gather. Even
Arabs from other countries find it very difficult to accept such an arrangement.
Marriage Among Relatives
Marriage among relatives in general and among first cousins in particular is very common in tradi tional Arab societies such as Kuwait. The extent and frequency of this practice will be the main focus of this section. A large proportion of 248 (48 percent) of the survey sample declare that they are married to a relative. A breakdown of this gross total shows some educational and.SES differences. Table 109 in the 153
Appendix shows that a minority of respondents with more than primary education have married a relative, as com pared to a majority of those with less than primary edu cation. The difference between the five educational categories on this question is not high enough to allow a clear picture of the relationship between education and marriage among relatives.
Table 110 in the Appendix shows that the majority of respondents in all SES categories, except upper- middle SES, are married to a relative. Upper SES res pondents show a higher frequency of this type of mar riage than other categories. While 59 percent of the upper SES respondents married a relative, only 41 per cent among upper-middle did. No age differences were
found in this regard.
It appears from the figures in Table 39 that 189
(79 percent) of these relatives are first cousins. The
table further shows that although the majority of res
pondents in all SES categories married first cousins,
the percentage of first cousin marriages declines as
SES get higher.
Among lower SES respondents who married relatives,
89 percent married a first cousin, as compared to 65
percent of the upper SES respondents. It is interesting 154
TABLE 39
FIRST COUSIN MARRIAGE BY SES
Question; If your spouse is a relative , how is he re- lated to you?
Lower-- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
First 25 62 76 26 189 Cousin 89.3 83.6 77.6 65.0 78.8
Other 3 12 22 14 51 Relative 10.7 16.2 22.4 35.0 21.3
Total 28 74 98 40 240 11.7 30.8 40.8 16.7 100.0 155 to note that although upper SES respondents have a higher proportion of marriages to relatives, they have a lower percentage of first cousin marriages. This negative relationship between SES and first cousin marriages in dicates that a breakaway from the old traditions is taking place among those who are more exposed to wes
ternization. No educational, age, or family background differences were found in relation to first cousin mar riages .
Respondents* attitudes toward marriage to first cousins or other relatives is very favorable. While only 48 percent actually married a relative, a majority
of 309 (59 percent) prefer this type of marriage. Com paring actual and ideal behavior among SES categories
indicates a proportional increase in the latter among a
all categories except the upper segment. While nearly
59 percent of the upper SES married a relative, only 40
percent prefer such marriage. It is possible that this
segment of the population, because of its wide travel
and many contact, is more influenced by westernization
than others. Since this category has the highest rate
of actual marriages of this type, and since there is
more mixing of kinship and business, it is possible
that some have developed a negative attitude toward it. 156
Preference for marriage among relatives increases among all educational categories when compared to their actual behavior, except in the case of the college edu cated. Figures in Table 112In the Appendix show the highest occurrence of such is among illiterates, 68 percent, as compared to only 30 percent among the col lege educated. These figures clearly show the influence of westernization and education on family patterns.
The relationship between education and attitudes toward relative marriage is confused in one category.
Respondents with primary education have the lowest num ber of actual marriages to relatives, yet they claim to prefer such marriages almost as infrequently as the col lege educated. A possible explanation is that the atti tudes of respondents in this category are influenced by factors other than education.
Age differences were found as expected. A ma jority of respondents 30 years and over prefer marriage among relatives as compared to a minority of those less than 30 years. Table 113in the Appendix gives a break down of age category differences. While 45 percent of those 15-29 years old prefer marriage among relatives, a higher percentage of 73 percent among those 50-59 years old prefer such marriages. It is expected that 157 the young are the first to break away from the old traditions.
When respondents were asked if they prefer marriage among first cousins, a majority of 3X7 (60 percent) de clared they would. Table 40 dearly shows that there is a negative relationship between respondents* educa tional level and preference for first cousin marriages.
Over 69 percent of the illiterates prefer first cousin carriage as compared to only 20 percent of the college educated. This again demonstrates the impact of educa
tion and westernisation on traditional family patterns.
Respondents who prefer marriage among relatives never offer political or economic justification as so many middle east commentators do. Rather, they single
out reasons such as strengthening kin ties and personal knowledge of a relative in a society where interaction
between the sexes is limited. Those who object to this
type of marriage emphasize medical reasons such as per
petuating defects through inheritance.
Respondents were asked whether or not their par
ents are relatives. Only 193 (37 percent) of the res
pondents declared they were. There is a higher percen
tage of marriages between relatives among respondents
than among their parents (37 percent and 48 percent, TABLE 40
PREFERENCE FOR FIRST COUSIN MARRIAGE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: Do you prefer marriage between first cousins?
Some Unlv. Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Lite rate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad.
Yes 136 103 24 48 6 317 69.4 66.9 51.1 49.5 20.0 60.5
No 60 51 23 49 24 207 30.6 33.1 48.9 50.5 80.0 39.5
Total 196 154 47 97 30 524 37.4 29.4 9.0 18.5 5.7 100.0 159
respectively). Judging from respondents* attitudes and
the above figures it seems that marriage among rela
tives is on the increase in recent years. Education,
an increase in women's employment, and freedom of
interaction between the sexes might reverse the trend.
Among respondents' parents, marriage between re
latives was found to be associated with family back
ground. Table 41 shows that 43 percent of the respon
dents born in extended families have parents who are
relatives, as compared to only 33 percent of those
. whose family of orientation is nuclear and whose parents
are relatives.
Table 41
RELATIVE MARRIAGE AMONG PARENTS BY FAMILY TYPE
Question : Are your parents relatives?
Nuclear Family Extended Family Total
Yes 110 83 193 33.2 43.2 36.9
No 221 109 330 66.8 56.8 63.1
Total 331 192 523 63.3 36.7 100.0 160
One would expect that those who live in extended families are more apt to marry relatives with whom they are more familiar.
Table 114 in the Appendix gives a breakdown of the above gross total.. A majority of 157 (86 percent) of the parents married a first cousin and only 14 married other relatives. First cousin marriages seem to be less frequent among respondents than among their parents. It appears that respondents, in comparison to their par ents, have broadened the scope of their family relation ships and are beginning to marry relatives other than first cousins. The table further shows that, as was the case among respondents, upper SES parents are mar ried less frequently to first cousins than those in other categories. While over 87 percent of lower SES parents married their first cousins, only 67 percent of upper SES parents did. It is important to note that a strong relationship was found between respondents* at titudes toward marriage between relatives and kin mar riage among parents. A higher percentage of respon dents whose parents married relatives prefer marriage among relatives as compared to respondents whose par ents have no blood relationship. 161
Respondents finally were asked whether marriage between relatives is popular among their kin in general.
A majority of 301 (58 percent) declared that this type of marriage is populareamong their kin. Table 115 in the Appendix shows, that 64 percent of respondents whose family of orientation is extended stated that this type of marriage is popular among their kin, as compared to
55 percent of respondents who were born in nuclear fami lies.
In summary, marriage among relatives in general and first cousins in particular seem to be very popular in Kuwait. Although a high percentage of the survey sample are married to relatives, a small segment— the educated and the upper SES— have a negative attitude toward it. The latter are the segments most influenced by the processes of urbanization and westernization.
Conflict Among Relatives
This is the most difficult aspect of family-kin relationships to assess. Respondents were asked ques tions about the nature, intensity, and duration of con flict with relatives. Very few were willing to admit there is or was conflict with kin. When respondents were asked if they have had any conflict with relatives, 162 only 26 percent <139 respondents) admitted they have had a conflict with kin. A breakdown of this gross total according to respondents' SES, education, age, sex, number of individuals, and type of family shows no significant differences. Table 116 in the Appendix shows that there is a noticeable difference between the col
lege educated and the illiterate. Only 20 percent of the college educated admit conflict with relatives as com pared to 30 percent of the illiterate.
Respondents were asked why they had conflict with kin. Only 84 respondents chose to answer this question.
The answers were not pre-coded, but were left to the in dividual to state freely what he chose. Table 42 gives
five possible reasons for conflict. The major sources
of conflict seem to be marital relations and conflict
among women. Over 34 percent chose marital relations as
a reason for conflict with kin, while 27 percent selec
ted conflict among women. Nearly 17 percent stated con
flict among children as the reason for conflict as com
pared to 14 percent who named property and inheritance;
7 percent pointed to other reasons.
Since marriage among relatives is very popular in
Kuwait, one would expect this high proportion of res
pondents who selected maurital relations as a source of TABLE 42
CAUSES FOR CONFLICT AMONG RELATIVES BY SEX
Question: Why have you had a conflict with relatives?
Marriage Property & Conflict Conflict Among Relations Inheritance Among Women Children Other Total
Male 17 8 19 3 3 50 34.0 16.0 38.0 6.0 6.0 59.5
Female 12 4 4 11 3 34 35.3 11.8 11.8 32.4 8.8 40.5
Total 29 12 23 14 6 84 34.5 14.3 27.4 16.7 7.1 100.0 164 conflict. Conflict among women because of jealousy, especially in large or extended families, is also ex pected to be a source of conflict. Conflict among child ren in large families easily leads to conflict among adults.
There were male-female differences in this regard.
The table shows that 38 percent of the men pointed out that conflict among women is the major reason for con flict with kin. Only 12 percent of the females agreed.
In contrast, nearly 32 percent of the women believe con flict among children is the cause of conflict with kin; only 6 percent of the men felt the same. A similar pro portion of both sexes indicate that marital relations are the main source of conflict with relatives. It is possible that women are reluctant to admit their res ponsibilities, or that men hold women responsible even when children fight.
When respondents were asked whether women are more likely to generate conflict, a surprising majority
of 87 percent indicated that women, more than men, are
the source of conflict. Table 43 shows that the majori
ty of women agreed that they generate conflict more than
men. Culturally, men are trained not to involve them
selves in everyday problems. In contrast, women usually 165
WOMEN'S RESPONSIBILITY FOR CONFLICT BY SEX
Question: Are women more likely than men to generate conflict?
Yes 251 182 433 93.3 80.2 87.3
No 18 45 63 6.7 19.8 12.7
Total 269 227 496 54.2 45.8 100.0 166
get themselves involved in this kind of problem, and, hence, are vulnerable to such conflict.
Kuwaitis seldom go to court to settle conflict
with kin. There is a general tendency to keep family
problems secret from outsiders. Conflict with kin usually is solved either through friends* mediation, or
by those in conflict themselves. When respondents were
asked how they solved conflicts with kin, only 8 indi
viduals stated that they went to court. The overwhelm
ing majority solved the conflict themselves with the
passing of time. Few needed friends’ mediation, and
some indicated the conflict has never been solved.
When respondents were asked how often they have
a conflict with relatives, the majority were reluctant
to admit any conflict. Table 117 in the Appendix shows
that 48 percent of the respondents indicated they never
have a conflict with kin; nearly 40 percent declared
seldom; and only 10 percent admit that they sometimes
have conflicts with kin. A small proportion (2 percent)
indicated that they are always in conflict with rela
tives. It is difficult to assume that these figures
reflect reality. It is probable that some respondents
did not want to admit conflict to outsiders. Moreover,
it is also possible that many respondents did not 167 consider short-lived quarrels as conflicts.
Indeed, 362 respondents admitted having conflicts with kin in an answer to the following indirect question;
"How long does the longest conflict last before solving?"
Table 118 in the Appendix shows that the majority (64 percent) declared that the conflict lasted less than a month. Over 14 percent indicate it lasts between 1-4 months; 5 percent, between 5-8 months; 7 percent, be tween 9-12 months ; and 10 percent, over a year.
Interestingly, women seem to be more reluctant to admit conflict than men. While 222 men (61.3 percent) indirectly admitted having a conflict with kin, only
140 (39 percent) of the women did so. A higher propor tion of women than men indicate that the conflict lasted
less than a month.
In summary, it appears that conflicts with kin are short-lived and are generated mainly from marital relations. Women, by their own admission, seem to be an
important source of conflict with kin. Most of the con
flict is solved in a traditional way, either by the
parties themselves or by friends* mediation, but seldom
by the courts. CHAPTER VII
CHANGING MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND NORMS
In the last two decades a radical change has been taking place regarding marriage customs and norms.
Iftitil recently most Kuwaiti grooms never saw their brides until the wedding night. This is true even now among certain segments of the population. The marriage usu ally is arranged by elders vdio maintain the power of de cision and who provide the dowry. In recent years this picture has changed; women no longer wear a veil and there is more social interaction between the sexes in schools and at work. There are more individuals enter ing marriage according to personal choice rather than parental choice. In this chapter an attempt will be made to examine the changes that took place in the last
two decades regarding marriage customs and norms.
Age at Marriage
Most commentators on the Arab world have asser
ted that Arabs marry very early. This was especially
true of females who, it has been thought, marry when 168 169 they have reached puberty- It was further assumed that due to westernization and urbanization, the age at which marriage is taking place is rising. Kuwaiti law has not specified any particular age for marriage, rather it has left it to the elders to decide. It is unfortunate that reliable data is not available for the past; hence, we are unable to measure the changes, if any. Table 119 in the Appendix shows the age for husbands and wives who registered for marriage in 1971. In general, Kuwaiti girls tend to marry at the age of 15-20 years, while men marry between 20 and 30 years of age. The median age for marriage is 27 years for males and 16 years for fe males. The table shows that nearly one-third of the males married at the age of 20-24 years; an equal number married at 15-19 years, and less than one-third at 20-
24 years. Over 10 percent of the men marry at 30-34 years and a very small number marry at the age of 15-19 years. About 1 percent of the females married at an age less than 15 years. The figures indicate that females marry at an early age, preferably 15-19 years, while the majority of men married in their twenties. It should be indicated that many marriages go unreported, especially among nomads who prefer to marry at an early age.
Marriages, in the past, were seldom registered at court; hence it is difficult to assume whether there is 170 any change regarding age at marriage. One can detect the trends of the future, however, by asking respondents
2ü90ut their ideas regarding the best age for marriage.
When respondents were asked what they believed to be the best age for marriage, the majority seem to pre fer the age 25-30 for males, and 19-24 for females.
This is an older age than the ages recorded for mar riages registered in 1971. Table 44 shows respondents* answers regarding age at marriage for males. The figures clearly indicate that the majority of the survey sample believe that the best age for marriage for males is be tween 25-30 years old. A significant 45 percent of the respondents prefer the age 25-27 years, while 28 percent prefer the age 28-30 years. A small minority of about
3 percent each prefer the early age of 15-18 years or the late age of 32-35 as the best ages for marriage.
About 12 percent think that 19-21 years is the best, while 10 percent prefer the age 22-24 years.
A breakdown of the gross percentage shows a sig nificant difference among the various educational cate gories. The figures in Table 44 indicate that 43 per cent of college educated feel that the age 28-30 years is the best age for marriage for males ; only 20 percent of the illiterate prefer that age. A closer look at TABLE 44 BEST AGE FOR MARRIAGE (MALE) BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question ; In your opinion, what is the best age for marriage (male)?
Literate & Intermediate/ Some Univ. Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Train./Un. Gr;.Total
15-18 8 6 0 0 0 14 Years 4.1 3.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.7
19-21 39 15 3 4 0 61 Years 20.1 9.9 6.7 4.1 0.0 11.8
22-24 27 16 4 3 1 51 Years 13.9 10.5 8.9 3.1 3.3 9.8
25-27 79 70 22 47 15 233 Years 40.7 46.1 48.9 48.5 50.0 45,0
28-30 39 41 15 38 13 146 Years 20.1 27.0 33.3 39.2 43.3 28.2
32-35 2 4 1 5 1 13 Years 1.0 2.6 2.2 5.2 3.3 2.5
TOTAL 194 152 45 97 30 518 37.5 29.3 8.7 18.7 5.8 100.0 172 that specific row shows that as the level of education increases the percentage of respondents who prefer mar riage at 28-30 years becomes higher. Illiterates seem to prefer earlier marriage. While nearly 38 percent of the illiterates prefer to marry at the age of 15-24, only one college educated person (3 percent) prefer to marry at 22-24 years of age.
It seems that the educated feel that individuals should marry after they finish college, and establish themselves in the community. This is important since the male is responsible for furnishing the marriage house hold, and paying a large dowry and other related mar riage expenses. The majority of women aspire to be housewives and mothers— hence, they are economically de pendent on their husbands.
Respondents from the four SES categories were found to differ in their preferences for the ideal mar riage age for males. It appears from the figures in
Table 120 in the Appendix that a higher proportion of upper-middle and upper SES prefer an older age for mar riage for males than do other SES categories. Nearly
24 percent of the lower SES respondents think that 19-21 years is the best age for males to marry, as compared to only 1 percent of the upper SES respondents. In 173 contrast, 46 percent of the upper SES respondents prefer that males marry at 28-30 years; only 18 percent lower
SES respondents express such preference. This is ex pected since most individuals in this segment of the population are interested in pursuing a higher education, and setting themselves up in either business or govern- metn work before marriage.
One clear indication of the present trend toward an older age at marriage can be seen in the figures in
Table 121 in the Appendix. In general, a higher pro portion of young respondents than older ones prefer an older age at marriage. While over 33 percent of res pondents over 50 years old prefer that males marry at
15-24 years, only 14 percent of those 15-29 yeeurs old prefer this age interval. In contrast, nearly 36 per cent of the latter age group express a preference for marriage at 28-30 years, as compared to only 13 percent of those over 60 years of age. These figures indicate
that although many respondents from all age groups pre
fer that males marry at 25-27, a significant proportion of the younger generation seem to prefer an even older
age. The idea of continuing education, and the cost of
establishing a household have probably influenced the
attitude of the young. 174
In general, the above figures indicate that the age of marriage for males seems to be rising. This trend is more apparent among the educated, the wealthy, and the young. These segments of the population are more influenced by the processes of urbanization and westerni zation. These segments of the population seem to be more interested in pursuing higher education, and estab lishing themselves in the community before getting mar ried. It should be noted that there were no signifi cant male-female differences regarding the best age for marriage for males. This is surprising since the aver
age age difference between the sexes at marriage is
about 11 years. However, women seem to be interested in
raising their marriage age rather than lowering the
male's marriage age.
In general, when respondents were asked what they
believed to be the.best age for marriage for females, it
was found that the majority prefer a lower age than that
for males. In comparing the survey data with the ac
tual marriage records in 1971, it is clear that the
preferred marriage age for females is rising. Table 45
shows that 29 percent of the respondents prefer that
girls marry at 13-18 years ; nearly 44 percent think the
ages 19-21 more suitable and only 15 percent feel that TABLE 45 BEST AGE FOR MARRIAGE (FEMALE) BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: In your opinion, what is the best age for marriage (female)? Some"‘Uni vV Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
13-18 82 44 8 16 1 151 Years 42.3 28.9 17.8 16.5 3.3 29.2
19-21 79 67 27 40 14 227 Years 40.7 44.1 60.0 41.2 46.7 43.8
22-24 16 23 6 24 9 78 Years 8.2 15.1 13.3 24.7 30.0 15.1
25-27 17 18 4 14 6 59 Years 8.8 11.8 8.9 14.4 20.0 11.4
28-30 0 0 0 3 0 3 Years 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.1 0.0 0.6
Total 194 152 45 97 30 518 37.5 29.3 8.7 18.7 5.8 Ï00.0 176
22-24 years is a preferable age span for females to marry. Respondents seem to prefer a 5-10 year age dif ference between husband and wife. The above figures show that 45 percent of the respondents prefer the age
25-27 years for males to marry; only 11 percent express preference for this age for females. Furthermore, 28 percent prefer the ages 28-30 for males and only 0.6 percent consider this age suitable for females.
The table also shows a breakdown of these gross percentages according to the educational background of respondents. The impact of education on respondent's attitudes is clearly seen in the first row of the tabel.
As respondents' level of education gets higher the pro portion of respondents who prefer females to marry at a very young age becomes lower. There is only one per son (3 percent), college educated, who expressed pre ference for female marriage at the ages of 13-18 years, compared to 42 percent of the illiterate who prefer this age. While 8 percent of the illiterate prefer that
females marry at 22-24 years, a higher proportion of 30 percent of the college educated prefer this age category.
It seems that although the marjoity prefer that females marry at an age less than 21 yeeirs, a significant seg ment of the college and high school educated seem to 177 prefer a girl to be at that age or older before marriage.
No doubt this segment of the population has in mind the completion of college or at least high school before a girl gets married.
Respondents were found to differ in their attitudes according to their SES backgrounds. Figures in Table 122 in the Appendix clearly indicate that as SES increases, the percentage of those who prefer early marriage de creases. While 42 percent of lower SES respondents and
44 percent lower-middle prefer females to marry at the age of 13-18 years, only 10 percent of the upper SES respondents prefer such an age. In contrast, a percent of the lower SES respondents and 7 percent of the lower- middle SES express a preference for females to marry at
22-24 years, as compared to 31 percent of the upper SES respondents, who feel the same. Upper-middle and es pecially upper SES respondents probably recognize the need for college educations and careers for girls prior
to marriage.
When data were broken down according to respon dent’s age, it was found as expected that as respon dent’s age increases the proportion of those who pre
fer early marriage for females also increases. In
Table 123 in the Appendix half of the respondents aged 178
60 years and over prefer females to marry at the age of
13-18 years, in contrast to only 18 percent of those BO
BS years who prefer such an early marriage. The figures show that a small proportion of 11 percent of those over
60 years prefer that females marry at the age 22-24 years, compared to 23 percent of respondents 15-29 years of age. The impact of change in the last two decades is expected to effect primarily those individuals below 40 years of age. This group places great value on higher education for males as well as females.
Iftilike their attitudes toward the best age for males to marry, males and females on the survey sample seem to differ in their attitudes toward the best age for females to marry. Table 124 in the Appendix shows that a higher proportion of males (37 percent males;
20 percent females) believe that 13-18 years is a more suitable age for females to marry. In contrast, a ma jority of females (51 percent) express preference to marry at 19-21 years, as compared to only 37 percent of the males. Proportionally more females than males se lected higher age categories. These figures seem to in dicate that there is more desire among women to close the gap in age differences between husbands and wives. Fur thermore, women recognize their need for education and 179 maturity before marriage. Many men, however, seem to be
enjoying the traditional pattern of marrying a young
bride.
In summary, in comparing respondents' attitudes
and the actual age for marriage in 1971, one recognizes
the trend toward a rising age at marriage. Kuwaitis in
the past were not concerned with education and the cost
of setting up a household was relatively low. It seems
that the present trend toward an older age at marriage
is popular among the educated, the young, and the wealthy.
These segments generally prefer that males and females
marry at a later age than they now do. There is a gen
eral sentiment for accepting an age difference of 5-10
years between males and females. It is expected that
once girls become educated, gainfully employed, and. share
with their future husbands the economic responsibility
of establishing a household, their age at marriage will
rise and the age of males will drop considerably.
Role of Parents in Marriage
Parents traditionally have played a primary role
in their childrens' decision to marry and in the selec
tion of their children's future mates. This primary
role has changed in recent years due to education and 180 the son's economic independence. Now, a son chooses the time of marriage, and has the final say in the selection of his future spouse. Daughters have less independence— parents still have a strong influence in the timing of her marriage and in mate selection. In this transitional period in Kuwait society, one expects a variation in respondents' attitudes toward this issue according to
their education, SES, age, etc. Respondents were asked
three questions related to this topic. The first deals with the role of parents in their sons' marriage ; the
second, their role in daughters' marriage; and finally
the role parents played in the respondents' marriage.
In their answers to the first question, 81 percent
of the respondents feel that a son should select his fu
ture wife with his parents' approval. This is a depar
ture from the traditional pattern of parents selecting
the wife with the son's approval. The latter pattern
was selected by only 10 percent of the respondents. A
smaller proportion of nearly 7 percent prefer that a son
select his future wife, regardless of parental appro
val. Only 2 percent express a preference for parents
only to select the wife.
Figures in Table 46 indicate some differences in
respondents' attitudes according to their educational TABLE 46
PARENTS' ROLE IN SELECTION OF A DAUGHTER-IN-LAW BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: What role should parents play in the selection of their son's wife?
Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Wife selected 6 3 1 2 0 12 by parents 3.0 1.9 2.1 2.1 0.0 2.3
By parents with 30 14 0 7 1 52 son's approval 15.2 9.1 0.0 7.2 3.3 9.9
By son with parents' ap 144 126 43 85 29 427 proval 72.7 81.8 91.5 87.6 96.7 81.2
By son re gardless of parents' ap 18 11 3 3 0 35 proval 9.1 7.1 6.4 3.1 0.0 6.7
Total 198 154 47 97 30 526 37.6 29.3 8.9 18.4 5.7 100.0 182 background. While 3 percent of the illiterate feel that parents should select the son's wife, none of the col lege educated express similar feelings. Furthermore,
15 percent of the illiterate prefer the son's wife to be chosen by the parents with the son's approval; only 1 person (3 percent) from the college educated prefer such an arrangement. An overwhelming majority of college edu cated (97 percent) believe that a son should select his future wife, but should consult his parents. Only 73 percent of the illiterate support this pattern. Sur prisingly, it seems that as the level of education be comes lower, the percentage of respondents who prefer that a son select his wife regardless of his parents' opinion becomes higher. While 9 percent of the illiter ate prefer the latter, none of the college educated pre fer this pattern.
Table 125in the Appendix shows age differences re garding the role of parents in their sons' marriages.
It seems that a significant proportion of older respon dents prefer the traditional pattern in spouse selection.
Nearly 6 percent of respondents 60 years of age and over prefer that a daughter-in-law be selected by parents only; in contrast, only 1 percent of those 15-29 years prefer such a pattern. Furthermore, while 24 percent of 183 those over 60 years prefer that parents choose their future daughters-in-law with their sons' approval, only
4 percent of the young (15-29 years) approved such an arrangement. These differences are expected since the younger generation is more influenced by change. It seems that even the older generation has recognized the change that is taking place. A majority (67 percent) of the latter group felt that a son should select his future wife— but with his parents* approval. In comparison,
90 percent of respondents 15-29 prefer this pattern.
Women who probably suffer most from the tradition al pattern express differences in their answers to the above question. Figures in Table 126in the Appendix indicate that women, more often than men, (12 percent and 1 percent respectively) prefer that the wife is selected by the son regardless of his parents' approval.
The overwhelming majority of respondents in this cate gory sure women who are illiterate or who are literate with no school certificates. This explains our un answered question above about the relationship between education and this behavioral attitude. It seems to be women who generally suffer from the traditional pattern of mate selection; illiterates and those with no formal
education suffer the most. This probably leads to their 184 support of an independent male role in future wife se lection. It should be noted that no SES differences were found regarding the role of parents in their sons' mar riage.
There is no doubt that males have relatively more freedom than females in choosing a future spouse. The above figures indicate a general desire to change the role of parents in their sons' marriage from a primary to a consultatory one. It is expected that respondents have changed their attitude toward the role of parents in a daughter's marriage as well. This shift in atti tude is expected to be relatively smaller than that for males. It is expected that a smaller proportion pre fer that females select their own husbands than those who prefer freedom of choice for males. For many males, a private meeting or date between a man and a woman is not acceptable. The prophet, Mohammed, said "Whenever a man and a woman meet alone, Satan becomes their third party."
When respondents were asked what role parents should play in the selection of their daughters' hus bands, the majority felt that future sons-in-law should be chosen either by parents with daughters' approval or by daughters with parents' approval. Traditionally, 185 parents selected husbands fer their daughters. Only 7 percent of the respondents supported the latter pattern.
A significant proportion of nearly 44 percent prefer that parents choose future sons-in-law with their daughters* approval. It seems that as long as girls are economi cally dependent on parents, the latter will control the decision-making process. As girls become more educated and have careers of their own they are expected to make more of their own decisions, including that of a marri age partner. In a significat departure from the past,
nearly 49 percent of the respondents prefer that the daughter select her future husband with parents’ ap proval. In contrast, 81 percent supported a similar pattern for males. One would also expect that the de gree of parental approval for females is different than
that for males. In the case of the former there is a
genuine sharing in the decision, while in the latter it
is probably a casual approval. Only a small proportion
(1 percent) prefer that the daughter select her future
husband regardless of parental approval.
Table 47 shows a breakdown of these gross percen
tages according to respondent’s educational background.
The figures clearly indicate the impact of education on
respondents’ attitudes. The majority of those who have PARENTS• ROLE IN SELECTING A SON-IN-LAW BY EDUCATIONAL -ATTAINMENT
Question: What role should parents play in the selection of their daughter *s husband? Some 'Uhi’v. Literate & Intermediate/ Train./ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Husband Should Be Selected By 25 6 2 2 1 36 Parents 12.7 3.9 4.3 2.1 3.3 6.9
By Parents With Daughter»s Ap 89 79 12 37 12 229 proval 45.2 51.3 25.5 38.1 40.0 43.6
By Daughter With Parents Appro 81 67 33 57 17 255 val 41.1 43.5 70.2 58.8 56.7 48.6
By Daughter Re gardless of 2 2 0 1 0 5 Parents* Approval 1.0 1.3 0.0 1.0 0.0 1.0
Total 197 154 47 97 30 525 37.5 29.3 9.0 18.5 5.7 100.0 187 had any formal education prefer a more independent role for females, as compared to those with no formal educa tion. Only 41 percent of the illiterate prefer that a daughter select her future husband with her parents* approval as compared to a majority of 70 percent of those with a primary education certificate. A majroity of 58 percent among the illiterate prefer that parents choose a future son-in-law or select thim with daughter's approval. In comparison, only 30 percent of those with primary education prefer such patterns. Respondents
%d.th primary education seem to lead other educational groups in their liberal breakaway from traditional pat terns. This can be explained partly because many res pondents in this category are women who are less attached to the old norms and some who belong to the liberal upper SES.
The majority of female respondents prefer a more independent role for themselves in the marriage process.
The figures in Table 127in the Appendix clearly show women's desire to break away from the old traditions
and to be treated equally with men. It seems that only
a minority of men are ready to grant women this status.
The figures show that while a majority of 57 percent of
the female respondents prefer that the daughter choose her future spouse, only 40 percent of the males support 168 such a desire. In contrast, 56 percent of the male res pondents prefer that parents select their future sons- in-law with their daughters* approval; only 30 percent of the females prefer this traditional pattern. A minority of 11 percent of the females prefer the very tradition al pattern of parents only selecting future sons-in-law, and only 2 percent prefer the radical approach of a daughter choosing her own husband regardless of parents * approval. Men in both categories have even lower pro portions than females.
Throughout this report, upper-middle and upper
SES groups have been shown to be more effected by wes ternization and urbanization than other SES categories.
In response to the above question, upper SES respondents once again show a breakaway from traditional norms.
Table 128in the Appendix shows that while 14 percent of the lower SES respondents prefer that parents choose future sons-in-law, no upper SES respondents express pre ference for this traditional pattern. The majority of upper SES (68 percent) seem to prefer that daughters select their own husbands, but with parents* approval.
Only 40 percent of the lower SES respondents prefer this more liberal attitude. A smaller majority of 50 percent of upper-middle SES are in line with this attitude. 189
It should be pointed out that no age differences were found regarding the role of parents in selecting future sons-in-law. This indicates, as expected, that age has little or no influence when women’s rights in particular are at stake.
In order to assess the degree of change that is taking place in recent years regarding the role of par ents in the marriages of their children, respondents were asked what role their parents played in their own marriages. Nearly one-third of the survey sample de clared that their spouses were selected by parents only; another third asserted that their parents selected their spouses with their personal approval; about 22 percent reported that they selected their own spouses with par ents* approval; and 14 percent indicated that parents had no role in their marriages.
One easily notices the difference between these figures and previous figures on attitudes. The differ ence is not due to the gap between actual and attitudi- nal behavior, but to the impact of the social change that has been taking place over the last two decades.
Although parents played a primary role in the marriages of two-third of the sample, the majority of the res pondents seem to prefer that the primary role be played 190 by the young people themselves. The overwhelming ma jority of those who indicated that parents had no role in their marriages are males. They probably married for a second time at an older age where, traditionally, in dividuals take the initiative themselves.
A breakdown of these gross percentages according to sex of respondents is presented in Table 129in the
Appendix. The majority of females (53 percent) indica ted that their spouses had been selected by parents.
Only 12 percent of the males declared this to be the case. Traditionally, when someone asks a girl's father or brother for her hand in marriage, the girl is seldom consulted. Even if the girls were consulted, the final decision was left to the father or brother. Tradition ally, sons are either consulted by their parents or ask their parents of an opinion. Nearly one-third of the male respondents have selected their wives but with parents approval; only 11 percent of the females had a similar experience. It is possible that the latter groups, although small, consists of young, wealthy, edu cated women. Nearly 25 percent of the males indicated that parents had no roles in their marriages. Only 2 percent of the females said the same. It seems that the majority of this group are married for the second 191 time or had no parents, in which case another relative assumed the parental role.
The impact of education is clearly shown in Table
48. The figures indicate that parents have played a primary role in the marriages of the majority of those respondents who have less than a high school degree.
In contrast, parents were only consulted in the mar riages of most of the college educated. While 45 per cent of the illiterate assert that their parents selected
their spouses, only 1 college educated (4 percent) had the same experience. Both the first and third rows of the table clearly show that negative relationship between
education and parental role in the marriages of their children. As the level of education increases the pro
portion of respondents who chose their spouses with par
ents* approval increases. While only 11 percent of the
illiterate claim to have experienced this pattern, a majority of 50 percent of the college educated claim
to have married in this fashion.
It seems that this relative breakaway with old
traditions is very recent. Looking at the figures in
Table 13Gin the Appendix, it is clear that the age groups
between 15-29 years, especially 15-29 years, are most
effected by tradition. While 36 percent of those 15-29
years of age selected their own spouses with parents' PARENTS» ROLE IN RESPONDENTS* MARRIAGE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: What role did your parents play in your marriage?
Some Univ. Parents' Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Role Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Spouse selected 89 46 15 13 1 164 by parents 45.4 30.7 31.9 14.4 3.6 32.1
Parents selected with respondents 58 54 17 28 8 165 approval 29.6 36.0 36.2 31.1 28.6 32.3
Respondents selec ted with parents* 21 26 12 39 14 112 approval 10.7 17.3 25.5 43.3 50.0 21.9
Parents had no role in respon 28 24 3 10 5 70 dents' selection 14.3 16.0 6.4 11.1 17.9 13.7
Total 196 150 47 90 28 511 38.4 29.4 9.2 17.6 5.5 100.0 193 approval, only 12 percent of those 50-59 years did.
In summary, the forgoing figures clearly indicate a considerable shift from the tradtional pattern of arranged marriages. Widespread education, individual economic independence and the overall influence of wes tern culture have lost for the family its primary role as an agent in marriage. Respondents seem to recognize the need for persons to select future mates indepen dently. Males, more than femlaes, enjoy this practice due to the present double standrad. As expected, the young, the educated, and the wealthy are most effected by this new trend. One would assume that a more inde pendent role, especially for females, will be the pat tern in the near future.
Polygyny and Dowry
The Koran permits a man to have up to four wives at a time, provided he treats them equally. Men who have more than one wife are very few in the Arab world in general. Economic considerations, as well as the difficulties of managing such a household full of quar rels, made it difficult for many men to have more than one wife. According to the 1970 census, the number of polygynists among Kuwaitis is 4856. The majority (4324) 194
have two wives and a small minority have three or four wives (298 and 234 respectively). According to the 1965
census, the number of polygynists was 2399. The ma
jority (2234) had two wives ; 143 had three wives and
only 22 had four wives. The overwhelming majority of
those polygynists are illiterate or have no formal
education.
Westernization and education have had a profound
impact on the individual’s attitude toward polygyny.
The educated are less likely to have more than one wife
or to permit their daughters or sisters to be a second
or third wife. The availability of advanced medical
care for women who have difficulty bearing children dis
courages some men from marrying a second wife in order
to have children. It is also very expensive today to
have more than one wife. Unlike the past, where women
lived in one simple household, women now demand separate
households and well-furnished ones.
Among our respondents, 29 persons (5.5 percent)
admitted having two wives, while 8 persons (1.5 percent)
declared three wives, and only 1 person (0.2 percent)
has four wives.
When respondents were asked whether they accept
polygyny, only a minority of 11 percent said they do. 195
A majority of 89 percent declared, their negative atti tude, and 0.4 percent expressed no opinion. In breaking down these gross percentages, Table 131 and Table 132 in the Appendix show relative differences in respondents* attitude according to their SES and educational back ground.
The figures in Table 131 show that the first three
SES categories have a minority of nearly 11 percent who accept jjolygany, as compared to only 3 percent among the upper SES. This again indicates that the upper SES seems to be more influenced by westernization than any other SES category.
Table 132 shows that while the proportion of illi terate and literate with no formal degree who accept polygyny are 11 percent and 16 percent respectively, only about 4 percent of those with primary certificates accept this marriage pattern. The differences in both educational and SES categories are not significantly large to allow a definite conclusion.
The aged, moreso than the young, are expected to accept polygyny. Table 133 in the Appendix shows that while nearly 5 percent of those 15-39 years of age ac cept polyganous marriage, a higher proportion (30 per cent) of those over 60 years prefer this marriage pattern. 196
It is interesting to note that the figures in
Table 134 in the Appendix show that 18 women, or 7 per cent, accept polygynous marriage. These women as well as some men are probably effected by traditional pat terns and strong religious backgrounds.
Respondents were asked to state their reasons for accepting or rejecting polygyny. The majority of res pondents who accept polygyny thought it should be limited to those whose wives are seriously ill or wives who can bear no children. Others who support it feel that a man should be economically able to support more than one household, and the age difference between spouses should not be great.
As for the majority who reject polygyny, the in dication was that it causes difficulties and problems among wives and among sons. It is also very difficult to raise children in various households. There are others who state that Islam has permitted such practice on the condition that all wives receive equal treatment.
This condition, they assert is difficult to fulfill, especially in an emotional sense. Yet a third group, more influenced by western ideas, argue that they reject this type of marriage because it is degrading to women
and undermines the love aspect of marriage in the nation. 197
In summary, it seems that polygynist marriages are decreasing in modern Kuwait. It is expected that a small segment of the population will practice it for some years to come, but it is also expected that some kind of legal restrictions will take place; restrictions regarding limiting the age group; ability for economic
support; and the right of the first wife to acquire a divorce will come to light as the number of educated, and western-influenced increases.
As in the case of polygyny, the dowry or, as it
is called by some westerners, the "bride price" is a
tradition inherited from the past. In Kuwait, the dowry
is usually paid at the time the marriage contract is
concluded. The dowry is usually used to buy jewels and
clothes for the bride. The amount of the dowry dif
fers from one social class to another and it can range
from S500 to $30,000. It also differs from the first
marriage to the second and from city people to Bedouins.
The higher "bride prices" lead many Kuwaitis to
delay their marriages or marry non-Kuwaitis who "cost"
less. Westernization and education noddoubt have had
an effect upon people’s attitude toward the dowry system.
Many of the educated reject it, but its elimination will
come only when the family is no longer a marriage agent 198
and individuals select their mates freely.
Respondents were asked whether or not they believe
that the dowry should be a large sum, a symbolic sum,
paid at the time of divorce, or abolished completely.
The majroity of respondents (81 percent) feel that the
dowry should be a symbolic sum. Only a minority of nearly 16 percent prefer it to be a large sum of money,
depending on the person's social status. About 2 per
cent assert that it should be paid at the time of di vorce only. Many other Arabs, unlike Kusaitis, pay half
or two-thirds at the signing of the marriage contract;
the remaining is paid at the time of divorce. In this
case, it can be a barrier for divorce itself since some men could not afford the remaining sum. It is also con
sidered a future economic security measure for women who
are non-working. It is interesting that only a very
small segment (2 percent) feel that it should be abol
ished completely.
Table 49 shows a breakdown for these gross per
centages according to respondents' educational back
ground. Nearly 26 percent of the illiterate prefer that
a dowry should be a large sum of money, as compared to
one college educated (3 percent). Although the majority
of all educational levels prefer it to be a symbolic TABLE 49
ACCEPTANCE OP DOWRY BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question : Do you believe that the dowry should be :
Some Univ. ■Opinion of Literate & Intermediate & Training/ Dowry Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Large Sura in 50 15 7 8 1 81 Line with Status 25.8 9.8 14.9 8.3 3,3 15.6
Syrabolic Sura 137 133 39 84 27 420 70.6 86.9 83.0 87.5 90.0 80.8
Paid at Time 4 4 1 1 0 10 2.1 2.6 2.1 1.0 0.0 1.9
Abolished 3 1 0 3 2 9 1.5 0.7 0.0 3.1 6.7 1.7
Total 194 153 47 96 30 520 37.3 29.4 9.0 18.5 5.8 100.0 200 sum, the college educated have a higher proportion as compared to the illiterate (90 percent and 71 percent respectively). It is interesting that no college educa ted prefer it to be paid at the time of divorce ; rather,
7 percent feel it should be abolished completely. Only
1 percent of the illiterate and literate and 3 percent of the high school graduates support this latter position.
It seems that although the trend toward abolition of the dowry is gaining some ground among the educated, it will take some time to completely abolish it.
The figures in TableU5 in the Appendix show an interesting male-female difference in this regard.
Nearly 26 percent of the females, as compared to only
7 percent of the males, prefer that a dowry be a large sum of money, depending on a person*s status. This is expected since most of the females in the sruvey sample are non-working and consider the dowry as a sort of economic asset. A majroity of 87 percent of the males feel that the dowry should be a symbolic sum as compared to only 72 percent of the females. An equal proportion of 2 percent of both sexes prefer that it be abolished completely. A relatively higher proportion of males than females (3 percent and 0.8 percent respectively) prefer it to be paid at the time of divorce. The small 201 proportion of women who support this latter pattern is due to the rarity of its practice in Kuwait and their
guarantee of family support after divorce.
There were some SES differences with respect to the dowry. Table 136in the Appendix shows that as SES in creases ; the proportion of respondents who prefer a sym bolic sum instead of a large sum becomes higher. Only
a small proportion (6 percent) of upper SES respondents,
as compared to 22 percent of the lower SES respondents,
prefer the dowry to be a large sum of money. A majority
of 93 percent of the upper SES respondents prefer it to
be a symbolic sum, as compared to 78 percent of those in
the lower and lower-middle SES. No one among the lower
SES and only one lower-middle SES respondent asked for
its abolishment. In general, some differences are ex
pected since upper-middle and upper SES segments are more
influenced by western ideas, and since they seldom look
to the dowry as a source of economic security.
It seems that although the marjoity of respondents
prefer the dowry to be a symbolic sum of money, this
wish will become a social reality only when men and
women select their spouses freely without family inter
ference. Widespread education and large-scale employ
ment of females will lead in this direction. 202
Engagement and Other Aspects of Marriage
The traditional pattern, as indicated above is for marriages to be arranged. There is no western-style engagement or courtship. Recently, however, some modi fication of the traditional system has taken place, es pecially among the wealthy and educated segments of the population. There is more freedom of choice of mate, and the family is no longer the primary agent for mar riage. With the increase of social interaction between the sexes, more people are entering marriage by their free choice. This choice is based on love. There is now a short engagement before marriage, allowing the partners to become better acquainted with each other and to prepare their future households. IMlike westerners,
Kuwaitis sign the marriage contract at the time of en gagement. The couple is sometimes chaperoned during the engagement by one of the girl*s female relatives.
Respondents were aksed several questions about engagement and other related issues. First, respondents were asked whether love and mutual understanding are necessary before engagement and marriage. Nearly 55 percent felt it is necessary. A minority of 38 percent objected and 6 percent expressed no opinion. The ma jority who feel that love is necessary eire primarily 203 women.
Table 50 shows that nearly 64 percent of the fe males, as compared to only 47 percent of the males stated that love is necessary before engagement and marriage. It is possible that Kuwaiti women are more sentimental than their male counterparts. Over 48 per cent of the males, as compared to only 28 percent fe males, disagree with the above opinion.
A breakdown of the gross percentages according to respondents educational background reveals a surprising outcome. Table 137in the Appendix shows that a majority of all respondents in all educational categories (ex cept the college educated) feel that love and under standing are necessary before engagement and marriage.
%fhile 52 percent of the college educated disagree with the need for love before marriage, a minority of 38 per cent of the illiterate and 23 percent of those with a primary certificate raise the same objection. A higher proportion of those with no formal schooling than those with a formal degree stated no opinion. It is very dif ficult to interpret this outcome since the number of those who finished college is very small. It is pos sible that some of those who object understand the word in the western context, which involves premarital sexual 204
TABLE 50
NECESSITY OF LOVE BEFORE MARRIAGE BY GENDER
Question: Are love and mutual understanding necessary before engagement and marriage?
Male Female Total
Yes 129 161 290 47.4 63.6 55.2
No 132 70 202 48.5 27.7 38.5
Do Not Know 11 22 33 4.0 8.7 6.3
Total 272 253 525 51.8 48.2 100.0 205 relations to which many object. A more possible ex planation is that women are well-represented in all edu cational categories except among the college educated, and since only a minority of men recognize the necessity of love as compared to a larger majority of owmen, one attributes the difference to this fact.
Results of a breakdown of the percentages accord ing to respondents’ age were as expected. Table 138 in the Appendix shows that a majority (around 60 percent) of those 15=49 years old feel the necessity of love be fore marriage, as compared to a minority (around 43 per cent) of those over 50 years. No SES differences were found.
In general, the importance of love seems to be recognized by a majority of women, and the young. Those who objected did so mostly on religious grounds. Arabs are very sensitive about the purity of the female. Girls must be virgins at the time of marriage. Love beofre marriage may lead to premarital sexual relations which is prohibited by religion and condemned by society at
large. In this type of culture, everyone is concerned with the morality of his female relatives (Iraid).
Premarital or extramarital relationships on the part of
dependent females might bring shame to other persons in
the family. Respondents who feel that love is necessary 206 certainly have in mind a pure man-women friendship. As in the past, an appreciable minority of the respondents believe that love and affection come after marriage and not before.
Since the word "love" was anticipated to be a sen sitive one to some respondents, they were asked: "What is the reasonable time for "knowing" a person before en gagement and marriage?" Only a small proportion of 19 percent stated that there is no need to know a person be fore engagement and marriage. Nearly 25 percent asserted the reasonable time is less than a month; about 37 per cent chose 1-3 months; 12 percent feel it is 4-6 months;
1 percent, 7-9 months; and finally, 5 percent prefer it to be over 9 months.
It seems that the majority have in mind a casual knowledge of the person for a short time before marriage.
This is expected in the light of social customs and norms which prohibit any dating patterns similar to those in western societies.
A breakdown of the gross percentages according to respondents' ages shows that as age increases the pro portion of individuals who object to knowing a marriage partner before marriage increases. The figures in
Table 51 show that while only 12 percent of the TABLE 51
REASONABLE TIME FOR KNOWING A PERSON BEFORE MARRIAGE BY AGE
Question: What is the reasonable time for knowing a person before engagement and marriage?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60/Up Total
No Need 11 19 19 23 17 89 For Knowing 11.7 14.7 17.4 27.1 40.5 19.4
Less that 17 26 32 28 13 116 a Month 18.1 20.2 29.4 32.9 31.0 25.3
1-3 39 50 45 25 9 168 Months 41.5 38.8 41.3 29.4 21.4 36.6
4-6 19 20 8 7 3 57 Months 20.2 15.5 7.3 8.2 7.1 12.4
7-9 20 3 1 0 0 6 Months 2.1 jgaa 0.9 0.0 0.0 1.3
More than 6 11 4 2 0 23 9 Months 6.4 8.5 3.7 2.4 0.0 5.0
Total 94 129 109 85 42 ^J59 20.5 28.1 23.7 18.5 9.2 100.0 208 respondents 15-29 years old stated that there is no need
to know a future spouse before engagement and marriage,
over 40 percent of those over 60 years of age did so.
Among the aged who feel some time is necessary for get
ting acquainted before marriage, the majority consider
1-3 months as reasonable. None of the aged consider more than six months as a reasonable time. In contrast,
6 percent of those 15-29 years consider more than 9 months as a reasonable time.
Males more than females seem to believe that there
is no need to know a person before engagement and mar
riage. Table 139 in the Appendix shows that 24 percent
of the males as compared to only 15 percent of the fe
males take this position. More women than men appear
to prefer a longer time to know a person before marriage.
The figures indicate that 8 percent of the females as
compared to 1 percent of the males desire more than a
9 month period to know a future spouse. This is ex
pected since women, as mentioned earlier, are probably
more sentimental than men.
The individual’s level of education seems to be re
lated to his attitude toward the importance of knowing a
person before marriage. A higher proportion among il
literates and those with no formal education express a 209 preference for not knowing a person before engagement
and marriage, as compared to a smaller proportion of
those formally educated. In general, the figures in
Table 140in the Appendix show that a higher proportion
of college educated, more than any other educational
segment, consider a longer period of over 4 months is
necessary in order to know a person before engagement
and marriage.
Engagement, as mentioned earlier, always comes as
a result of signing a marriage congract, but the couple
never cohabit until the wedding day. The new engagement
pattern is half-way between the old pattern and western
patterns. Although people were engaged in the past,
they never saw each other until the wedding night. En
gagement was very short and was intended to give the wo
men some time to prepare herself for marriage.
The new engagement pattern is a compromise between
the past and the present. In this pattern, a marriage
contract is signed, but the couple is allowed to go out
if chaperoned by a relative. Although the time is short
in most cases, and the engagement is almost irrevocable,
nonetheless it gives the couple some time to know each
other before they actually get married. The reason be
hind the signing a marriage contract before engagement 210 is a religious one and is based on society’s sensitivity toward premarital sexual relations.
When respondents were asked whether they consider engagement necessary before marriage, a majority of 75 percent declared it necessary; 22 percent feel that it is not necessary; and 4 percent stated no opinion.
It seems from the figures in Table 141 in the Ap pendix that females more than males consider engagement necessary before marriage. Neaurly 81 percent of the fe males consider engagement necessary as compared to only
69 percent of the males. Females have suffered enough
from neglect in the past. They were seldom asked about
their opinion concerning a future spouse, and when they would have conflicts with their husbands it was usually considered their fault. It appears that the new ideology
is giving them a chance to decide about their future husbands.
Table 142 in the Appendix shows age differences in
this regard. While 89 percent of those 15-29 years old
considered engagement necessary, only 59 percent among
those over 60 years agree. This is expected since the
young are more influenced by the impact of the new ideas.
Across educational levels there were some differ
ences. Table 143 in the Appendix shows that while 87
percent of the college educated feel a need for 211 engagement, only 67 percent of the illiterate do so.
There is no doubt that those being educated encounter a different pattern of socialization in school than the illiterate do in the non-academic world.
Differences were found among the four SES cate gories concerning the necessity of engagement. As the
SES becomes higher, the proportion of those favoring engagement increases. Table 144 in the Appendix shows that a majority of 89 percent of upper SES respondents feel the importance of engagement, as compared to only
67 percent in the lower SES. These figures are in line with the consistently liberal attitude of upper SES.
When respondents were asked how long engagements should be, 26 percent feel that engagement should last less than one month. A majority of 56 percent prefer that it last 1-4 months. Only a small minority of 2 percent prefer that it last more than one year. Res pondents seem to see engagement mainly as a short period of time where both have a chance to understand each other and make preparations for the future home.
A breakdown of the gross percentages shows no sig nificant difference regarding age, educational attain ment, or SES background. However, there are male-female
differences. Table 145 in the Appendix shows that more 212 women than men prefer a longer engagement period. Nearly
29 percent of the males as compared to 24 percent of the females feel that engagement should last less than a month. In contrast, 4 percent of the women prefer that it last over a year, as compared to only 0.5 percent of the males.
Kuwaitis, as above figures indicate, seem to put relatively less importance on love and pre-marriage know ledge of their spouses (when compared to westerners).
But this generation of Kuwaitis has come a long way from the traditional norms they were once subjected to. In order to determine the relationship between their atti tudes in this regard and reality, they were asked,
"Before marriage, was your spouse a relative, a friend of the family, a neighbor, a personal friend, or un known to you?" It is expected in a society where there is no dating and limited social interaction between the sexes that marriage resulting from personal friendship would be rare. The first three categories, (relative, friend of the family, and neighbor) are people known to the person directly or indirectly.
As expected a majority of 49 percent declared that they were married to a relative, 23 percent asserted that their spouse was unknown to them; 17 percent said that 213 the spouse was a friend of the family; 6 percent married a neighbor and only 4 percent claimed to be married to a personal friend.
A breakdown of the gross percentages shows educa tional and sex differences. There was no significant difference regarding age or SES background. Table 52 shows that a minority of those with formal schooling mar ried a relative, as compared to a majority of respon dents with no formal educational certificates. The highest majority (nearly 32 percent) who married a friend of the family are college educated. It is popular pat tern among the educated now to be introduced to a girl casually before making any serious decision. This can only be done among families who know each other well.
This pattern satisfies some educated that their marriage is not arranged in a traditional way. In a sense, they make the final decision. The highest proportion who married personal friends are among the college educated.
Nearly 11 percent of the college educated married a per
sonal friend as compared to 2 percent of the illiterate.
Young educated individuals either met while studying
abroad or at work later. The college educated have the
lowest proportion of those who married a person unknown
to them. While 27 percent of the illiterate married a RELATIONSHIP OF RESPONDENT TO SPOUSE BEFORE MARRIAGE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Some IMiv. Relationship Literate & Intermediate & Training/ Before Marriage Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad Total
Relative 104 80 14 43 10 251 52.8 53.0 29.8 47.8 35.7 48.9
Friend of 27 31 8 14 9 89 Family 13.7 20.5 17.0 15.6 32.1 17.3
Nieghbor 9 6 8 8 2 33 4.6 4.0 17.0 8.9 7.1 6.4
Personal 4 4 4 5 3 20 Friend 2.0 2.6 8.5 5.6 10.7 3.9
Unknown 53 30 13 20 4 120 26.9 19.9 27.7 22.2 14.3 23.4
Total 197 151 47 90 28 513 38.4 29.4 9.2 17.5 5.5 100.0 215 person they did not know, only 14 percent of the college educated married in this fashion.
Table 146 in the Appendix shows, as expected, that a similar proportion of males and females married a rela tive or a personal friend, but there are some male-female differences in other categories. Nearly 26 percent of the males asserted that they are married to a friend of the family, as compared to only 9 percent of the females.
About 8 percent of the female respondents declared that their spouse was a nieghbor, as compared to 5 percent of the males. A higher proportion of females, nearly 30 percent, asserted that their spouses were unknown to them, as compared to 17 percent of the males. These differences can be attributed to the fact that in a so ciety such as Kuwait a person can be a friend of the family, or a neighbor and yet still be unknown to a mem ber of the family if this member is a female. This pos sible overlap in some categories led some respondents to choose one category instead of the other.
In the past when marriages were arranged, Kuwaitis used to look mainly for a person with good ethical stand
ards and a relatively equal family status. Now, it is
expected that a person has more voice in mate selection
and hence individuals are more interested in other 216 personality characteristics. Respondents were asked what attracts a person most in choosing a future spouse.
They were offered six alternatives and were asked to choose two according to their importance. Only their first choices are presented. A majority of 52 percent thought that they are attracted most by personality.
Nearly 17 percent by family status, 2 percent by appear ance; 11 percent by occupational and educational achieve ments; 1 percent by wealth; and 16 percent stated other traits, such as personal ethical standards.
Table S3 shows a breakdown of the above gross percentages according to respondents' age. The figures indicate that as the age of respondents decreases the proportion of respondents who are attracted by personal ity increases. A majority of 68 percent among those 15-
29 years of age feel that personality would attract them most in the choice of a future spouse, as compared to only 34 percent of those over 60 years of age who share the same feeling. This negative relationship should be compared with a positive relationship between age and the category "other." As indicated the overwhelming majority in the latter category emphasize that a person should be a "good" person, meaning that he must live up to reli gious requirements. The differences between the age TABLE 53
CHARACTERISTICS INFLUENCING CHOICE OF FUTURE SPOUSE BY AGE
Question: What attracts a person most in choosing a future spouse?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60/Up Total
Personality 68 77 67 41 18 271 68.0 54.2 53.2 . 39.8 34.0 51.7
Wealth 2 1 1 3 0 7 2.0 0.7 0.8 2.9 0.0 1.3
Family Status 9 19 22 30 10 90 9.0 13.4 17.5 29.1 18.9 12.2
Appearance 2 4 1 1 3 11 2.0 2.8 0.8 1.0 5.7 2.1
Occupational & Educational Achievement 6 21 14 10 8 59 6.0 14.8 11.1 9.7 15.1 11,3
Others 13 20 21 18 14 86 13.0 14.1 16.7 17.5 26.4 16.4
Total 100 142 126 103 53 524 19.1 27.1 24.0 19.7 10.1 100.0 218 categories stem from the fact that the young are con cerned about personality in the western sense, whereas the older people apply ethical judgements and classify individuals as good or bad accordingly. Family status
seems, as expected, to attract a higher proportion of the aged than the young respondents. The young in con trast to other age categories appear to be less inter ested in a person's occupational and educational achieve ment.
Table 147 in the Appendix shows that a minority of
respondents with no formal education are attracted by
personality as compared to a majority of the respondents with formal education. This is expected as a result of
the different pattern of socialization of both groups.
Few of the former group, and none of the latter, are in
terested in wealth as a marriage pre-requisite. Fur
thermore, a higher proportion of the uneducated group
seems to have a high regard for family status as com
pared to a small proportion of the educated. Since
people look toward equals as eligible marriage partners,
illiterates, as expected, are the least interested in
the occupational and educational achievements of a per
son. They are, however, more interested in personal
ethical standards. 219
Females, being more sentimental and more influenced by the idea of love, were attracted by personality more than males. Table 148 in the Appendix shows that 81 per cent of the females, as compared to only 43 percent of the males, are primarily interested in the personality of the future spouse. More females than males are at tracted by wealth and apperances and less by family sta tus. A higher proportion of males than females is in terested in the person’s occupational and educational achievements. Men appear to be concerned more about the person’s ethical standards. This is expected since men consider themselves the guardians for their sisters and daughters.
In the past when Kuwait was a small community and people belonged almost totally to one faith, interfaith and intersocietal marriages seldom took place. Now, over half of the population are non-Kuwaitis who belong
to various religions. It is expected that some Kuwaitis have married non-Muslems and non-Kuwaitis. Census data does not provide any information regarding the nation
ality or religious background of each spouse but one
expects that interfaith marriage is limited to a small
segment of those who acquire their education abroad. 220
When respondents were asked if they accept marriage of Kuwaitis to non-Kuwaiti Arabs, a majority of 60 per cent said they would; 38 percent objected; and 2 percent have not decided. A breakdown of the data according to
SES, age, educational background of respondents shows no significant differences. However, male-female differ ences were found. Table 149 shows that while only 54 percent of the females accept the idea of marrying non-
Kuwaiti Arabs, a higher proportion of males (66 percent) accept this kind of marriage. It is possible that this proportional difference stems from the fact that males have more interaction with non-Kuwaiti Arabs at work than females. It is also possible that since the team which conducted the interviews with male respondents con sisted mostly of non-Kuwaiti Arabs, some male Kuwaiti respondents were more tactful and diplomatic in their answers.
Respondents were also asked if they accept mar riage of Kuwaitis to non-Arabs. Only a small minority
of 5 percent accepted such a marriage; a majority of 93
percent objected, and only 2 percent stated no opinion.
There were no significant differences regarding age, sex,
or educational background of respondents. Table 150 in
the Appendix shows a breakdown of the above percentages 221 according to respondents’ SES background. Attitude to ward marriage to non-Arabs seems to have a negative relationship with respondents' SES background. Nearly
83 percent of the lower SES respondents objected to this type of marriage as compared to 97 percent among the upper SES. This difference is surprising in a sense, because upper SES have shown the most liberal attitude regarding the new family ideology. This difference can be explained partly by the fact that a number of the low lower or lower-middle SES respondents are Kuwaitis from
Iranian ethnic background and they usually have a high rate of marriage to people from Iran. It is also pos sible that upper SES, because of their vast travel and experience, are more aware of the problems created by marrying a foreigner. Upper SES respondents may have seen this reality in the making in the last two decades, and their objections stem from experience. There are all kinds of barriers which prevent international mar riages from succeeding in Kuwait. One of these barriers is the difference in the faiths of the spouses.
Respondents were asked whether they accept inter faith marriages. Nearly 7 percent accepted; 93 percent objected, and only 0.8 percent stated no opinion. There were no significant differences regarding SES, age, or 222
sex of respondents. Table 151 in the Appendix shows dif
ferences among various educational levels. Respondents with higher than a primary education seem to show more
approval of this type of marriage. Only 4 percent of the
illiterate approved of interfaith marriage as compared
to 13 percent of tie college educated. The latter group
is expected to be more tolerant than others as a result
of a different socialization pattern.
In summary, the old patterns in marriage are giv
ing way to new patterns. The foregoing figures indicate
that there is more freedom of choice in selecting a mar
riage partner. This selection is ideally based on fond
ness and understanding. More couples are going through
a relatively short engagement process before marriage.
As the authority of the family decreases and the eco
nomic independence of individuals increases, one anti
cipates that these new patterns will become the national
norms. CHAPTER VIII
THE STATUS OF WOMEN
This Chapter examines social interaction in the
Kuwaiti family in general and the impact of change on
the status of women in particular.
The status of women in the Arab world is viewed by many as inferior to that of their male counterparts.
Sex discrimination is seen in many aspects of life, es
pecially in more traditional societies. Women's status
however has improved in some Arab countries in recent
years, where women are given the opportunity to go to
school and to enter the labor market. In Egypt, Syria,
and Leganon, women become lawyers, physicians, journal
ists and business executives. Women have secured their
political right to vote and run for public office. In
more traditional societies like Kuwait, Saudi Arabia,
and other Gulf sheikdoms, women have a long way to do
before achieving social, legal, and political equality.
Islam is seen by some to be the main obstacle in
the emancipation of women. Others, however, see women's
inferiority as a result of social rather than religious 223 224 conditions. Islam, by prohibiting female infanticide
(which was practiced before Islam) and reducing the num ber of wives to four at a time, has improved women’s po sition. Even the latter progressive measure is seen as backward by today's western standards. There are two cases where Islam may contribute to discrimination a- gainst women. A man has unchallenged rights in the case of divorce, as compared to women's limited rights. A man can divorce his wife simply by saying, "I divorce thee," three times, while a woman has to go to court in order to obtain a divorce on very few grounds. Another is religious law of inheritance. A daughter is expected to inherit half the share due to her brother. When this practice was abolished in revolutionary Iraq in the
1950's, religious as well as public pressure forced the government to reimplement it a decade later.
In Kuwait society, like other traditional Arab societies, women had an inferior status, especially in the past. Woman's role was seen as that of housewife and mother and her place was at home. There was complete separation of the sexes. When girls reached the age
10-12 years they were asked to stay home; on those oc casions when they did go out they were expected to wear veils to cover their faces. Marriages were arranged by parents, and women were expected to obey their husbands* 225 wishes. These customs again are products of Kuwait and
Arab peninsula social structure rather than Islamic re ligion.
Woman's position has changed in recent years.
Widespread education, the increased proportion of non-
Kuwaitis and westernization in general have helped to improve women's status in the large community. Kuwaiti women no longer wear a veil or view themselves as pri
soners at home. Thousands have taken advantage of the new opportunities in the field of education and employ ment. There were only 820 girls in public schools in
1945-46; as compared to 71,334 girls in 1972-73.^^ Fe male students comprised 53 percent of the student body
at Kuwait University in 1972-73. In the labor force,
the number of women has risen from 664 women in 1966 to
3260 in 1 9 7 2 . Most of these jobs are clerical or are
teaching positions at public schools.
Although the position of women has improved in
Kuwait, they are still far from achieving equality.
^^The Planning Board, Central Statistical Office, Sta tistical Abstract, 1973. Kuwait, August, 1973. Table 35, p. 72.
^®Fatemh Al-Sedeg, "The Position of Working Women in Kuwait," A Planning Board Pbulication (paper). 1974, p. 1. (in Arabic). 226
Kuwaiti women are recruited to civil service positions on an equal pay basis but undoubtl^ none are in the de cision making positions that men hold. Women are pre vented from taking diplomatic and consular posts and some key power positions. Women still have not yet secured the basic political rights to vote or run for public office. Women’s organizations supported by the well-educated and wealthy are holding public debates on the laws, values, and norms which have prevented women from taking an equal position in the society. The trend toward re-evaluation of the traditional norms and pat terns is expected to accelerate as the number of educa ted women increases.
These changes in the position of Kuwaiti women are expected to be accompanied by a change in attitudes toward women. Attitudes are expected to vary from one
In December, 1972, Arab Women's Organization met in Kuwait to discuss the "Arab Family." Among their recommendations were the following: equal political rights ; including the right to vote and to be nom inated as candidates; a legal age for marriage of 16- 18 years; legal limitations on the amount of the dowry; legal barriers for polygyny; changed divorce procedures, requiring that all divorces take place in court only; the right of a mother to work; a mother's right to custody of her daughter until marriage and custody of her son until legal age; establishment of child care centers. The Arab Women's Congress, The Arab Family Committee, Al-Halageh Al-Deraseih Al- Awlla An Al-Esrah Al-Arabia. Parc one, pp. ii-iB, Kuwait, 227 segment of the population to the other. Respondents were asked a range of questions dealing with women's position in society in general and her status in the
family in particular.
One of the most spectacular changes in contemporary
Kuwait is the establishment of widespread educational
facilities for women. Education has become a means of security for women as well as for men. An educated wo man will be more secure economically in her lifetime and more able to find a husband. It is expected that the majority of our respondents will approve of education
for women. But differences are expected as to the level of education women should achieve.
When respondents were asked whether they believe women should go to school, a majority of 96 percent ap proved and only 4 percent disapproved. The figures in
Table 152 in the Appendix indicate that the majority of
those who object to women's education are illiterate.
While 100 percent of the college educated prefer that
women go to school, only 91 percent of the illiterate
support it. There were no significant differences in
this regard according to age, sex, and SES background of
respondents. 228
Respondents then were asked what educational level
they prefer women reach; nearly 71 percent expressed preference for a college degree or some form of higher education. Nearly 23 percent prefer high school and only
6 percent suggested elementary level. Table 153 in the
Appendix shows a breakdown of these proportions, accord
ing to SES. The figures clearly indicate that as SES
increases, the proportion of those who prefer college
and higher education for women becomes higher. Nearly
43 percent of the lower SES respondents prefer that wo
men go as far as high school; only 4 percent of the
upper SES respondents stated such a preference. In
contrast, only 24 percent of the lower SES respondents
prefer higher education for women, as compared to 45
percent of the upper SES respondents. This is expected
since the upper-middle and especially the upper SES seem
to be more effected by westernization.
Table 154 in the Appendix shows a further breakdown
of the above percentages according to respondents' edu
cational attainment. The majority in all educational
levels prefer that women acquire some form of higher
education. The overwhelming majority of the college
educated (63 percent) prefer that women continue higher
education, as compared to nearly half of this proportion 229
in other educational categories. This is also an ex
pected finding since the educated are expected to place
more value on the importance of education for women.
Male-female differences were found in this regard.
Table 155 in the Appendix shows that a higher proportion
of females than males prefer that women finish college
or continue on to higher education. Twice as many males
as females prefer that women finish high school only.
Men seem to see women’s function as primarily that of
housewife and mother, hence, for men high school provides
the necessary and basic education.
In general, the findings reveal that the majority
of respondents value highly the importance of education
for women. For some it provides women with the know
ledge to contribute to the building of the country; for
others it is a tool for future economic security, and a
means to being a good mother.
Work outside the home was taboo for women two de
cades ago. But education and economic necessity made it
a possibility for many women in recent years. The num
ber of women in the labor force is rapidly increasing,
but most of them are involved in jobs where there is
little interaction with the other sex, such as teaching
in girls’ schools. Although men approve of women 230 working, it is expected that the majority of men will continue to worry about promiscuity. Women, if allowed to work, are preferred to work independently and unsu pervised by men.
When respondents were asked if they prefer that women work, a majority of 69 percent approved while 30 percent disapproved. Tablé 54 shows a breakdown in the above precentages according to respondents* sex. As expected, a small majority (58 percent) of males pre fer that women work, as compared to a higher proportion of 82 percent of the females. It seems that the maj ority of the women who have been kept behind closed doors for years prefer a different future for their sisters and daughters. The figures demonstrate again that an appreciable proportion of males believe that the woman's place is in the home.
As expected, there is a negative relationship be tween age and preference for women working outside the home. The figures in Table 156 in the Appendix indicate that as age increases the proportion of respondents who approve of women working decreases. While 79 percent of the respondents 15-29 years of age prefer women to work, only 57 percent of those over 60 years support this idea. This is expected since the young are more 231
TABLE 54
PREFERENCE FOR WORK FOR WOMEN BY SEX
Question: Do you prefer that women work?
Yes 158 203 361 57.9 81.9 69.3
No 114 40 154 41.8 16.1 29.6
Do Not Know 1 5 6 0.4 2.0 1.2
Total 273 248 521 52.4 47.6 100.0 232
influenced by westernization and modernization.
Table 157 in the Appendix shows that the highest
proportion of those who prefer that women work is among
the upper SES. Nearly 83 percent of the upper SES res pondents support this pattern. There is a higher pro
portion among the lower SES than the lower- and upper-
middle SES who are in favor of work for women. It seems
that upper SES respondents support stems from ideologi
cal reasons ; lower SES support is a result of economic
necessity. Women in the latter category are known to
have worked for years but not outside the home.
A majority of respondents from all educational
categories prefer that women work. Table 158 in the
Appendix shows, as expected, that the proportion of those
in favor of this pattern increases as the individual's
educational level increases with only one exception.
There is a higher proportion of high school graduates
who express preference for women working than among
those with a college education. It is possible that
some of the college educated feel economically secure
and can support their families without the need for wo
men to work. They probably prefer that women devote
themselves to home and children. But the difference is
too small to allow a conclusive judgement. 233
Keeping in mind Kuwaitis* sensitivity about and fear of promiscuity, one would expect that this support for women working is qualified. When respondents who prefer that women be allowed to work were asked whether they favor women working in government or private agen cies, a majority of 90 percent stated a preference for government work. A breakdown of this figure according to sex, age, and educational background of respondents indicates no significant differences. Table 159 in the
Appendix, however, shows some SES differences. Over 92 percent of the respondents in the first three categories prefer that women work in the government sector. In comparison, only 68 percent of the upper SES respondents prefer the government, 9 percent favor the private sec tor, and 22 percent, both. Since many in the latter category have their own businesses, they are more fami liar with this branch of the economy; therefore, these percentages are expected.
Respondents were than asked why they chose one eco nomic sector over another. They were left to state
their own reasons. The majority (129 respondents) in
dicated that they prefer that women work in government,
specifically teaching in girls' schools, because of the absence of interaction between the sexes. The second
reason stated (by 88 respondents) is that government 234 provides job security rooreso than private business.
Twenty-seven argued that government employees work for shorter hours than those in private companies. Another
27 respondents stated other reasons.
A breakdown of these gross proportions shows no significant difference according to age, SES, and edu cational background of respondents. However, there are male-female differences. Table 55 below shows that while over half of the males prefer that women work in govern ment because of less interaction between the sexes, a lower proportion of women stated this as a reason. Some men who accept the idea of work for women prefer that they work as school teachers in girls* schools. In such a setting she (the working woman) is independent and has no male supervision. There are no males working in any capacity in girls' schools. Women appear to be as much concerned about job security as they are about the issue of social interaction.
Although over half of the males approve of work for women, they expect that a woman's first priority is her role as wife and mother. A career for a woman is viewed by men and women as transitional, temporary, and something to fulfill her free time. There are very few career women in such professions as medicine, law, etc. 235
TABLE 55
REASONS FOR PREFERRING GOVERNMENT JOBS BY SEX
Reasons Male Female Total
Job Security 38 50 88
Shorter Working Hours 17 10 27
No Interaction Be tween the Sexes 76 49 125
Other 12 15 27
Total 143 124 267
Because of the shorter working hours, and the availa
bility of inexpensive child care, respondents were ne
ver asked about working mothers; instead they were asked
about which they thought more important in the life of
a woman: her career or her home. A majority of 91
percent chose home; 7 percent selected career and 1 per
cent selected both. This is a very high proportion.
One wonders how westerners would react to this question.
Tables 160, 161, 162 in the Appendix show a
breakdown of these gross percentages according to age,
SES, and educational attainment. The highest majority
of those who see women's careers as more important than
home are between the ages 30-49 years. Illiterates
and college educated have the lowest majorities among 236
those who evaluate home as the most important place in
the life of a woman. Lower SES, upper-middle and upper
SES have the highest proportions of respondents who placed greater importance on a woman's career rather
than her role as a housewife. This outcome is expected whether the approval for a career stems from economic need, as in the case of the illiterates and lower SES,
or from ideological reasons, as in the case of college
educated and upper-middle and upper SES. The most in
teresting and expected differences in this regard are
male differences. Table 163 in the Appendix shows that
the overwhelming majority (over 97 percent) of the males
evaluate home more highly in the life of a woman than
her career. In contrast, only 85 percent of the females
see home more important than career. This difference
is significant since only a very small number of the
females in this sample are employed. The majority are
housewives, mothers, and illiterates.
In general, the foregoing indicates that an over
whelming majority approve of education for women and a
lesser majority approve of work for women. It is pre
ferred that women are educated and work if there is need;
even then government jobs are preferred such as
teaching. We must remember, that the overwhelming 237 majority of these respondents were reared in a culture which, until two to three decades ago, considered such
issues as unthinkable. Having in mind the culture base
and the age of most of these respondents, such atti tudes can be considered a radical departure from the norms of yesterday.
But Kuwait society is a man's society now and what
has been accomplished in improving women's position are
privileges given by men. Kuwaiti women will enjoy social
equality more readily once she has achieved political
equality. Unlike their counterparts in many other Arab
countries, Kuwaiti women do not have the right to vote
or to run for public office. This issue is a subject
of recent debate between women's organizations and their
supporters and the conservative elements in the land.
The latter group thinks that women are very emotional
creatures and that it would be a mistake to let them
hold political office where objective judgement and
strength is required. One wonders if Kuwaitis are
ready to grant women their political rights and if women
are ready to accept such responsibilities. An answer to
this question will give us a further indication about
the position of women in the society at large.
When respondents were asked whether they support
women's right to vote in general elections and to be 238 nominated for political positions, only a minority were found to approve, while the majority appear to object to granting women these kinds of rights. While 38 percent of the respondents agree with the above question, a majority of 57 percent object, and 5 percent express no opinion.
A classification of these gross percentages shows
SES differences. Table 56 shows a majority of the upper
SES support women’s right to vote and to be elected, as compared to a minority in other SES categories. While
53 percent of the upper SES respondents express approval, only about 30 percent of the lower and lower-middle SES
and 40 percent of the upper-middle SES agree. Unlike other societies, here again the upper SES appear to lead in the emancipation of women.
Table 164 in the Appendix clearly shows the impact of education on respondents' attitudes toward women's
political rights. A majority of those with primary edu
cation certificates and higher are in favor of granting women the right to vote and to be nominated to political
office. A minority of those with no formal education
support such a pattern. Only 27 percent of the illi
terate favor women's political rights, as compared to
a majority of 59 percent of those with primary certifi
cates. This clearly indicates the impact of education 239
TABLE 56
SUPPORT OF WOMEN'S RIGHT TO VOTE AND BE NOMINATED BY SES
Question: Do you support women’s right to vote in gen eral elections and to be nominated for po litical positions?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 17 42 104 37 200 30.9 30.0 40.5 52.9 38.3
No 31 91 143 31 296 56.4 65.0 55.6 44.3 56.7
Do Not 7 7 10 2 26 Know 12.7 5.0 3.9 2.9 5.0
Total 55 140 257 70 522 10.5 26.8 49.2 13.4 100.0 240 on re-evaluation of traditional norms, values, and family patterns.
Table 165 in the Appendix shows that as age in creases, the proportion of those who support women’s right to vote and run for public office decreases. A majority of over 50 percent of those 15-29 years of age approve, as compared to only 18 percent of those over
60 years of age. The young are expected to accept change and new ideas more than the aged who are expected to re sist this change.
Surprisingly, a minority of women are in favor of granting women the right to participate in general elec tions. Table 156 in the Appendix shows only 34 percent of the males as compared to 43 percent of the females who support women's political rights. Although there is a higher proportion of females than males, the above figures indicate that there is political unconsciousness among some women due to lack of education. Since many of the females are illiterate or have had little educa tion, they are expected to accept the traditional norm that politics is a male’s function, and home and mother hood are a woman’s functions.
In general, it appears from the above figures that only a minority of the respondents are ready to grant women political rights. But this minority will increase 241 in a few years because it consists of the young, the educated and the upper SES. Education emd openness to other cultures will help the emanicipation movement.
The foregoing questions deal primarily with wo man's position in society at large. Outside social con ditions, among other variables, have an impact on chang ing women's position at home. Respondents were asked some questions regarding women's status at home; in particular they were asked about social interaction in the family.
One of the most traditional patterns indicating the inferiority of women at home is the eating arrangement.
Women ate separately from the men and usually after the men had finished. Traditionally, women were expected to serve the men. When respondents were asked whether males and females eat their meals together in their families, a majority of 70 percent claimed that they do.
A breakdown of these gross percentages shows SES differences. It appears that there is a positive re lationship between social interaction at meal time and
SES. The proportion of respondents who admit eating meals with the opposite sex seems to increase as their
SES increases. Table 167 in the Appendix shows that a majority of 89 percent of the upper SES respondents 242 claim to eat their meals with the opposite sex, as com pared to 62 percent of the lower SES. This again is in line with the liberal attitudes of the upper SES.
Table 168 in the Appendix shows differences among the various educational categories regarding this issue.
The proportion of respondents who eat meals with the opposite sex increases as the level of education becomes higher. A majority of 97 percent of the college educa ted claim no sex separation at meals, as compared to only
59 percent of the illiterate. This is also expected be cause of the influence of education on respondents* at titudes.
Another traditional pattern which indicates the
inferior status of women is the separation of the sexes when relatives gather. Women are thought to belong to
a separate world— the world of home and children. Their conversation centers around food, fashion, and gossip.
Men belong to the outside world, and their topics of
conversation are mostly business and politics. Res
pondents were asked whether they prefer that women and men are separated when friends and relatives gather. In
general, a majority of 63 percent of the respondents
prefer sex separation at parties and family gatherings.
A minority of 36 percent object, and only 1 percent TABLE 57 SEPARATION OP THE SEXES BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question : Do you prefer that women and men be separated when friends and relatives gather? Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yes 129 107 31 53 9 329 65.5 69.5 66.0 54.6 30.0 62.7
No 66 42 16 43 21 188 33.5 27.3 34.0 44.3 70.0 35.8
Do Not Know 2 5 0 1 0 8 1.0 3.2 0.0 1.0 0.0 1.5
Total 197 154 47 97 30 525 37.5 29.3 9.0 18.5 5.7 100.0 243 express no opinion.
A classification of these gross percentages ac cording to educational background is shown in Table 57,
The figures clearly indicate the impact of education on social interaction. A majority of respondents with a high school degree or below prefer male-female separa
tion in social gatherings; only a minority of the col
lege educated support such patterns. The young educated, especially those educated in western societies, favor mixed parties. A amjority of 70 percent of the college educated favor male-female interaction in social ga
therings as compared to only 33 percent of the illiter
ate. Most of the former are married to girls who have
at least a high school degree and who are probably work
ing. They are capable of discussing various topics with
men.
A majority of respondents from all age categories
prefer women and men to be separated in social situations.
Table 169 in the Appendix shows a majority of over 70
percent of those over 50 years of age, as compared to
a lower proportion of 56 percent of the respondents 15-
29 years of age. The figures clearly show that as age
increases objection to social interaction increases.
Appendix Table 170 shows an interesting result.
A majority of males as well as females prefer to be 244 separated when friends and relatives gather. But as expected a greater majority of males (72 percent) are in favor of this pattern. Only 52 percent of the females agree. Many of the female respondents are illiterate and over 30 years of age. This type of woman is ac customed to this socialization pattern and it would be
Very difficult and une can for table to change.
It appears that the majority of the respondents, regardless of their sex, age, education, or SES, prefer that women and men are separate when friends and rela tives gather socially. The only exception is the col lege educated who are primarily married to young educa
ted women and who are more influenced by western pat
terns of social interaction.
A third traditional pattern is that women must
obtain their husbands' permission if they wish to go
out. Women are generally under constant supervision.
A husband has to be informed if his wife decides to go
out. He should know where and with whom she is going
and when she is expected to return. A husband or other
family member traditionally accompanies the family when
they go out. Respondents were asked about this issue.
A majority of 92 percent feel that a woman should have
her husband's permission when she goes shopping or 245 visiting friends. Only 6 percent object and 1 percent undecided. A breakdown of these gross percentages shows no significant age or even educational differences.
Table 171 in the Appendix shows that a majority of over 94 percent of the first three SES categories pre fer such an arrangement, as compared to only 76 percent of the upper SES. It is expected that some upper SES individuals will deviate from the traditional norms.
As expected, a higher proportion of the males than the females believe that women should have permis sion to go out. Table 172 in the Appendix shows that 96 percent of the males are in favor of maintaining the tradition, as compared to 88 percent of the females.
This is another example of the impact of socialization on females. The majroity of women, who are mostly il literate, seem to accept this traditional norm as a man's privilege. It is expected that educated women will challenge this privilege in future generations.
But this outcome indicates the sensitivity and con cern of the Kuwaiti man; even the educated feel that women have to be supervised and watched in order to prevent any promiscuity.
In summary, the status of Kuwaiti women has im proved in the last two decades. The improvement stems 246 from new opportunities for women in education and em ployment. The coming decades will likely see greater changes in the achievement of women’s rights— political, legal, and social. The improvement of her status in society will contribute to the improvement of her posi tion at home and vice versa. Widespread education and openness to other cultures are seen as the prime movers behind women’s emancipation. CHAPTER IX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
The aim of this report is to examine and explore the impact of urbanization and/or westernization on the
Kuwaiti family system. In particular, the focus is upon the family size and family structure prevalent in Kuwait at the present; Kuwaiti attitudes toward family size and composition; ties between family and kin; attitudes, role perception, and behavioral patterns regarding mar riage; and, finally, the status of women.
Kuwait, as shown earlier, is moving toward urbani zation and/or westernization at a speed and intensity rarely found in other countries. The aim was to see whether the family system has undergone any correspond ing changes. It was expected that these changes would be in the form of adaptation to the ideology of the nu clear family. The question was: To what extent have the behavior and attitudes of the people been modified or changed from traditional patterns of family struc ture, family-kin relationships, marriage norms and cus toms, and the status of women.
Most commentators on the Arab family saw the patri-local extended family as the typical residence 247 248 for the majority of Arabs, especially in traditional countries like Kuwait. Contrary to this assumption, it was found that the majority of households in our random survey sample are nuclear or conjugal. Those commenta tors have been criticized by Goode and others for not considering economic and demographic conditions in their assumptions. Our findings clearly demonstrate that even if the economic and demographic conditions are very fa vorable in a country like Kuwait, the traditional ex tended family is still in the minority.
Census data show that the average size of house holds is rising in recent years; in 1957 it was 6.8,
7.3 in 1965, and 7.6 in 1970. This increasing size is due to more favorable economic and demographic condi tions in a welfare state. Census data show further that the proportion of households with 6 persons or more has increased from 66.4 percent in 1965 to 70.2 percent in 1970. There is little or no difference between the various regions in the state. Our survey data show that nearly 80 percent of the survey’s households consist of
6 persons or more. This trend is expected to reach its peak in the near future. One indicator of this pos
sibility is that the survey respondents generally de
clared a preference for a smaller family than the one in 249 which they actually live. This is more apparent among the educated as the survey and the census data show.
According to the 1970 census, the proportion of large households has increased among all educational segments of the population except the college educated.
It appears that household size is an indicator of fertility, but has very little to do with family struc ture. A case in point is that although respondents who live in nuclear families prefer a smaller family than those who live in extended and quasi-extended families,
74 percent of them prefer to have a family of 6 or more, and 70 percent of them actually live in 6 to 12 person
families. Family size was also found to have no signi
ficant relationship to household type, or the number of
rooms.
Another indicator that the Kuwaiti family size has
little or no relation to its type is that nearly 59 per
cent of the survey families were nuclear; 19 percent,
quasi-extended (stem families); and only 22 percent,
extended families. It shoule be noted that patrilocal
extended families of three generations represent only
17 percent of the latter group. This is in line with
Goode's assumption that the traditional extended families
are and were in the minority in the Arab world. It is 250 very difficult to determine whether this type of family was a minority in the past. By using an arbitrary and crude measure, it was found that only 28 percent of the survey sample were born in extended families— generally before the new developmental trend. Nuclear families were found to be relatively more prevalent among the upper and upper-middle SES, the educated, and those in their thirties. Family type was found to have no sig nificant relationship with the number of rooms.
The nuclear family was not only found to be the statistical majority, but was found to be the ideal form for most of the survey sample. Nearly 72 percent of the respondents prefer the nuclear to the traditional pa trilocal extended family. Even a majority of those who live in extended families prefer the former type. This is contrary to the reports of the majority of commenta tors on Arab family patterns who saw the latter as the ideal type among the Arabs. While the majority of those who live in nuclear and quasi-extended families have a negative attitude toward all forms of the extended fami ly, the majority of the respondents who live in extended
families show preference for married son-parents or mar ried brothers living patterns. The latter group probably
see the living arrangements of two nuclear blood-related
families as satisfactory and practical, as compared to 251 the traditional family which sometimes consists of more than two nuclear families. It should be noted that 75 percent of the survey's extended families consist of two nuclear families as comparred to 58 percent of those with extended families of orientation.
The preference for the nuclear family, although general, is most evident among the educated, the upper
SES, and the young. The majority of the illiterate, the relatively old, the males, and the lower SES pre fer the nuclear family to the extended family. Even with this preference, these groups also prefer that sons live with parents after marriage, but not married bro thers. To them, this type of arrangement seems to be practical and satisfactory. This preference actually stems from economic necessity and the belief in the
traditional norm that a son is obligated to take care of his parents when they grow old.
In summary, the census and sruvey data show that
one of the basic assumptions held by many concerning the
Arab family is without foundation. This is not surpri
sing since the majority of the commentators in the past
used little or no data at all. The nuclear family is
not only the statistical majority, but it is considered
the ideal type by the majority. The impact of urbaniza
tion and/or westernization is clear from the attitude 252 of the young, the educated, the upper-middle, and the upper SES, who are most influenced by it.
Almost all Arab family commentators seem to agree that immediate family-kin relationships are strong in spite of urban life. Our findings generally support such an assumption.
Contact between family and kin is very extensive.
Nearly 35 percent of the respondents visit their kin daily, and another 45 percent visit them weekly. Part of the reason for the high incidence of visiting is that
43 percent of the respondents have kin who live next door. Most of this interaction is between brothers and
sisters, followed by interaction between cousins. The
involvement with "outside" kin reflects the strong ties between family and kin. Family-kin daily visiting patterns were found to be higher among the upper SES, the
educated, the males, and those who live in extended fam
ilies. As indicated before, this is probably a result
of proximity of residence. Females have a proportion
ately lower incidence of daily visits, but more daily
telephone contact. This is a result of their involve
ment in every day household affairs and other social ob
ligations beyond the kin network.
Help and assistance between family and kin is gen
erally very widespread. An overwhelming majority of the 253 respondents help their kin in times of illness and in child care when needed. A majority of upper SES res pondents help kin to find jobs as compared to a minority among other SES categories. Fewer than half of the res pondents indicated that they would go to a relative in case of financial need or for consultation in personal and business problems. The majority exchange gifts with kin; this being more apparent among the upper SES, fe males, and the young. An overwhelming majority of res pondents expect their sons and daughters to help them when they grow old.
Brothers and sisters, as expected, are the major source of help in cases of financial need, illness, child care, and in finding jobs. They are the most trusted in personal and business matters and are the primary parties in gift exchanges. Parents are second to brothers and sisters in all categories except child care, where cousins rank second. Again, this indicates the important role cousins play and the extent.of the kin network.
Family-kin business relationships appear to be relatively strong. Nearly 24 percent of the respondents who own a private business share it with kin. The ma jority are brothers. Only 12 percent of the survey sam ple share property with relatives, most of whom are 254 brothers and sisters. Among those who work for the government, 27 percent have kin at the same place of work. Again, these are mostly brothers. However, few respondents who work together live in the same household.
These figures are probably higher than those in western societies. A majority of 79 percent of the sample pre fer to have a relative as a business partner. Those most effected by westernization (upper SES, the young) show a proportionately less positive attitude toward this than others.
Seventy-six percent of the respondents were found to spend their leisure time with the immediate family and only 11 percent with other relatives. A similar proportion spend their time with friends, and only 3 percent with neighbors. Educated, male, and upper SES respondents spend less time with relatives and more time with friends. The majority of these cateogries as well as the young spend their leisure time outside the home.
The majority of the respondents stay home during their leisure time and watch TV, work inside the house, and/or read. The majority seem to be interested in dinividual- istic leisure activities inside the home which accounts for this low key family-kin involvement in leisure pur suits. Their involvement might increase when more lei sure alternatives become available outside the home. 255
One of the best indicators for the strong ties be tween family and kin in Kuwait is marriage among rela tives. Nearly 48 percent of the respondents were mar ried to relatives; of these, about 79 percent are first cousins. First cousin marriages are considered the ideal type in Kuwait. A minority of respondents with a formal education or who are in the upper-middle SES were mar ried to a relative. The impact of westernization and urbanization is more evident in respondents* attitudes toward this type of marriage. In comparing respondents* actual behavior to the ideal, it was found that prefer ence for marrying a relative was higher than the actual proportion in all segments, except the college educated, upper SES, and those under 30 years of age. A further indication of this impact is that while only 20 percent of the college educated condone first cousin marriages, a majority of 69 percent of the illiterates approved of such.
The majority of respondents report that relative marriages are very widespread among their kin, especial ly among those whose family of orientation was extended.
This group also has the highest number of respondents whose parents are relatives. Based on our survey data, first cousin marriages seemed to be more widespread in 256 the past than now. While only 36 percent of the res pondents* parents had married relatives, some 86 percent of these were first cousin marriages. In general, the proportion of those who prefer to marry a relative is higher among those whose parents are blood relatives.
Due to the impact of westernization, it appears that first cousin marriages are declining and that tradi tional rights to marry a first cousin have vanished.
Marriage of relatives will probably decrease in years to come as social interaction between the sexes becomes broader and independence and freedom of choice increases.
There is now evidence of this among those segments most affected by modernization. At present, this high rate of marriage among kin is a clear indicator of the strong ties between the immediate family and the kin network.
However, occasionally these ties become a source of weakness and conflict between them.
Conflict between family and kin is very difficult to assess. Nearly 26 percent of the respondents ad mit having had some conflict with kin. As expected, most of the conflict is a result of the marital rela tionship and/or conflict among women and among children.
An overwhelming majority of both sexes saw women as the source of conflict with kin. The remaining majority 257
seem to agree that conflict with kin seldom, if ever,
occurs. When it does happen it lasts less than one month. Kuwaitis are a little reluctant to talk to out
siders about their problems with kin. Females are more
reluctant than males. As a result of this ’’secrecy"
about family "problems" and the nature of most of the
conflicts, respondents seldom go to court to ask for
mediation. Most of the conflict with kin is resolved
with the passing of time and by the parties involved.
In this wider relationship with kin, of special
interest to us was the relationships with in-laws.
Studies in the Uiited States show that husbands have more freuqent interaction with in-laws than with their
own kin. Wives, however, seem to take an opposite pat
tern. Our findings in Kuwait show that only a small minority (14 percent) of the husbands consider their
relationship with in-laws as stronger than their rela
tionship with their own kin; 50 percent of the females
agree. This trend toward a stronger relationship with
the husband’s kin increases proportionately with the
husband's education. This is expected since educated
husbands have more power at home due to their higher
occupations, income, etc.
In summary, the foregoing shows clear evidence of
the strong relationship between the immediate family 258 and the kin network. Contact and assistance in times of need is very extensive among all segments of the sam ple. Conflict is rare and short in duration. Marital relations, business partnerships and contact during leisure time are relatively strong. This relationship in general goes beyond the "inner circle" of the nuclear family of orientation to include cousins and other "out side" kin. Although the overwhelming majority demon strate a strong relationship with kin, a small minority show some deviation. Those most effected by urbanization and westernization (eg., the educated, the young, the upper SES) appear to be less enthusiastic about marrying relatives or about spending leisure time with them. This is not a sign of future weakness in family-kin relation ships, rather it is a sign of modification, because the same segments have the highest proportion of contact with and assistance to kin in times of need.
The most profound impact of westernization and/or urbanization on the family system is evident in the changes in the institution of marriage. In traditional
Arab society, marriage is characterized by its pre
arrangement between families, the young age of the cou
ple, a dowry, and polygyny. To what extent has westerni
zation effected such patterns? The change is evident 259 in the declining role of the family as an agent for mar riage. Two-thirds of our adult respondents married either as a result of an arrangement made by parents only or one made by parents, but with the respondent’s
approval. The latter applied mostly to the male, edu cated, and the relatively young. In contrast to their own experience, respondents appear to have a different
attitude toward the role of parents in their sons’ and daughters* marriages. In a clear departure from the
traditional pattern, nearly 81 percent prefer that a son
select his future wife with his parents’ approval. Only
10 percent approve of parents choosing the daughter-in-
law with son's approval.
This new trend has the support of the overwhelming majority of the college educated and the young. The
traditional pattern for females has been that parents
select their son-in-law without the girl’s serious ap
proval. Only 7 percent of the survey sample approve of
this pattern. Nearly 44 percent prefer that parents se
lect their son-in-law with daughter’s approval. In a
clear departure from the past, almost half of the res
pondents prefer that a daughter select her future hus
band, but with her parents’ approval. A large majority
among the educated, the females, and the upper SES ap
prove of this latter pattern. 260
This relative personal freedom of selection typi cal in western societies puts more emphasis on the per sonality of the future spouse rather than family status, income, etc. Over half of the survey sample select personality as the most important characteristic of a future spouse. A majority of the educated, the young, " and the females support such a choice. A minority chose family status, and occupational and educational achieve ment.
Knowing a person, love, and engagement are foreign to the traditional institution of marriage in Kuwait.
With the new impact of western ideology these words are not foreign and are no longer prohibited. Over half of the respondents feel that love is necessary before engagement and marriage. A majority among the young and the fe males support such an attitude. An overwhelming majority of 80 percent feel that it is important to know a future spouse before marriage. The majority seem to agree that
1-3 months is a sufficient period for this purpose. The necessity of engagement is felt by nearly 75 percent of the survey sample. Females, the young, the upper SES, and the educated comprise the highest proportion of res pondents who prefer this pattern. The majority, however, have in mind a short engagement of 1-4 months allowing 261 the parties to get aquainted and to plan the future household.
Respondents* attitudes toward age at marriage seem to reflect a change in this regard. By comparing the actual marriage age in 1971 with respondents' answers, it appears that they prefer that women are somewhat older when they marry. The median age of marriage for females in 1971 was 16. Nearly 60 percent of the respondents prefer that females marry after the age of 19, The ma jority of females, the educated, the young, and the up per SES demonstrate this attitude. These segments also prefer that males marry when they are over 25 years old.
Dowry and polygyny are two of the characteristics of the institution of marriage in traditional Arab so ciety. The groom pays his future bride a sum of money in line with his socio-economic status. This practice is still the norm in contemporary Kuwait society. Res pondents show a negative attitude toward this practice.
A. majority (81 percent) prefer the dowry to be simply a symbolic sum. This trend is more apparent among the upper SES, the college educated, and the males. This
attitude seems to be due to ideological as well as eco nomic reasons. The wish of the majority will be accomp
lished when girls have complete freedom of choice, and
when they have become wage earners. 262
Polygynous marriages made up less than 1 per cent of the population in the 1965 and 1970 census. In our survey sample they conprise nearly 7 percent. The majority are among the old, and the illiterate. Only a small segment (11 percent) approved of polygyny, pri marily with conditions. As expected, the highest major ity to show a negative attitude toward it are among the educated, the young, the females, and the upper SES.
In summary, the institution of marriage in con temporary Kuwait is going through a significant transi tion. There is more freedom of choice in mate selec tion, which is more and more based on the compatibility of the personalities of the two parties. As in western societies, engagement preceeds the marriage. Unlike western countries, engagement is an outcome of the sign ing of a marriage contract. There is a desire to make the dowry a symbolic sum of money rather than a large
6um. There is a growing negative attitude toward poly gyny. These opinions and relatively liberal attitudes are expressed by a majority of respondents who were probably married in traditional fashion at least two decades ago. Among these respondents, 48 percent married a relative; 23 percent, a previously unknown person; 17 percent, a friend of the family; 6 percent, a neighbor; 263 and only 4 percent a personal friend. Respondents* tra ditional backgrounds became clear when it was seen that only 7 percent approve of interfaith marriages and only
5 percent approve of marriage to non-Arabs. A marjoity of 60 percent approve of marriage to non-Kuwaiti Arabs.
In the change that has taken place in the last two decades and is reflected in the family systems, the ques tion is: How much has this change effected the status of women? Women in traditional Kuwait are prisoners in their homes; their role is that of mother and housewife.
Very few have attended school or worked in the past. To day the number of females in school is equal to that of males and these women are increasingly seeking jobs out side the home.
Over 96 percent of the survey sample approve of education for women and the majority suggest college and higher education. This trend is more apparent among the upper SES, the educated, and women. Almost twice as many males as females prefer that women go as far as high school only. This typifies the attitude of men to ward women as persons to be provided with only the ne cessary education needed to function as mother and wife.
Respondents appear to be less enthusiastic about work for women. A majority of 69 percent approve of work for women. The educated, the young, the upper SES, 264 and women have the highest proportion among those who support this idea. Over 90 per cent of the above pre fer that women work in government agencies rather than private businesses. In particular, teaching in girls» schools. The majority cited the absence of social in teraction as a reason for their preference. Others cited job security and shorter hours. This attitude, although it is a significant departure from the past, still re flects the male's sensitivity about and fear of promis cuity. The majority probably view work for women as transitional. Only 7 percent feel that a career is more important than home for women. An overwhelming majority of 97 percent of the males objected to women pursuing a career.
The status of women in the community at large will probably improve once she has secured her right to par ticipate in the political process of the country. But only 38 percent of the respondents feel that women should have the right to vote and be nominated for political of fice. The impact of westernization and/or urbanization is very clear in this respect. A majority only among
the upper SES, the educated, and the young support such rights. Even the majority of women respondents are op posed to this attitude. This is not surprising since 265 the majority of these women are illiterate and are house wives who have been raised to believe that politics and business are a man's domain and the woman's place is at
This noticeable improvement in the status of women on the outside probably has a corresponding effect on her status at home. Nearly 70 percent of our survey sample indicated that males and females in their house holds eat meals together. Traditionally, women ate se parately and usually after the men. An overwhelming ma jority of the upper SES and the college educated follow
the mixed pattern. Again, traditionally, women and men
sit separately when friends and relatives gather. A majority (63 percent) of the respondents prefer to pre
serve this tradition. As a result of the influence of westernization, a majority among only the college edu cated oppose such patterns. Another traditional family
pattern is that a wife needs her husband's permission in
almost everything she does. An overwhelming majority
of 92 percent believe that a woman should have her hus
band's permission when she goes out shopping or visiting
friends. The lowest majority were among the upper SES,
and women. Even the college educated men appear not to
be ready to give up some of their power in this regard. 266
In summary, the status of women has improved in contemporary Kuwait society. New opportunities are open to her in the fields of education and employment. But there are still many obstacles in her path toward equal ity. The influence of westernization and education will likely help women obtain their rights— political, legal, and social. And this, no doubt, will contribute to the improvement of her position at home.
The above summary represents the conformity of the sample as a whole; but within this overall pattern of conformity, education, SES, and age show some variations.
It seems that the educated, the supper SES, and the young are the most effected by the processes of urbanization and westernization. The college educated live in small households and share with those in the upper SES and the young their preference for smaller families. The major ity of these segments of the population live in and pre fer the nuclear family. The strong family ties with kin seem to be little effected by change. Visiting, help, and sharing are very prevalent in these families. How ever, the college educated have the lowest proportion of
those who married relatives; they also share with the upper SES and the young their disapproval of this type of marriage. These three groups also spend most of their 267 leisure time with family and friends. The young and the upper SES have the highest minorities who prefer not to share their business lives with a relative. The upper
SES, the educated, and the young approve of more freedom in mate selection, a symbolic sum for the dowry, and have a negative attitude toward polygyny. They are in favor of education, careers, and political rights for women.
Although the college educated prefer mixed parties, they
share with the other segments of the population the be
lief that women should have their husbands* permission
to go shopping or visiting.
Conclusions
The evidence presented in the foregoing summary
questions many of the assumptions made by commentators
on the Arab family. It also sheds light on the impact
of urbanization and/or westernization on family patterns
in non-western societies. In general, one can conclude
that the patrilocal extended family is in the minority
in Kuwait and probably never was in the majority, at
least not in the recent past. The nuclear family is the
statistical majority and the ideal form as well. This
is not a result of economic amd demographic conditions.
On the contrary, this structure is prevalent under the 268 best economic and demographic conditions available.
According to the 1970 census, family size in Kuwait is
7.6 and this is expected to rise by 1975.
One can conclude that the ties between family and kin in all of the dimensions measured are very strong.
Urbanization and westernization seem to have very little or no effect at all in this regard.
The most noticeable change in family patterns in recent years is evident in the norms and attitudes governing the institution of marriage. In general, the family is losing its primary role as an agent for mar riage, especially for its male members. Individuals have more freedom of choice than their fathers did two de cades ago. IMlike their fathers, their selection is based on fondness and understanding. They desire a short engagement before marriage and they prefer to mar ry at a later age. Unlike their fathers, Kuwaitis have a negative attitude toward polygyny, and a desire to change the status of the dowry in order to make it a symbolic sum only. Over the last two decades, females have expereinced a significant change in their position at home and in society at large. Women have been given more opportunities to work and to study. With the spread of education, and the increasing independence of 269
individuals, the future will probably bring even greater
changes.
Final Comment
This report, with its systematic analysis of census
and survey data, provides needed information about family
patterns in a changing society. The findings question
many assumptions about the Arab family. It provides in
formation about family structure, family relationships,
and the interrelationship between family patterns and
the processes of urbanization and/or westernization.
There is a need to do further studies in other
Arab countries, especially those on the Arab peninsula
where rapid changes are taking place. The need is for
systematic research which will utilize all data avail
able and use well-designed field research. Census and
other data sources are becoming more available in that
part of the world. In Kuwait, the unavailability of
census data for the pre-oil era is unfortunate. Also,
the number of college educated in such underdeveloped
countries is very small and hence their numbers could be
come limited in a random sample, hence it is advisable
to have an "additional” sample of the college educated. 270
In the case of Kuwait, this report provides a first step, a general description about family patterns in contemporary Kuwait. Future research should focus on specification and comparability. Such issues as male-female relationships with kin and husband-wife relationships with in-laws are of special interest be cause these findings differ from those of the United
States in this regard. Family-kin business ties need special attention in Kuwait. Social class differences in relation to family-kin ties is one area that needs further investigation. The relationship between adults and their parents is of special interest; it is more likely that (unlike western societies) parents are closer to their sons than their daughters. In a country where nepotism plays a significant role, it would be interes ting to find the relationship between occupational mo bility and kinship ties. The above are only a few sug gestions for future research. It will be a great con tribution to our knowledge if such studies take place in Kuwait, or any other Arab country, where relatively little is known about family patterns. APPENDIX A TABLE 58
PERCENT CF NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS IN HOUSEHOLD BY AREA OF RESIDENCE 1970 CENSUS
Area of Residence Number of Individuals in Household 1-5 b or more
Shuwaikh 12.6 87.4
Khaldiya 18.0 82.0
Omariya 24.5 75.5
Da'iya 22.0 78.0 TABLE 59 FAMILY TYPE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT some Univ. Family Type Illiterate Reads only Primary Intermediate Training/ and Literate and Secondary Univ. Orad. Total
Nuclear 100 98 27 59 19 311 Family 54.5 63.6 57.4 60.8 63.3 59.1 Quasi- 31 24 14 22 6 97 Extended 15.7 15.6 29.8 22.7 20.0 18.4 Extended 59 32 6 16 5 118 29.8 20.8 12.8 16.5 16.7 22.4
TOTAL 198 154 47 97 30 526 37.6 29.3 8.9 18.4 5.7 TABLE 60 FAMILY TYPE BY AGE
Family Type 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 and Above
Nuclear 50 93 76 64 28 311 49.5 65.6; 60.3 62.1 51.9 59.1
Quasi-Extended 27 26 24 11 9 97 26.7 18.3 19.0 10.7 16.7 18.4
Extended 24 23 26 28 17 118 23.8 16.2 20.6 27.2 31.5 22.4
TOTAL 101 142 126 103 54 526 19.2 27.0 24.0 19.6 10.3 100.0 TABLE 61
FAMILY TYPE BY HOUSE TYPE
Limi ted-Income Eastern-Style Family Type Villa Housing Housing Apartment
Nuclear 179 106 23 3 311 59.3 66.3 39.7 100.0 59.5
Quasi-Extended 44 34 16 0 94 14.6 21.3 27.6 0 18.0
Extended 79 20 19 0 118 26.2 12.5 32.8 0 22.6
TOTAL 302 160 58 3 523 57.7 30.6 11.1 0.6 100.0 TABLE 62 FAMILY TYPE BY NUMBER OF ROOMS
Family Type 2-4 5-6 7-8 9-10 11 and up Total
Nuclear 65 71 57 74 44 311 67.7 64.0 56.4 74.0 37.3 59.1
Quasi-Exten 25 19 21 13 19 97 ded 26.0 17.1 20.8 13.0 16.1 18.4
Extended 6 21 23 13 55 118 6.3 18.9 22.8 13.0 46.6 22.8
TOTAL 96 111 101 100 118 526 18.3 21.1 19.2 19.0 22.4 100.0 TABLE 63 FAMILY TYPE BY AREA OF RESIDENCE
Abdulla-Al-Salem Family Type Shuwaikh Suburb Nazha Khaldiya Cmariah Da'iya Total
Nuclear 62 28 42 37 q3 49 311 79.5 68.3 63.6 53.6 67.4 36.6 59.1
Quasi-Extended 5 5 18 8 27 34 97 6.4 12.2 27.3 11.6 19.6 25.4 18.4
Extended 11 8 6 24 18 51 118 14.1 19.5 9,1 34.8 13.0 38.1 22.6
TOTAL 78 41 66 69 138 134 526 14.8 7.8 12.5 13.1 26.2 25.5 100.0 TABLE 64
PREFERRED FAMILY SIZE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Preferred Intermediate & Some Iftiiv. Train Family Size Illiterate Literate Primary Secondary ing/Univ. Grad. Total
1-5 24 32 15 35 10 116 15.7 22.9 34.1 37.6 33.3 25.2
6-7 31 56 15 40 • 15 157 20.3 40.0 34.1 43.0 50.0 34.1
8-9 32 25 7 12 2 78 20.9 17.9 15.9 12.9 6.7 17.0
10-12 37 14 4 5 2 62 24.2 10.0 9.1 5.4 6.7 13.5
13 & up 29 13 3 1 1 47 19.0 9.3 6.8 1.1 3.3 10.2
Total 153 140 44 93 30 460 33.3 30.4 9.6 20.2 6.5 100.0 TABLE 65 PREFERRED FAMILY SIZE BY AGE
Preferred Family Size 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
1-5 32 32 22 18 12 116 33.3 25.8 20.0 21.2 26.7 25.2
6-7 38 50 38 22 9 157 39.6 40.3 34.5 25.9 20.0 34.1
8-9 19 m i 7 18 15 9 78 19.8 13.7 16.4 17.6 20.0 17.0
10-12 5 15 15 19 8 62 5.2 12.1 13.6 22.4 17.8 13.5
13 & Up 2 10 17 11 7 47 2.1 8.1 15.5 12.9 15.6 10.2
Total 96 124 110 85 45 460 20.9 27.0 23.9 18.5 9.8 100.0 T A B L E 66
PREFERRED FAMILY SIZE BY FAMILY TYPE
Preferred Family Size Family Type 1-5 6-7 8-9 10-12 13 & Up Total
Nuclear 77 109 44 42 17 289 Family 26.6 37.7 15.2 14.5 5.9 62.8
Quasi- Extended 21 24 14 9 12 80 Family 26.3 30.0 17.5 11.3 15.0 17.4
Extended 18 24 20 11 18 91 Family 19.8 26.4 22.0 |2t.l 19.8 19.8
Total 116 157 78 62 V7 460 25.2 34.1 17.0 13.5 10.2 100.0 PREFERRED FAMILY SIZE BY NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS IN THE FAMILY
Preferred Number of Individuals Family Size 1-5 6-7 8-9 10-12 13 & Up Total
1-5 34 28 22 19 12 115 35.4 28.9 23.4 17.4 19.7 25.2
6-7 44 35 36 31 11 157 45.8 36.1 38.3 28.4 18.0 34.4
8-9 10 19 25 14 9 77 10.4 19.6 26.6 12.8 14.8 16.8
10-12 4 13 6 28 10 61 4.2 13.4 6.4 25.7 16.4 13.3
13 & Up 4 2 5 17 19 47 4.2 2.1 15.6 15.6 31.1 10.3
Total 96 97 94 109 61 457 21.0 21.2 20.6 23.9 13.3 100.0 TABLE 68
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY FAMILY BACKGROUND Preference of Married Brothers' Residence Family Type Same Hous ehold Separate Household Total
Nuclear 96 214 310 Family 31.0 69.0 59.2
Quasi- Extended 34 63 97 Family 35.1 64.9 18.5
Extended 63 54 117 Family 53.8 46.2 22.3
Total 193 331 524 36.8 63.2 100.0 283
TABLE 69
PREFERENCE 0? WIDOWERS RESIDENCE BY FAMILY TYPE
Preference of VJidowers Residence Family Type With Sons Separate Households Total
Nuclear 255 54 309 Family 82.5 17.5 59.2
Quasi- Extended 86 10 96 Family 89.6 10.4 18.4
Extended 107 10 117 Family 91.5 8.5 22.4
Total 448 74 522 85.8 14.2 100.0 TABLE 70 PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT Some Univ. Preferred Family Intermediate & Training/ Type Illiterate Literate Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Nuclear 124 101 38 87 26 376 Family 62.9 65.6 go. 9 89.7 86.7 71.6
Extended 73 53 9 10 4 149 Family 37.1 34.4 19.1 10.3 13.3 28.4
Total 197 154 47 97 30 525 37.5 29.3 9.0 18.5 5.7 100.0 TABLE 71
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Preference of Some Univ. Married Brothers' Intermediate & Training/ Residence Illiterate Literate Primary Secondary Univ. Grad.
Same 95 61 10 23 3 193 Household 48.7 39.9 21.3 23.7 10.0 36.8
Separate 101 92 37 74 27 331 Households 51.3 60.1 78.7 76.3 90.0 63.2
197 153 47 97 30 524 37.6 29.2 9.0 18.5 5.7 100.0 TABLE 72
PREFERENCE OP WIDOWERS* RESIDENCE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Preforonce of Some Univ. Widowers* Resi- Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
With Sons 174 132 39 76 27 448 88.8 85.7 84.8 79.2 90.0 85.8
Separate 22 22 7 20 3 74 Households 11.2 14.3 15.2 20.8 10.0 14.2
Total 196 46 96 96 30 522 37.5 0.8 18.4 18.4 5.7 100.0 287
PKEFERENCE C? FAMILY TYPE BY SES
Preference of Family " Upper- Type Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Nuclear 40 92 185 59 376 Family 72.7 65.7 71.7 81.9 71.6
Extended 15 48 73 13 149 Family 27.3 34.3 28.3 18.1 28.4
Total 55 140 258 72 525 10.5 26.7 49.1 13.7 100.0 288
TABLE 74
PREFERENCE CF FAMILY TYPE BY SES
Preference of Married Bro thers* Resi- Middle Middle Upper Total
Sacie House 26 58 92 17 193 hold 47.3 41.1 35.9 23.6 36.4
Separate 29 83 164 55 331 Households 52.7 58.9 64.1 76.4 63.2
Total 55 141 256 72 524 10.5 26.9 48.9 13.7 100.0 289
TABLE 75
PREFERENCE CT WIDOWERS RESIDENCE BY SES
Preference of Widowers' Resi- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
With Sons 49 128 217 54 448 90.7 91.4 84.8 75.0 85.8
Separate 5 12 39 18 74 Households 9.3 8.6 15.2 25.0 14.2
Total 54 140 256 72 522 10.3 26.8 49.0 13.8 100.0 290
T ABLE 76
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY SEX
Preference of Family Type Male Total
Nuclear Family 206 170 376 75.5 67.5 71.6
Extended 67 82 149 Family 24.5 32.5 28.4
Total 273 252 525 52.0 48.0 100.0 TAB L E 77
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY SEX
Preference of Harried Bro thers ' Resi dence Male Female Total
Sams 92 101 193 Household 33.7 40.2 36.8
Separate 181 150 331 Households 66.3 59.8 63.2
Total 273 251 524 52.1 47.9 100.0 292
PREFERENCE OF WIDOWERS' RESIDENCE BY SEX
Preference of Widowers' Resi dence Male Female Total
With Sons 240 208 448 87.9 83.5 85.8
Separate 33 41 74 Households 12.1 16.5 14.2
Total 273 249 522 52.3 47.7 100.0 T A B L E 79
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY AGE
Preference of Family Type 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
Nuclear 79 110 95 59 33 376 Family 78.2 77.5 75.4 57.8 61.1 71.6
Extended 22 32 21 43 21 149 Family 21.8 22.5 24.6 42.2 38.9 28.4
Total 101 142 12 102 54 525 19.2 27.0 24.0 19.4 10.3 100.0 T A B L E 80
PREFERENCE OF FAMILY TYPE BY AGE
Preference of Married Bro thers' Resi dence 15-29 30.39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
Same 28 48 47 45 25 193 Household 27.7 34.0 37.6 43.7 46.3 36.8
Separate 73 93 78 58 29 331 Households 72.3 66.0 62.4 56.3 53.7 63.2
Total 101 141 125 103 54 524 19.3 26.9 23.9 19.7 10.3 100.0 T A B L E 81
PREFERENCE OF WIDOWERS' RESIDENCE BY AGE
Preference Of Widowers’ Resi- dencc 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
With Sons 91 116 107 87. 47 448 91.0 82.9 84.9 85.3 87.0 85.8
Separate 9 24 19 15 7 74 Households 9.0 17.1 15.1 14.7 13.0 14.2
Total 100 140 126 102 54 522 19.2 26.8 24.1 19.5 10.3 100.0 T A B L E 82
VISITING RELATIVES BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Some Univ. Frequency Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ of Visiting Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Daily 51 63 11 42 15 182 26.0 41.2 23.4 43.8 50.0 34.9
Weekly 84 67 28 43 11 233 42.9 43.8 59.6 44.8 36.7 44.6
Monthly 47 15 5 4 2 74 24.0 9.8 12.8 4.2 6.7 14.2
Yearly 10 3 0 6 1 20 5.1 2.0 0.0 6.3 3.3 3.8
Other 4 5 2 1 1 13 2.0 3.3 4.3 1.0 3.3 2.5
Total 196 153 47 96 30 522 37.5 29.3 9.0 18.4 5.7 100.0 T ABLE 83
VISITING RELATIVES BY SEX
Sex Daily Weekly Monthly Yearly Other Total
Male 119 121 21 6 5 272 43.8 44.5 7.7 2.2 1 1.8 52.1
Female 63 112 53 14 8 250 25.2 44.8 21.2 5.6 3.2 47.9
Total 182 233 74 20 13 522 34.9 44.6 14.2 3.8 2.5 100.0 298
T A BLE 84
VISITING RELATIVES BY FAMILY TYPE
Family Type Daily Weekly Monthly Yearly Other Total
Nuclear 112 137 44 7 9 309 36.2 44.3 14.2 2.3 2.9 59.2
Quasi- 22 47 13 10 3 95 Extended 23.2 49.5 13.7 10.5 3.2 18.2
Extended 48 49 17 3 1 118 40.7 41.5 14,4 2.5 0.8 22.6
Total 182 233 74 20 13 522 34.9 44.6 14.2 3.8 2.5 100.0 TABLE 85
CALLING RELATIVES (PHONE) BY SEX
Sex Daily Weekly Monthly Yearly Other Total
Male 123 74 22 4 47 270 45.6 27.4 8.1 1.5 17.4 53.1
Female 142 75 14 1 6 238 59.7 31.5 5.9 0.4 2.5 46.9
Total 265 149 36 5 53 508 52.2 29.3 7.1 1.0 10.4 100.0 300
T AB L E 86
LOCATION OF KIN BY SES
Question; Are ther any of your relatives who live next door to you?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 24 50 106 43 223 43.6 35.7 41.2 59.7 42.6
No 31 90 . 151 29 301 56.4 64.3 58.8 40.3 57.4
Total 55 140 257 72 524 10.5 26.7 49.0 13.7 100.0 FAMILY RELATIONS WITH RELATIVES BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Some Univ. Strong Re Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ lations Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
With Wife’s 77 38 15 25 5 160 Relatives 40.1 25.2 31.9 27.8 17.9 31.5
With Hus band ’ 8 Re 80 68 23 50 18 239 latives 41.7 45.0 48.9 55.6 64.3
With Both 35 45 9 15 5 109 18.2 29.8 19.1 16.7 17.9 21.5
Total 192 151 47 90 28 508 37.8 29.7 9.3 17.7 5.5 100.0 T A B L E 88
PREFERENCE FOR KIN TIES BY AGE
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
Strong 94 121 112 94 53 474 93.1 85.2 88.9 91.3 98.1 90.1
Casual 7 21 14 9 1 52 6.9 14.8 11.1 8.7 1.9 9.9
Total 101 142 126 103 54 526 19.2 27.0 24.0 19.6 10.3 100.0 TABLE 89
FINANCIAL HELP BETWEEN RELATIVES BY SES
Question: Would you go to a relative in case of finan cial needs?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 24 67 102 28 221 43.6 47.5 40.2 40.0 42.5
No 31 74 152 42 299 56.4 52.5 59.8 60.0 57.5
Total 55 141 254 79 520 10.6 27.1 48.8 13.5 100.0 304
T AB L E 90
HELP AMONG RELATIVES DURING ______TT.r.MF.qq nv g.K.q______Question; Do you help relatives in case of illness? Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 51 136 245 71 503 92.7 97.1 95.0 98.6 95.8
No 4 4 13 1 22 7.3 2.9 5.0 1.4 4.2
Total 55 140 258 72 525 10.5 26.7 49.1 13.7 100.0 TABLE 91
TAKING CARE OF CHILDREN AMONG RELATIVES BY SES
Question: Do you help relatives in taking care of their children when needed?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 44 120 214 58 436 80.0 86.3 82.9 80.6 83.2
No 11 19 44 14 88 20.0 13.7 17.1 19.4 16.8
Total 55 139 258 72 524 10.5 26.5 49.2 13.7 100.0 TABLE 92
CONSULTING RELATIVES IN PERSONAL AND BUSINESS PROBLEMS BY SES
Question: Do you consult relatives in your personal and business problems?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 23 65 130 31 249 42.6 46.4 51.4 44.3 48.2
No 31 75 123 39 268 57.4 53.6 48.6 55.7 51.8
Total 54 140 253 70 517 10.4 27.1 48.9 13.5 100.0 307
TABLE 93
EXCHANGING GIFTS WITH RELATIVES BY SEX
Questions : Do you exchange gifts with relatives?
Male Female Total
Yes 185 226 411 67.8 90.4 78.6
No 88 24 112 32.2 9.6 21.4
Total 273 250 523 52.2 47.8 100.0 308
TABLE 94
EXCHANGING GIFTS WITH RELATIVES BY AGE
Question; Do you exchange gifts with relatives?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
Yes 84 124 94 74 35 411 83,2 87.9 75.8 71.8 64.8 78.6
No 17 17 30 29 19 112 16.8 12.1 24.2 28.2 35.2 21.4
Total 101 141 124 103 54 523 19.3 27.0 23.7 19.7 10.3 100.0 T A B L E 95
EXPECTING HELP AT OLD AGE BY SEX
Question1 : Whom do you expect to help you when you get old?
Son & Brother & Nephew & Daughter Sister Husband Government God Grandchildren Other Total
Male 234 10 0 7 10 0 1 262 89.3 3.8 0.0 2.7 3.8 0.0 0.4 53.7
Female 185 11 10 2 12 2 4 226 81.9 4.9 4.4 0.9 5.3 0.9 1.8 46.3
Total 419 21 10 9 22 2 5 488 85.9 4.3 2.0 1.8 4.5 0.4 1.0 100.0 310
T AB L E 96
SHARING PROPERTY WITH RELATIVES BY SES
Question: Do you share property with relatives?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 4 11 26 16 57 8.2 8.4 10.8 22.5 11.6
No 45 ■ 120 215 55 435 91.8 91.6 89.2 77.5 88.4
Total 49 131 241 71 492 10.0 26.6 49.0 14.4 100.0 TAB L E 97
PREFERENCE FOR BUSINESS PARTNER BY SES
Question: If you have a choice, would you like your business partner to be a relative or a stranger?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Relative 42 94 177 44 357 93.3 74.6 80.1 75.9 79.3
Stranger 3 32 44 14 93 6.7 25.4 19.9 24.1 20.7
Total 45 126 221 58 450 10.0 28.0 49.1 12.9 100.0 T ABLE 98
PREFERENCE FOR BUSINESS PARTNER BY AGE
Question: If you have a choice, would you like your business partner to be a relative or stranger?
15-291 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up fotal
Rela tive 62 87 85 75 48 357 75.6 75.0 76.6 84.3 92.3 79.3
Stran ger 20 29 26 14 4 93 24.4 25.0 23.4 15.7 7.7 20.7
Total 82 116 111 89 52 450 18.2 25.8 24.7 19.8 11.6 100.0 RESPONDENTS» RELATIONSHIP TO RELATIVES WHO SHARE THE SAME PLACE OF WORK (by Family Type)
Family Brother or Sons or Uncle or Type Father Sister ‘ Daughters Aunt Cousins Other Total
Nuclear Family 1 27 2 0 14 4 48 2.1 56.3 4.2 0.0 29.2 8.3 70.6
Quasi- Extended 0 6 0 2 2 0 10 Family 0.0 60,0 0.0 20.0 20.0 0.0 14.7
Extended 3 4 0 0 1 2 10 Family 30.0 40.0 0.0 0.0 10.0 20.0 14.7
Total 4 ' 37 2 2 17 6 68 5.9 54.4 2.9 2.9 25.0 8.8 100.0 TABLE 100
RELATIVES WHO SHARE THE SAME WORK PLACE AND THE SAME HOUSEHOLD BY FAMILY TYPE
Question: Do you have kin who share the same work place and the same household? Quasi- Nuclear Extended Extended Family Family Family Total
Yes 2 2 5 9 3.8 13.3 45.5 11.4
No 51 13 6 70 96.2 86.7 54.5 88.6
Total 53 15 11 79 TABLE 101
PLACE FOR SPENDING LEISURE TIME BY AGE
Question; Do you spend your leisure time at home or outside the home?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60/Cver Total
At 47 73 83 77 40 320 Home 46.5 51.4 66.4 74.8 75.5 61.1
Out 50 66 38 18 9 181 side 49.5 46.5 30.4 17.5 17.0 34.5
Both 4 3 4 8 4 23 4.0 2.1 3.2 7.8 7.5 4.4
Total 101 142 125 103 53 524 19.3 27.1 23.9 19.7 10.1 100.0 TAB L E 102
LEISURE ACTIVITY PREFERRED BY SES
Question: What do you like to do most during leisure time?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Watch TV 18 42 93 22 175 33.3 30.2 36.6 31.4 33.8
Go to 0 1 4 1 6 Movies 00,0 0.7 1.6 1.4 1.2
Reading 3 4 33 19 59 5.6 2.9 13.0 27.1 11.4
Work Inside 20 55 69 13 157 the House 37.0 39.6 27.2 18.6 30.4
Listen to 1 2 2 1 6 Music 1.9 1.4 0.8 1.4 1.2
Visit friends and Rela- 8 22 25 10 65 tives 14.8 15.8 9.8 14.3 12.6
Swimming & 3 8 21 4 36 Fishing 5.6 5.8 8.3 5.7 7.0
Theater 0 1 0 0 1 0.0 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.2
Sports & 1 4 7 0 12 Social Clubs 1.9 2.9 2.8 0.0 2.3
Total 54 139 254 70 517 10.4 26.9 49.1 13.5 100.0 T A B L E 103
PREFERENCE TO INCREASE LEISURE TIME BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: Would you like to increase this time (leisure time)?
Some Univ. Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad.
Yes 53 45 15 35 13 161 27.6 29.8 31.9 36.5 43.3 31.2
No 116 100 29 58 17 320 60.4 66.2 61.7 60.4 56.7 62.0
Do not 23 6 3 3 0 35 know 12.0 4.0 6.4 3.1 0.0 6.8
Total 192 151 47 96 30 516 37.2 29.3 9.1 18.6 5.8 100.0 TABLE 104
PREFERENCE TO INCREASE LEISURE TIME BY SEX
Question: Would you like to increase this time (leisure time)?
Male Female Total
Yes 53 108 161 19.6 44.1 31.2
No 206 114 320 76.0 46.5 62.0
Do not 12 23 35 Know 4.4 9.4 6.8
Total 271 245 516 52.5 47. 5 100.0 PREFERENCE TO INCREASE LEISURETIMEBY AGE
Question: Would you like to increase this time (leisure time)?
15-2S1 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
Yes 43 49 41 19 9 161 43.0 34.8 33.1 19.4 17.0 31.2
No 50 78 80 71 41 320 50.0 55.3 64.5 72.4 77.4 62.0
Do Not Know 7 14 3 8 3 35 7.0 9.9 2.4 8.2 5.7 6.8
Total 100 141 124 98 53 516 19.4 27.3 24.0 19.0 10.3 100.0 TAB L E 106
H AVI N G NON-KIP.'/AITI FRIENDS BY SES
Question: Do you have non-Kuwaiti friends?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 19 51 114 51 235 34.5 36.4 44.4 71.8 44.9
No 36 89 143 20 288 65.5 63.6 55.6 28.2 55.1
Total 55 140 257 71 523 10.5 26.8 49.1 13.6 100.0 HAVING NON-KUWAITI FRIENDS BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: Do you have non-Kuwaiti friends?
Some Univ. Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yes 64 67 23 60 21 235 32.5 43.8 48.9 62.5 70.0 44.9
No 133 86 24 36 9 288 67.5 56.2 51.1 37.5 30.0 55.1
Total 197 153 47 96 30 523 37.7 29.3 9.0 18.4 5.7 100.0 TAB L E 108
HAVING NON-KUWAITI FRIENDS BY AGE
Question; Do you have Kuwaiti friends?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
Yes 49 75 60 33 18 235 49.0 53.2 48.0 32.0 33.3 44.9
No 51 66 65 70 36 288 51.0 46.8 52.0 68.0 66.7 55.1
Total 100 141 125 103 54 523 19.1 27.0 23.9 19.7 10.3 100.0 T A B L E 109
MARRIAGE AMONG RELATIVES BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question; Is your (husband/wife) a relative?
Some Univ. Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad.
103 78 13 44 10 248 52.6 51.3 27,7 49.4 35.7 48.4
93 74 34 45 18 264 47.4 48.7 72.3 50;6 64.3 51.6
196 152 47 89 28 512 28.3 29.7 9.2 17.4 5.5 100.0 TABLE H O
MARRIAGE AMONG RELATIVES BY SES
Question: Is your (husband/wife) a relative?
Upper Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 29 76 102 41 248 53.7 55.1 40.8 58.6 48.4
No 25 62 148 29 264 46.3 44.9 59.2 41.4 51.6
Total 54 138 250 70 512 10.5 27.0 48.8 13.7 100.0 TABLE 111
PREFERENCE FOR MARRIAGE BETWEEN RELATIVES BY SES
Question: Do you prefer marriage among relatives?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 31 99 150 29 309 55.4 71.2 58.6 40.3 59.2
No 24 40 106 43 213 43.6 28.80 41.4 59.7 40.8
Total 55 139 256 72 522 10.5 26.6 49.0 13.8 100.0 T A B L E 112
PREFERENCE FOR RELATIVE MARRIAGES BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question; Do you prefer marriage among relatives?
Some Univ. Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad.
133 98 17 52 9 309 68.2 64.1 36.2 53.6 30.0 59.2
62 55 30 45 21 213 31.8 35.9 63.8 46.4 70.0 40.8
195 153 47 97 30 522 37.4 29.3 9.0 18.6 5.7 100.0 327
TABLE 113
PREFERENCE FOR RELATIVE MARRIAGES BY AGE
Question : Do you prefer marriage between relatives?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 & Up Total
Yes 45 74 82 75 33 309 44.6 53.6 65.1 72.8 61.1 59.2
No 56 64 44 28 21 213 55.4 46.4 34.9 27.2 38.9 ' 40.8
Total 101 138 126 103 54 522 19.3 26.4 24.1 19.7 10.3 100.0 TABLE 114 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RELATIVE PARENTS BY SES
Relation Upper- ship Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
First 21 45 79 12 157 Cousin 87.5 84.9 89.8 66.7 85.8
Other 3 8 9 6 26 Relative 12.5 15.1 10.2 33.3 14.2
Total 24 53 88 18 183 13.1 29.0 48.1 9.8 100.0 329
TABLE 115
POPULARITY OF KIN MARRIAGE BY FAMILY BACKGROUND
Question : Is marriage between relatives popular among your kin?
Nuclear Family Extended Family Total
Yes 179 122 301 55.1 63.9 58.3
No 146 69 215 44.9 36.1 41.7
Total 325 191 516 63.0 37.0 100.0 CONFLICT AMONG RELATIVES BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: Have you had any conflict with relatives?
Some Univ. Read Only/ Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Literate Primary & Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yes 59 38 11 25 6 139 30.3 24.8 23.4 26.0 20.0 26.7
No 136 115 36 71 24 382 69.7 75.2 76.6 74.0 80.0 73.3
Total 195 153 47 96 30 521 ,37.4 29.4 9.0 18.4 5.8 100.0 331
TABLE 117
FREQUENCY OF CONFLICT BY SEX
Question;: How often do you have a conflict with rela- tives?
Never Seldom Sometimes Always Total
Male 119 124 23 3 269 44.2 46.1 8.6 1.1 55.3
Female 113 71 24 9 217 52.1 32.7 11.1 4.1 44.7
Total 232 195 47 12 486 47.7 40.1 9.7 2.5 100.0 T A B L E 118
DURATION OF CONFLICT BY SEX
Question: How long does the longest conflict last before resolving?
Less than 1-4 5-8 9-12 More than a Month months months months a year Total
Male 132 41 14 19 16 222 59.5 18.5 6.3 8.6 7.2 61.3
Female 100 11 3 7 19 140 71.4 7.9 2.1 5.0 13.6 38.7
Total 232 52 17 26 35 362 64.1 14.4 4.7 7.2 9.7 100.0 TABLE 119 MARRIAGES REGISTERED ACCORDING TO AGE OP HUSBAND AND WIFE— 1971
Age of Husband
Age of Not 50 & 45- 40- 35- 30- 15- Wife Total Stated Over 49 44 39 34 II- 19
Less Than 15 39 _ — 2 _ 3- 15 17 2
15-19 1671 5 22 22 34 75 158 542 711 102
20-24 835 3 16 9 12 35 123 343 277 17
25-29 268 1 7 3 11 32 60 112 37 5
30-34 93 — 10 2 14 9 26 24 8 —
35-39 43 — 10 3 10 7 8 3 2 —
40-44 33 — 7 7 7 4 3 5 ——
45-49 13 — 8 3 1 1 —
50 & Over 16 — 9 1 1 1 2 2 — —
Not Stated 7 2 — — 2 2 1
Total 3018 11 89 50 93 163 383 1047 1055 127
Source: The Planning Board, Central Statistical Office,"Statistical Abstract 1973," Kuwait, August, 1973. Table 30, p. 82. w 334
TABLE 120
BEST AGE FOR MARRIAGE (MALE) BY SES
Question : In your opinion, what; it the best age for marriage (male)?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
15-18 4 5 5 0 14 Years 7.3 3.6 2.0 0.0 2.7
19-21 13 23 24 1 61 Years 23.6 16.4 9.5 1.4 11.8
22-24 5 18 23 5 51 Years 9.1 12.9 9.1 7.1 9.8
25-27 22 65 117 29 233 Years 40.0 46.4 46.2 41.4 45.0
28-30 10 28 76 32 146 Years 18.2 20.0 30.0 45.7 28.2
32-35 1 1 8 3 13 Years 1.8 0.7 3.2 4.3 2.5
Total 55 140 253 70 518 10.6 27.0 48.8 13.5 100.0 335
TABLE 121
BEST AGE FOR MARRIAGE (MALE) BY AGE
Question : In your opinion, what is the best age for marriage (male)?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-591 60/Up Total
15-18 1 0 4 5 4 14 Years 1.0 0.0 3.3 5.0 7.4 2.7
19-21 9 9 13 22 8 61 Years 8.9 6.5 10.6 21.8 14.8 11.8
22-24 4 13 19 9 6 51 Years 4.0 9.4 15.4 8.9 11.1 9.8
25-27 48 68 46 44 27 233 Years 47.5 48.9 37.4 43.6 50.0 45.0
28-30 36 45 39 19 7 146 Years 35.6 32.4 31.7 18.8 13.0 28.2
32-35 3 4 2 2 2 13 Years 3.0 2.9 1.6 2.0 3.7 2.5
Total 101 139 123 101 54 518 19.5 26.8 23.7 19.5 10.4 100.0 TABLE 122
BEST AGE FOR MARRIAGE (FEMALE) BY SES
Question; In your opinion, what : is the best age for marriage (female)?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
13-18 23 61 60 7 151 Years 41.8 43.6 23.7 10.0 29.2
19-21 26 57 116 28 227 Years 47.3 40.7 45.8 40.0 43.8
22-24 2 10 44 22 78 Years 3.6 7.1 17.4 31.4 15.1
25-27 4 11 31 13 59 Years 7.3 7.9 12.3 18.6 11.4
0 1 2 0 3 0.0 0.7 0.8 0.00 0.6
Total 55 140 253 70 518 10.6 27.0 48.8 13.5 100.0 TA BLE 123
BEST AGE FOR MARRIAGE (FEMALE) BY AGE
Question: In your opinion, what it the best age for marriage? (female)
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60/Up Total
13-18 22 25 36 41 27 151 Years 21.8 18.0 29.3 40.6 50,0 29.2
19-21 46 72 48 42 19 227 Years 45.5 51.8 39.0 41.6 35.2 43.8
22-24 23 21 19 9 6 78 Years 22.8 15.1 15.4 8.9 11.1 15.1
25-27 9 20 19 9 2 59 Years 8.9 14.4 15.4 8.9 3.7 11.4
28-20 1 1 1 0 0 3 Years 1.0 0.7 0.8 0.0 0.0 0.6
Total 101 139 123 101 54 518 19.5 26.8 23.7 19.5 10.4 100.0 TABLE 124
BEST AGE FOR MARRIAGE (FEMALE) BY SEX
Question : In your ooinion, what is the best age for marriage (female)?
Male Total
13-18 102 49 151 Years 37.4 20.0 29.2
19-21 102 125 227 Years 51.0 43.8
22-24 37 41 78 Years 13.6 16.7 15.1
25-27 29 30 59 Years 10.6 12.2 11.4
28-30 3 0 3 Years 1.1 0.0 0.6
Total 273 245 518 52.7 47.3 100.0 TABLE 125
PARENTAL ROLE IN SELECTING DAUGHTER-IN-LAW BY AGE
Question: What role should parents play in the selection of their son's wife?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60/Up Total
Wife Should Be Selected 1 3 2 3 3 12 by Parents 1.0 2.1 1.6 2.9 5.6 2.3
By Parents With Son's 4 12 9 14 13 52 Approval 4.0 8.5 7.1 13.6 24.1 9.9
By son with Parents Ap 91 115 105 80 36 427 proval 90.1 81.0 83.3 77.7 66.7 81.2
By Son Re gardless of Parents' 5 12 10 6 2 35 Approval 5.0 8.5 7.9 5.8 3.7 6.7
Total 101 142 126 103 54 526 19.2 27.0 24.0 19.6 10.3 100.0 PARENTAL ROLE IN SELECTING A DAUGHTER-IN-LAW BY SEX
Question: % a t role should parents play in the selection of their son's wife?
Male Female Total
Wife Should Be Selected 4 8 12 By Parents 1.5 3.2 2.3
By parents With Son's 29 23 52 Approval 10.6 9.1 9.9
By Son with Parents' 236 191 427 Approval 86.4 75.5 81.2
By Son Re gardless of Parents' Ap 4 31 35 proval 1.5 12.3 6.7
Total 273 253 526 51.9 48.1 100.0 T ABLE 127
PARENTAL ROLE IN SELECTING A SON-IN-LAW BY SEX
Question: What role: should parents play in the selection of their daughter’s husband?
Male Female Total
Husband should Be Selected 9 27 36 By Parents 3.3 10.7 6.9
By Parents with Daughter’s 153 76 229 Approval 56.0 30.2 43.6
By Daughter with Parents’ 110 145 255 Approval 40.3 57.5 48.6
By Daughter Regardless of Parents' Ap 1 proval 0.4 1.6 1.0
Total 273 252 525 52.0 48.0 100.0 T A B L E 128
PARENTS' ROLE IN THE SELECTION OF SONS-IN-LAW BY SES
Question; IVhat role should parents play in the selec tion of their daughters' husbands?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Husband Should Be Selected 8 11 17 0 36 By Parents 14.5 7.8 6.60 0.0 6.9
By Parents With Daugh ter's Ap 25 73 108 23 229 proval 45.5 51.8 42.0 31.9 43.6
By Daughter with Parents' 22 55 129 49 255 Approval 40.0 39.0 50.2 68.1 48.6
By Daughter Regardless of Parents' 0 2 3 0 5 Approval 0.0 1.4 1.2 0.0 1.0
Total 55 141 257 72 525 1015 26.9 49.0 13.7 100.0 343
TABLE 129
PARENTAL ROLE IN RESPONDENT'S MARRIAGE BY SEX
Question : What role did your parents play in your marriage?
Male Female Total
Spouse se lected by 31 133 164 parents 11.9 53.0 32.1
Parents se lected spouse with respon dent's ap 80 85 165 proval 30.8 33.9 32.3
Respondent selected spouse with parents' ap 85 27 112 proval 32.7 10.8 21.9
Parents had no role in respondent's 64 6 70 selection 24.6 2.4 13.7
Total 260 251 511 50.9 49.1 100.0 344
TA B L E 130
PARENTS' ROLE IN RESPONDENT'S MARRIAGE BY AGE
Question: What role did your parents play in your marriage?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60/Up Total
Spouse Selected 21 42 45 36 20 164 By Parents 22.1 31.1 36.0 35.3 37.0 32.1
Parents Se lected Spouse with Res pondent ' s 36 41 43 28 17 165 Approval 37.9 30.4 34.4 27.5 31.5 32.3
Respondent Selected Spouse With Parents' Ap 34 33 24 12 9 112 proval 35.8 24.4 19.2 11.8 16.7 21.9
Parents had No role in Respondents' 4 19 13 26 8 70 Selection 4.2 14.1 10.4 25.5 14.8 13.7
Total 95 135 125 102 54 511 18.6 26.4 24.5 20.0 10.6 100.0 345
T A BLE 131
ATTITUDE TOWARD POLYGYNY
Question: Do you accept polygyny?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 5 15 33 2 56 9.1 11.6 12.9 2.8 10.8
No 50 121 221 70 462 90.9 87.7 86.7 97.2 88.8
Do Not Know 0 1 1 0 2 0.0 0.7 0.4 0.0 0.4
Total 55 138 255 72 520 10.6 26.5 49.0 13.8 100.0 T A B L E 132
ATTITUDE TOWARD POLYGYNY BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Question; Do you accept polygyny?
Yes 22 25 2 5 2 56 11.4 16.2 4.3 5.2 6.7 10.8
No 169 129 44 92 28 462 87.6 83.8 95.7 94.8 93.3 88.8
Do Not Know 2 0 0 0 0 2 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.4
193 154 46 97 30 520 37.1 29.6 8.8 18.7 5.8 100.0 TABLE 133
ATTITUDE TOWARD POLYGYNY BY AGE
Question: Do you accept polygyny?
15-29 30.39 40.49 50,59 60/Up Total
Yes 5 5 14 15 16 56 5.0 4.3 11.2 14.6 30.2 10.8
No . 96 131 111 87 37 462 95.0 94.9 88.8 84.5 69.8 88.8
Do Not Know 0 1 0 1 0 2 0.0 0.7 0.0 1.0 0.0 0.4
Total 101 138 125 103 53 520 19.4 26.5 24.0 19.8 10.2 100.0 TABLE 134
ATTITUDE TOWARD POLYGYNY BY SEX
Question: Do you accept polygyny?
Male Female Total
Yes 38 18 56 14.0 7.3 10.8
No 233 229 462 85.7 92.3 88.8
Do Not Know 1 1 2 0.4 0.4 0.4
Total 272 248 520 52.3 47.7 100,0 TABLE 135
ACCEPTING DOWRY BY SEX
Question: Do you believe that dowry should be a large sum in line with a person's status, a symbolic sum, paid at time of divorce, abolished com pletely?
Male Female Total
A Large Sum in 18 63 81 Line with Status 9 6.6 25.5 15.6
A symbolic sum 242 178 420 88.6 72.1 80.8
Paid at time 8 2 10 of Divorce 2.9 0.8 1.9
Abolished 5 4 9 Completely 1.8 1.6 1.7
Total 273 247 520 52.5 47.5 100.0 350
TAB L E 136
ACCEPTANCE OF DOWRY BY SES
Question: Do you believe that a dowry should be a large sum, a symbolic sum, paid at time of divorce, or abolished completely?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
A Large Sum in Line with Person's 12 26 39 4 81 Status 22.2 18.7 15.2 5.6 15.6
A Symbolic 42 107 205 66 420 Sum 77.8 77.0 80.1 93.0 80.8
Paid at Time 0 5 5 0 10 of Divorce 0.0 3.6 2.0 0.0 1.9
Abolished 0 1 7 1 9 Completely 0.0 0.7 2.7 1.4 1.7
Total 54 139 256 71 520 10.4 26.7 49.2 13.7 100.0 T A B L E 137 NECESSITY FOR LOVE BEFORE MARRIAGE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: Are love and mutual understanding necessary before engagement and marriage? .1 . - .1 Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yes 105 81 34 57 13 290 53.0 52.6 72.3 58.8 44.8 55.2
No 76 61 11 39 15 202 38.4 39.6 23.4 40.2 51.7 38.5
Do Not Know 17 12 2 1 1 33 8.6 7.8 4.3 1.0 3.4 6.3
Total 525 //o 18^3 5 ^ 5 - 100.0 NECESSITY OF LOVE BEFORE MARRIAGE BY AGE
Question; Are love and mut ual understanding necessary before engagemen t and marriage?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60/Up Total
Yes 58 88 76 45 23 290 57.4 62.4 60.3 43.7 42.6 55.2
No 35 46 47 47 27 202 34.7 32.6 37.3 45.6 50.0 38.5
Do Not Know 8 7 3 11 4 33 7.9 5.0 10.7 7.4 6.3
Total 101 141 126 103 54 525 19.2 26.9 24.0 19.6 10.3 100.0 353
T A BLE 139
REASONABLE TIME FOR KNOWING A PERSON BEFORE MARRIAGE BY SEX
Question: What is a reasonable time for knowing a person before engagement and marriage?
No Need for 51 38 89 Knowing 24.4 15.2 19.4
Less than a 54 62 116 Month 25.8 24.8 25.3
1— 3 71 97 168 Months 34.0 38.8 3S.6
4-6 27 30 57 Months 12.9 12.0 12.4
7-9 3 3 6 Months 1.4 1.2 1.3
More than 3 20 23 9 Months 1.4 8.0 5.0
Total 209 250 459 45.5 54.5 100.0 T A B L E 140 REASONABLE TIME FOR KNOWING A PERSON BEFORE MARRIAGE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: What is the reasonable time for knowing a person before engagement and marriage? Some Üniv. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
No Need 37 34 7 8 3 89 for Knowing 21.4 26.8 15.6 8.7 13.6 19.4
Less than 51 38 9 16 2 116 a Month 29.5 29.9 20.0 17.4 9.1 25.3
1-3 Months 60 38 20 43 7 168 34.7 29.9 44.4 46.7 31.8 36.6
4-6 Months 11 14 6 20 6 57 6.4 11.0 13.3 21.7 27.3 12.4
7-9 Months 2 1 0 2 1 6 1.2 0.8 0.0 2.2 4.5 1.3
More ; than 12 2 3 3 3 23 9 Months 6.9 1.6 6.7 3.3 13.6 5.0
Total 173 127 45 92 22 459 37.7 27.7 9.8 20.0 4.8 100.0 355
TAB L E 141
NECESSITY OF ENGAGEMENT BY SEX
Question: Do you consider engagement necessary before marriage?
Male Female Total
Yes 188 203 391 68.9 80.9 74.6
No 75 39 114 27.5 15.5 21.8
Do Not Know 10 9 19 3.7 3.6 3.6
Total 273 251 524 52.1 47.9 100.0 356
TA B L E 142
NECESSITY OF ENGAGEMENT BY AGE
Question: Do you consider engagement necessary before marriage?
15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60/Up Total
Yes 90 107 98 64 32 391 89.1 75.9 77.8 62,7 59.3 74.6
No 10 29 24 32 19 114 9.9 20.6 19.0 31.4 35.2 21.8
Do Not Know 1 5 4 6 3 19 . 1.0 3.5 3.2 5.9 5.6 3.6
Total 101 141 126 102 54 524 19.3 26.9 24.0 19.5 10.3 100.0 T A B L E 143 NECESSITY OF ENGAGEMENT BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question: Do you consider engagement necessary before marriage? Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illitera te Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yes 133 109 41 82 26 391 67.2 71.7 87.2 84.5 86.7 74.6
No 56 35 4 15 4 114 28.3 23.0 8.5 15.5 13.3 21.8
Do not know 9 8 2 0 0 19 4.5 5.3 4.3 0.0 0.0 3.6
Total 198 152 47 97 30 524 37.8 29.0 9.0 18.5 5.7 100.0 358
TABLE 144 NECESSITY CF ENGAGEMENT BY SES
Question: Do you consider engagement necessary before marriage?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes . 37 98 193 63 391 67.3 69.5 75.1 88.7 74.6
No 16 37 53 8 114 29.1 26.2 20.6 11.3 21.8
Do Not Know 2 6 11 0 19 3.6 4.3 4.3 0.0 3.6
Total 55 141 257 ,71 524. 10.5 26.9 49.0 13.5 100.0 359
TAB L E 145
LENGTH OF ENGAGEMENT RESPONDENTS PREFERRED BY SEX
Question: How long should engagements last?
Less than 54 49 103 a Month 29.0 24.1 26.5
1—4 107 111 218 Months 57.5 54.7 56.0
5-8 19 20 39 Months 10.2 9.9 10.0
9-12 5 16 21 Months 2.7 7.9 5.4
More than 1 7 8 One Year 0.5 3.7 2.1
Total 186 203 389 47.8 52.2 100.0 360
TABLE 146
RELATIONSHIP TO SPOUSE BEFORE MARRIAGE BY SEX
Question: What was your relationship to your spouse before marriage?
Relative 127 124 251 48.8 49.0 48.9
Friend of the 67 22 89 Family 25.8 8.7 17.3
Neighbor 12 21 33 4.6 8.3 6.4
Personal 9 11 20 Friend 3.5 4.3 3.9
Unknown 45 75 120 To You 17.3 29.6 23.4
Total 260 253 513 50.7 49.3 100.0 T A B L E 147 CHARACTERISTICS INFLUENCING SPOUSE SELECTION BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question; What attracts a person most in choosing a future spouse? Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Personality 95 71 27 61 17 271 48.2 46.1 57.4 63.5 56.7 51.7
Wealth 6 1 0 0 0 7 3.0 0.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.3
Family Status 39 35 5 8 3 90 19.8 22.7 10.6 8.3 10.0 17.2
Appearance 3 3 1 3 1 11 1.5 1.9 2.1 3.1 3.3 2.1
Occupational & Educational Achieve ment 14 21 a 11 5 59 7.1 13.6 17.0 11.5 16.7 11.3
40 23 6 13 4 86 20.3 14.9 12.8 13.5 13.3 16.4
197 154 47 96 30 524 37.6 29.4 9.0 18.3 5.7 100.0 T ABLE 148
CHARACTERISTICS INFLUENCING SPOUSE SELECTION BY SEX
Question; What attracts a person most in choosing future spouse?
Male Female Total
Personality 116 155 271 42.8 61.3 51.7
Wealth 1 6 7 0.4 2.4 1.3
Family Status 52 38 90 19.2 15.0 17.2
Appearance 5 6 11 1.8 2.4 2.1
Occupational and Educational Achieve 36 23 59 ment 13.3 9.1 11.3
Other 61 25 86 22.5 9.9 16.4
Total 271 253 524 51.7 48.3 100.0 TABLE 149 ACCEPTING KUIVAITIS MARRIAGE TO OTHER ARABS BY SEX
Question: Do you accept the marriage of Kuwaitis to Arabs?
Male Female Total
Yes 181 135 316 66.3 53.8 60.3
No 90 109 199 33.0 43.4 38.0
Do Not Know 2 7 9 0.7 2.8 1.7
Total 273 251 524 52.1 47.9 100.0 ACCEPTING KUWAITI MARRIAGES TO NON-KUWAITI ARABS BY SES
Question: Do you accept marriage of Kuwaitis to non- Kuwaiti Arabs?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 7 9 11 1 28 13.5 6.7 4.3 1.4 5.5
No 43 123 240 70 476 82.7 91.1 94.9 97.2 93.0
Do Not Know 2 3 2 1 8 3.8 2.2 0.8 1.4 1.6
Total 52 135 253 72 512 10.2 26.4 49.4 14.1 100.0 T A B L E 151 ACCEPTANCE OF INTERFAITH MARRIAGE BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question! Do you accept marriage among people from different religious faiths? Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yes 8 11 0 11 4 34 4.2 7.1 0,0 11.5 13.3 6.6
No 183 142 45 85 26 481 95.3 92.2 95.7 88.5 86.7 92.7
Do Not Know 1 1 2 0 0 4 0.5 0.6 4.3 0.0 0.0 0.8
Total 192 154 47 96 30 519 37.0 29.7 9.1 18.5 5.8 100.0 T A B L E 152
PREFERENCE FOR WOMEN’S SCHOOLING BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question : Do you prefer that women go to school? Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yes 180 150 46 94 30 500 90.9 98.0 97.9 98.9 100.0 95.6
No 16 3 1 1 0 21 8.1 2.0 2.1 1.1 0.0 4.0
Do Not Know 2 0 0 0 0 2 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0,0 0.4
Total 198 153 47 95 30 523 37,9 29.3 9.0 18.2 5.7 100.0 TABLE 153
PREFERRED EDUCATIONAL LEVEL FOR WOMEN BY SES
Question : If you prefer that women go to school, to what level?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Elementary 3 5 15 5 28 6.1 3.9 6.2 7.2 5.7
High 21 38 51 3 113 School 42.9 29.9 21.1 4.3 23.2
Univer 13 48 87 30 178 sity 26.5 37.8 36.0 43.5 36.6
Higher 12 34 89 31 166 Education 24.5 26.8 36.8 44.9 34.1
Other 0 2 0 0 2 0.0 1.6 0.0 0.0 0.4
Total 49 127 242 69 487 10.1 26.1 49.7 14.2 100.0 TABLE 154
PREFERRED EDUCATIONAL LEVEL FOR WOMEN BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question; If you prefer that women go to school, to what level? Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illi terate Road Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Elementary 11 10 1 6 0 28 6.4 6.8 2.2 6.6 0.0 5.7
High School 52 29 12 18 2 113 30.1 19.7 26.1 19.8 6.7 23.2
University 68 50 15 36 9 178 39.3 34.0 32.6 39.6 30.0 36.6
Higher 40 58 18 31 19 166 Education 23.1 39.5 39.1 34.1 63.3 34.1
Other 2 0 0 0 0 2 1.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.4
Total 173 147 46 91 30 487 35.5 30.2 9.4 18.7 6.2 100.0 TABLE 155 PREFERRED EDUCATIONAL LEVEL FOR WOMEN BY SEX
Question: If you prefer that women go to school, to what level?
Male Female Total
Elementary 11 17 28 4.2 7.5 5.7
High School 77 36 113 29,5 15.9 23.2
University 92 86 178 35.2 38.1 36.6
Higher 80 86 166 Education 30.7 38.1 34.1
Other 1 1 2 0.4 0.4 0.4
Total 261 226 487 53.6 46.4 100.0 370
T ABLE 156
PREFERENCE FOR WORK FOR WOMEN BY AGE
Question : Do you prefer that women work? 60& 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 Over Total
Yes 78 98 89 65 31 361 78.8 70 .0 71.2 63.1 57.4 69.3
No 18 39 36 38 23 154 18.2 27 .9 28.8 36.9 42.6 29.6
Do Not 3 3 0 0 0 6 Know 3.0 2.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.2
Total 99 140 125 103 54 521 19.0 26 .9 24.0 19.8 10.4 100.0 371
TABLE 157
PREFERS MCE FOR WORK FOR WOMEN BY SES
Question: Do you prefer that women work?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 42 87 175 57 361 76.4 61.7 68.4 82.6 69.3
No 13 53 76 12 154 23.6 37.6 29.7 17.4 29.6
Do Not 0 1 5 0 6 Know 0.0 0.7 2.0 0.0 1.2
Total 55 141 256 69 521 10.6 27.1 49.1 13.2 100.0 T A B L E 158
PREFERENCE FOR WORK FOR WOMEN BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Question; Do you prefer that women work?
Some Univ. Literate & Primary Intermediate/ Illiterate Read Only Secondary Total
Yes 134 96 34 76 21 361 67.7 63.2 73.9 80.0 70.0 69.3
No 62 55 10 19 8 154 31.3 36.2 21.7 20.0 26.7 29.6
Do Not Know 2 1 2 0 1 6 1.0 0.7 4.3 0.0 3.3 1.2
Total 198 152 46 95 30 521 38.0 29.2 0.8 18.2 S.8 100.0 373
T A BLE 159
PREFERENCE FOR PLACE OF WORK FOR WOMEN BY SES
Question: Do you prefer that women work in the govern ment or in the private sector?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Govern 39 80 157 37 313 ment 95.1 96.4 92.9 68.5 90.2
Private 2 1 3 5 11 4.9 1.2 1.8 9.3 3.2
Both 0 2 9 12 23 0.0 2.4 5.3 22.2 6.6
Total 41 83 169 54 347 11.8 23.9 48.7 15.6 100.0 374
TABLE 160
THE ROLE OF WOMEN BY AGE
Question: IVhat is most importatn in the life of women: Home or career?
60 & 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 Over Total
Home 96 124 112 95 52 479 95.0 87.9 88.9 93.1 96.3 91.4
Career 5 11 14 7 1 38 5.0 7.8 11.1 6.9 1.9 7.3
Both 0 6 0 0 1 7 0.0 4.3 0.0 0.0 1.9 1.3
Total 101 141 126 102 54 524 19.3 26.9 24.0 19.5 10.3 100.0 375
TABLE 161
THE ROLE OF WOMEN BY SES
Question: ,What is most important in the life of a woman?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Home 49 136 232 62 479 89.1 96.5 89.9 88.6 91.4
Career 6 5 23 4 38 10.9 3.5 8.9 5.7 7.3
Both 0 0 3 4 7 0.0 0.0 1.2 5.7 1.3
Total 55 141 258 70 524 10.5 26.9 49.2 13.4 100.0 T A B L E 162
T HE R O L E OF WOMEN BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Quention: What is the most important role in the life of a woman1, home or career? Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad . Total
Home 171 147 45 90 26 479 86.4 96.1 95.7 93.8 86.7 91.4
Career 25 6 0 5 2 38 12.6 3.9 0.0 5.2 6.7 7.3
Both 2 0 2 1 2 7 1.0 0.0 4.3 1.0 6.7 1.3
Total 198 153 47 96 30 524 37.8 29,2 9.0 18.3 5.7 100.0 377
T A B L E 163
RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF HOME AND CAREER BY SEX
Question: What is more important in the life of a woman: her home or her career?
Home 265 214 479 97.4 84.9 91.4
Career 5 33 38 1.8 13.1 7.3
Both 2 5 7 0.7 2.0 1.3
Total 272 252 524 51.9 48.1 100.0 SUPPORT OF WOMEN'S RIGHT TO VOTE AND BE NOMINATED BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Qunc t.lon : Do you support women's right to vote in general elections and to be nominated for political positions? Some Univ. Literate & Intermediate/ Training/ Illiterate Road Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yos 53 55 27 50 15 200 27.0 35.7 58.7 52.1 50.0 38.3
No 128 95 10 42 13 296 65.3 61.7 39.1 43.8 43.3 56.7
Do Not Know 15 4 1 4 2 26 7.7 2.6 2.2 4.2 6.7 5.0
Total 196 154 46 96 30 522 37.5 29.5 8.8 18.4 5.7 100.0 TAB L E 165
SUPPORTING WOMEN'S RIGHT TO VOTE AND BE NOMINATED BY AGE
Question : Do you support women's' right to vote in general elections and to be .nominated1 for political position? 60 & 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 Over Total
Yes 51 60 43 31 10 200 50.5 43.2 38.1 30.4 18.5 38.3
No 44 66 74 69 43 296 43.6 47.5 58.7 67.6 79.6 55.7
Do Not 6 13 4 2 1 26 Know 5.9 9.4 3.2 2.0 1.9 5.0
Total 101 139 126 102 54 522 19.3 26.6 24.1 19.5 10.3 100.0 380
SUPPORTING WOMEN'S RIGHT TO VOTE AND 3E NOMINATED BY SEX
Question: Do you support women's right to vote in gen eral elections and to be nominated for poli tical office?
Male Female Total
Yes 93 107 200 34,1 43.0 38.3
No 174 122 296 63.7 49.0 56.7
Do Not Know 6 20 26 2.2 8.0 5.0
Total 273 249 522 52.3 47.7 100.0 381
TABLE 167
SEPARATION OF SEXES AT MEALS BY SES
Question : Do mal es and females in your family eat their together?
Lower- Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 34 89 180 64 367 61.8 63.1 69.8 88.9 69.8
No 21 52 78 8 159 38.2 36.9 30.2 11.1 30.2
Total 55 141 258 72 526 10.5 26.8 49.0 13.7 100.0 T A B L E 168
SEPARATION OF SEXES AT MEALS BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Quo s ti. on: Do males and females in your family eat their meals together? Some Univ. Literate & Intermediat Training/ Illiterate Read Only Primary Secondary Univ. Grad. Total
Yes 116 113 31 78 29 367 68.6 73.4 66.0 • 80.4 96.7 69.8
No 82 41 16 19 1 159 41.4 26.6 34.0 19.6 3.3 30.2
Total 198 154 47 97 30 526 37.6 29.3 8.9 18.4 5.7 100.0 PREFERENCE FOR SEPARATION OF THE SEXES 3Y AGE
Question: Do you prefer that women and men be separated when friends and relatives gather? 60 & 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 Over Total
Yes 57 81 77 76 38 329 56.4 57.0 61.1 74.5 70.4 62.7
No 44 58 48 23 15 188 43.6 40.8 38.1 22.5 27.8 35.8
Do Not 0 3 1 3 1 8 Know 0.0 2.1 0.8 2.9 1.9 1.5
Total 101 142 126 102 54 525 19.2 27.0 24.0 19.4 10.3 100.0 384
PREFERENCE FOR SEPARATION OF SEXES AT SOCIAL GATHERINGS BY SEX
Question: Do you prefer that women and men should be separated when friends and relatives gather?
Male Female Total
Yes 197 132 329 72.2 52.4 62.7
No 69 119 188 25.3 47.2 35.8
Do Not Know 7 1 8 2.6 0.4 1.5
Total 273 252 525 52.0 48.0 100.0 TABLE 171
NECESSITY FOR WOMEN HAVING HUSBANDS* PERMISSION TO GO OUT BY SES
Question: Should a woman have her husband's permission when she goes shopping or visiting friends?
Upper- Lower Middle Middle Upper Total
Yes 53 135 243 55 486 96.4 95.7 94.2 76.4 92.4
No 2 4 11 15 32 3.6 2.8 4.3 20.8 6.1
Do Not 0 2 4 2 8 Know 0.0 1.4 1.6 2.8 1.5
Total 55 141 258 72 526 10.5 26.8 49.0 13.7 100.0 386
NECESSITY FOR WOMEN HAVING HUSBANDS» PERMISSION TO GO OUT BY SEX
Question: Should a woman have her husband's permission when she goes shopping or visiting friends?
Yes 262 224 486 96.0 88.5 92.4
No 7 25 32 2.6 9.9 6.1
Do Not Know 4 4 8 1.5 1.6 1.5
Total 273 253 526 51.9 48.1 100.0 387
APPENDIX B
A COMMENT ON FIELD WORK
Conducting this type of social research is a relatively new experience in Kuwait. There is no social research institute and most studies carried out by the
Planning Board generally are of a demographic nature.
The latter institution has helped us in selecting the areas for the study, the selection of a random sample, and finding qualified interviewers.
Selecting the Interviewers
At the primary stage of the research (pre-testing) it was decided to select a group of male and female sociology students at Kuwait University to interview persons of the same gender in the sample. Twenty stu dents were selected, familiarized with the nature of the study, and trained in interview techniques. Shortly it was realized that students, especially males, were not willing to give enough hours of their free time volun
tarily for field work.
When the actual data collection began, male stu
dents were replaced by five qualified men who had worked 388 with the Planning Board, Central Statistical Office, for many years. Male heads of households usually are avail
able either in the late afternoon or at night, hence, most of the interviews with them were held at these times.
I accompanied the team on occassion and met with them
every other day to receive progress reports and to be
briefed about any difficulties encountered and reac
tions they had received.
Female heads of households are primarily house
wives and therefore it was convenient to see them in
the morning hours. Female students carried on the task
of interviewing this group. I accompanied the girls on
all of their field trips. Kuwait University provided
transportation for this purpose. The interviews with
the female heads of households were conducted between
9 A.M. and 2 P.M. Some .girls volunteered to work late
afternoons to interview those women who were working in
the afternoon. After each girl finished an interview,
I examined the questionnaire and asked her about her
impressions of the subject and the interview. At the
end of each interview, male and female interviewers were
requested to write their personal impressions and the
subjects' comments, if he gave any. 389
The Time Schedule
The questionnaire first was drafted in the Spring of 1973. It was translated into Arabic and pre-tested in October, 1973. The month of October, 1973 also was spent selecting the study areas, the sample, and train ing the interviewers. The data collection was done be tween November 10, 1973 and January 20, 1974. Prelimin ary coding procedures were carried out while the work was undertaken in the field and it was completed in
February, 1974. The actual coding, checking for errors, punching, and data processing were done between March and May, 1974.
The Difficulties Sxperienced
Since the sample was random, interviewers were supplied with conplete information about the inter viewees’ name, house number, area of residence, etc.
The first problem was that in many places the house numbers are written on a piece of paper or painted on the wall by Central Statistical Sureau personnel. Due to weather conditions or, in some areas, new paintings, the numbers were not posted at some of the houses.
Therefore, it took interviewers some time to locate 390 each household.
After locating the house, there was the problem of finding the head of the household. There was no publicity on TV about the study, nor were the people contacted by telephone before the interview because it was thought that interviewees might be put off by any technique other than personal contact. This method worked very well since the number of rejections was less than ten. In some cases, the interviewer had to make an appointment for a future date after the initial con tact.
The interview took and average of 30 minutes. It usually took longer among the older generation and the illiterates. Interviewers, as expected, had much easier access to the lower income families than to the upper income families, but one of the problems’ encountered in the case of the former is lack of privacy due to small space and large families. Sometimes during the initial questioning interviewers requested that the others leave
the room in order to be alone with the subject.
In general, respondents were not hesitant in an swering most questions. Some of the questions, espe cially those dealing with family conflict were the ex ception. Respondents, women in particular, were a little reluctant to talk about this subject. Women also appeared to know little about the family annual income. Respondents, although many had busy schedules, were very friendly and courteous to interviewers. They gave generously of their time and they were very open in their responses. APPENDIX C
QUESTIONNAIRE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE
Kuwait University Department of Sociology
Age Educational Attainment
1 15-19 1 Illiterate
2 20-24 2 Read only
3 25-29 3 Read and Write
4 30-34 4 Primary Certificate
5 35-39 5 Intermediate Certificate
6 40-44 6 Secondary Certificate
7 44-49 7 Some University Training
8 50-56 8 University Graduate
9 55-59 9 Post-Graduate
10 60 and above
Sex Marital Status
1 Kale 1 Married
2 Female 2 Divorced
3 Widowed
4 Single Household Description Type of Household
1 No. of rooms
2 No. of cars Limited income housing 3 No. of T.V. Eastern style housing
Apartment
Other (specify)
Observations of Interviewer Household Cvmership About furniture
1 Rent 1 Excellent
2 Owned 2 Good
3 Owned by Government 3 Acceptable
4 Rent by Government 4 Not acceptable
5 Provided by private work Family yearly income Occupational and 6 Without rent Non-occupational
1 Less than 1000 K.D. Servants 2 1000-1500
1 Cook 3 1600-2000
2 Servant 4 2100-4000
3 Driver 5 4100-6000
4 Child care 6 6100-8000
5 Other (specify) 7 8100-10,000
8 Mere than 10,000 K.D. 395
No. of Questionnaire:
No. of family:
Name of head of household:
Name of Respondent:
Relationship to head of household:
Respondents’s residential address:
Respondent’s occupation:
Respondent’s occupational rank:
No. of persons under his supervision:
Name of Interviewer :
Signiture of Interviewer:
I Household Composition:
1) V/hat is the number of families in this house?
2) What is the number of persons (members of the family only) who live in this household? Please give the following information about them; Relationship to No. Age Sex Head of Household Marital Status
3) A. Are there persons who are supposed to live here, but temporarily live somewhere else? 396
B. If yes, please give the following information about then : Marital Relation to Place of Age Sex Status head of household present res.
Reasons for living away
4) A. Did the family >ou were born in consist of your parents, brothers, and sisters or did it consist of many families?
1 Parents, brothers, and sisters 2 Many families
B. If of many families, how many?
5) How many individuals were living in that house hold at the time?
6) IVhen was that? II Attitude toward family composition;
7) A. Do you prefer to live with a small family (father, mother and children) or with many families (father, mother, brothers, their wives, children, etc.)?
1 Small family 2 Many families
B. Why7
8 8) What is, in your opinion, the preferred size or number for a family?
9) A. Do you prefer that a son live with his parents after marriage or should he live in a separate household?
1 With parents 2 Independent household
B. Why?
10) A. Do you prefer that married brothers live in one household after their parents' death or should each live in a separate household?
1 One household 2 Separate households
B. Why?
11) A. Do you prefer that widov/ers live with their married sons or should they live in a separate household?
1 With sons 2 Separate households
B. Why? 12) A. Are there any of your relatives who live next door to you?
1 Yes 2 No
B. If y e s , who are they?
13) Do you share with your nearby relatives any of the following?
1 Meals 2 Property 3 Leisure time 4 Travel abroad 5 Other (specify)
III Family-Kin Relationships:
14) How often do you see your relatives?
1 Daily 2 Weekly 3 Monthly 4 Yearly 5 Other (specify)
15) How often do you call them by telephone?
1 Daily 2 Weekly 3 Monthly 4 Yearly 5 Other (specify)
16) Who are these relatives?
17) V/hat is stronger, your relationship with your relatives or with your (husband/sife) relatives?
1 Wife's relatives 2 Husband's relatives 399 18) Do you mostly spend your leisure time with rela tives or with friends?
1 Relatives 2 Friends
19) Do you prefer kinship ties to be strong or casual?
1 Strong 2 Casual
A Family-kin assistance in times of need:
20) A. Did you help any relative in finding a job?
1. Yes 2 No
B. Why?
21) A. Would you go to a relative in case of finan cial needs?
1 Yes 2 No
B, Who and why?
22) A. Do you help relatives in case of illness?
1 Yes 2 No
B, If yes, who?
23) A. Do you help relatives in taking care of their children when needed?
1 Yes 2 No
B. If yes, who? 24) A. Do you consult relatives inyyour personal and business problems?
1 Yes 2 No
B. If yes, who?
25) A, Do you exchange gifts with relatives?
1 Yes 2 No
B. If yes, who?
26) Whom do you expect to help you when you get old?
B Family-Kin as business partners ;
27) A. Do you have a private business?
1 Yes 2 No
B. If yes, are there any of your relatives who share it with you?
1 Yes 2 No
B. If yes, who?
28) A. Do you share any property with relatives?
1 Yes 2 No
B. If yes, who?
29) A. If you have a choice, would you like your business partner to be a relative or stranger?
1 Relative B. V/hy? 2 Stranger 401
30) A. If you are a government employee, are there any of your relatives who work at the same ministry or government agency?
1 Yes 2 No
3. If yes, who?
C. Is he a member of this household?
1 Yes 2 No
C Family-kin as leisure partners:
31) Whom do you spend your leisure time with, espe cially on weekends and holidays?
1 Family 2 Relatives 3 Neighbors 4 Friends 5 Others (specify)
32) A. Do you spend your leisure time at home or outside the home?
1 At home 2 Outside home
B. I'Jhy?
33) A. Have you traveled outside Kuwait?
1 Yes 2 No
B, If yes, where?
1 Arab countries 3 U.S.A. & Canada 2 Europe 4 Other (specify) c. How many times?
D. With whom?
E. Why?
34) What do you like to do most during leisure time? Choose three of the following according to their importance ;
1 Watching T.V. 2 Going to the movies 3 Reading 4 Working inside the house 5 Listening to music 6 Visiting friends and relatives 7 Going to the sea 8 Going to the theatre 9 Going to sports events and social clubs 10 Other (specify)
35) How many hours do you spend for leisure activities daily? j 1 Les than an hour 2 1-3 hours 3 4-5 hours 4 More than 6 hours
36) À. Would you'like to increase this time?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
B. If yes, what prevents you from attaining that? 403
37) A. Do you have non-Kuwait friends?
1 Yes 2 No
B, If yes, do you spend any of your leisure time with them?
1 Yes 2 No
C. If yes, what is the percentage of that time?
D Marriage among relatives ;
38) A. Is your (husband/wife) a relative?
1 Yes 2 No
B. If )
A. Do
1 Yes 2 No
B. If
A. Do
1 Yes 2 No
B. If
41) A. Ar<
1 Yes 2 No
B. If yes, how are they related? PLEASE NOTE: HOi This page not included in material received from the Graduate School. Filmed as received. UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS 405
42) Is marriage among relatives popular among your kin?
1 Yes 2 No
E Conflict among relatives:
43) A, Have you had any conflict with relatives?
1 Yes 2 No
IF YES, ASK B, C, AND D
B. IVhy?
C. Did you solve this conflict by:
1 Going to court 2 Friend's mediation 3 Other (specify)
D. Why did you choose this solution?
44) How often do you have a conflict with relatives?
1 Never 2 Seldom 3 Sometimes 4 Always
45) Are women more likely than men to generate conflict?
1 Yes 2 No 46) How long does the longest conflict last before solving?
1 Less than a month 2 1-4 months 3 5-3 months 4 9 months-1 year 5 More than one year
IV Courtship and Marriage:
47) In your opinion, what is the best age for mar riage?
1 Male 2 Female
48) What role should parents play in the selection of their son’s wife?
1 Wife should be selected by parents 2 Wife should be selected by parents with son’s approval 3 Son should select his future wife regardless of parent’s approval
49) What role should parents play in the selection of their daughter's husband?
1 Husband should be selected by parents 2 Husband should be selected by parents with daughter * s approval 3 Daughter should select her future husband with parent's approval 4 Daughter should select her future husband re gardless of parent's approval. 407
50) What role did your parents play in your marriage?
1 (Husband/wife) selected by parents 2 Parents selected your (husband/wife) with your approval
3 You selected your (husband/wife) with parent’s approval 4 Parents had no role in your marriage.
51) Before marriage, was your (husband/wife):
1 A relative 2 A friend of the family 3 A nieghbor 4 A personal friend 5 Unknown to you
52) A. Are love and mutual understanding necessary before engagement and marriage? 1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
B. If yes or no, why?
C, What is the reasonable time for knowing a person before engagement and marriage?
1 No need for knowing a person before engagement and marriage 2 Less than a month 3 1 month-3 months 4 4-6 months 5 7-9 months 6 More than 9 months 408
53) A. Do you consider engagement necessary before marriage?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
B. If yes or no, why?
C. If yes, how long should it take?
1 Less than a month 2 1-4 months 3 5-8 months 4 9 months- 1 year 5 More than a year
54) What attracts a person most in choosing a future (husband/wife)? Choose two of the following ac cording to their importance.
1 Personality 2 Wealth 3 Family status 4 Appearance 5 Occupational and educational achievement 6 Other (specify)
55) Do you accept marriage among people from different religious faiths?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
56) Do you accept marriage of Kuwaitis from;
1 Arab 1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know 2 Non-Arab 1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know 409
57) A, Do you accept polygyny?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
B. If yes or no, why?
C, If yes, how many wives do you have?
And, how many times did you get married?
58) Do you believe that dowry should be:
1 A large sum in line with person’s status 2 A symbolic sum only 3 Paid in time of divorce only 4 Abolished completely
V Women's Status
59) Should a woman have her husband’s permission when she goes shopping or visiting friends?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
60) Do you prefer that women and men be separated when friends and relatives gather?
1 Yes 2 No 3 ^o not know 410
61) Do males and females in your family eat their meals together?
1 Yes 2 No
62) Do you prefer that v;omen sometimes go with their husbands to public places (movies, theater, res taurant, etc.)?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
63) What is more important in the life of a woman?
1 Home 2 Career
64) A. Do you support women's rights to vote in general" elections and to be nominated for po litical positions?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
B. If yes or no, why?
65) Does a man have a right in expressing his views on his wife's girl friends?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
66) A, Do you prefer that women to to school?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know B. If yes, to what level?
1 Elementary 2 Highsschool 3 University 4 Higher education 5 Other (specify)
67) A. Do you prefer that women work?
1 Yes 2 No 3 Do not know
B. If yes, do you prefer that they work with the government or at a private company or agency?
1 Government agency 2 Private company
C. Why? 412
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