Studies 2/1999

Dutch Science Shops: Matching Community Needs with University R&D

Nicole Farkas

“You have to keep in mind,” says Jan sity scientists (mostly students but also Weerdenburg, editor of two Dutch-lan- recent graduates) to answer these ques- guage volumes on science shops in Hol- tions through research. Other European land, “the University of Amsterdam’s first countries including , , science shop was located in a box. We and Northern Ireland have established had a box with files of client questions. science shops, inspired by what has been When we wanted to work we would go cast as “the Dutch model of science pick up the box and take it to an empty shops.” room” (1999, personal interview). Science shops attempt to redirect uni- So began the first Dutch science shop, versity R&D towards (economic and po- as volunteer initiatives by students from litical) non-elites. In this way, they seek the Dutch student movements of the late to directly satisfy the concerns of smaller 1960s and early 1970s. These students groups, especially less financially pow- and university employees sought at once erful ones. This paper proposes that sci- to change the character of university re- ence shops produce university R&D in search and to support activist groups such a way that distributes expertise working on issues pertaining to environ- more equitably. They also work at devel- ment, feminism, nuclear resistance, mi- oping a more invigorated citizenry and norities and the workplace. should be studied as one model of co- Today Dutch science shops (“weten- operation between experts and lay- schapswinkels”) are university depart- persons. Science shops mitigate the dis- ments that solicit questions from inter- proportionate power of business inter- est groups (such as environmental orga- ests within the current university R&D nizations, neighborhood associations, environment by doing what Sclove and and nursing homes) and match univer- Scammel (1998:2) have called “commu-

Science Studies, Vol. 12(1999) No. 2, 33–47 Science Studies 2/1999

nity-based research”: “research that is Need for Science Shops initiated by communities and that is conducted for – and often directly with Ordinary citizens are underrepresented or by – communities”. in today’s R&D environment. Within the In the first part of this paper I will so-called Triple Helix of government, briefly describe the need for democratic university, and industry relations, there steering of university R&D and the are limited mechanisms by which non- Dutch context within which activists ar- elites can marshal scientific and techni- ticulated and addressed this need. In the cal expertise. Supposedly, citizens are second part, I describe the clients of sci- represented within this matrix – for ex- ence shops, the avenues by which they ample through government via their come to ask for help, and the use they elected officials or via industry with their make of scientific research. In the third buying power. In practice, however, they section, I describe what makes science have very little direct influence on the shops tick: how they formulate a scien- direction of R&D. As Sclove and tific research question from a client Scammel (1998:3) put it, “right now, question, what talents and skills science around the world, most research is con- shop workers use to do this, and what ducted on behalf of private enterprise, preconditions have enabled the estab- the military, and national governments, lishment of science shops in the Neth- or in pursuit of the scientific com- erlands. Throughout, I highlight some of munity’s intellectual interests. Conse- the historical decisions/debates sur- quently research agendas often favor rounding science shop practice. By do- elite groups, and – wittingly or not – help ing so, I hope that we may not only bet- them maintain their privileged posi- ter understand these endeavors, but also tions. view their successes as lessons for the Policy analysts have been concerned more equitable distribution of university about the exclusion of lay publics in sci- R&D in other countries and in other entific and technical decision-making ways. (e.g. Cozzens and Woodhouse, 1990) and The data in this paper comes from in particular, with the privileged position fieldwork I conducted in the Nether- of business (Hamlett, 1992; Collingridge lands at science shops. I interviewed and Reeve, 1986). Substantial social opinion-leaders from the first Dutch sci- costs are incurred when citizens are ex- ence shops. I also conducted extended cluded from decision-making about sci- case studies at four different universities ence and technology (Lindblom and where I met with university administra- Woodhouse, 1993; Barber, 1984; tors, as well as science shop employees, Nowotny and Rose, 1979). For example, clients, and student researchers. I per- research on alternative biomedical tech- formed archival research at the science nologies indicates that women patients shops and attended meetings with cli- want scientific and technical experts as ents and science shop employees at vari- collaborators, mentors, and guides, ous stages of science shop research. In- whereas what they often receive is pa- terviews and quotations have been ternalistic expert advice that devalues translated from Dutch. their role in the health-care process

34 Nicole Farkas

(Hess and Woodell, 1998). Alternative rector of the University of Amsterdam models of decision making that involve Chemistry Science shop, “groups of ac- laypersons include: technology assess- tive students started to do some advisory ment (Vig, 1992; Schot, 1992), consen- work for environmental and local sus conferences (Simon and Durant, groups. They tried to generate questions 1995), participatory design (Schuler and in society about the hazards of chemi- Namioka, 1993; Greenbaum, 1991; Ehn, cal substances in the environment and 1989), and science shops. Woodhouse at work, and tried to answer these types and Nieusma (1997) theorize different of questions” (1998, personal interview). roles for experts by making recommen- Before long, similar initiatives that be- dations for when their input is useful; gan at other Dutch universities were Hess and Woodell (1998) emphasize a awarded formal support by their univer- more egalitarian relationship between sities – namely, overhead and a small experts and laypersons; and Epstein budget. Bas de Boer, coordinator of the (1999) calls into question such a rigid University of Amsterdam science shop distinction between so-called “experts” for 15 years, explains this move as the and “laypersons”. second stage of the University of Amsterdam science shop, where they History of Dutch Science Shops became “a normal part of the univer- sity”(1998, personal interview). The Dutch student movement in the late Early on, the science shops made an 1960s had an idea for mitigating these effort to be clear about exactly for whom problems within the university. Students they would work. Through internal dis- had accused universities of being ivory cussion and through contact with a na- towers unconcerned with the broad dis- tional coalition of science shops, they tribution of their primary product, developed criteria for accepting research knowledge (Nelkin and Rip, 1979). One questions. Three criteria (or variations of way to enhance the public benefit from them) were used at every science shop university resources would be to work in Holland. The group asking the ques- directly for the community. They would tion must: solicit questions from citizens and pro- • have no commercial aims (and duce scientific research at their requests therefore allow all research to be (Weerdenburg and Pennings, 1987). The public) idea was that they would “intermediate” • be able to make a concrete policy between scientists and the public. change based on the research Independent efforts at this sprung up • have limited financial means avail- at several universities. In the late 1970s, able to them to do the research notably in the chemistry departments at (Leydesdorff and van den Besselaar, the University of Utrecht and the Univer- 1987) sity of Amsterdam, students sought out small organizations and citizens for These criteria, (or variations), were whom they could help directly with implemented by the groups of volun- knowledge of chemical subjects. Accord- teers who ran the science shops in the ing to Peter van Broekhuizen present di- first several years. Often these groups

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made decisions by consensus. Although technical knowledge by enhancing its this lengthened the duration of interme- distribution, a second aim was to serve diation, it was an attempt to apply ideo- as what de Boer calls an “early warning logical convictions to internal organiza- function”. Since their origin, a large but tional structure. important goal was to alert university In the late 1990s, these criteria remain researchers to socially important topics the same – though with some qualifica- (see also Hoogmeinstra and van der Luit, tions. The most significant change has 1982). They hoped this would make uni- come under the third criterion, ability to versity research less elitist and more rel- pay for research on their own. Both the evant to the needs of regular citizens. science shops and their clients pro- Science shop employees are proud of the fessionalized. Environmental advocacy instances where the science shop has groups, labor unions and volunteer or- drawn the attention of university re- ganizations, who were the main source searchers to very pressing social con- for science shop questions in the 70s, cerns. José Dobbelsteen tells how the gained credibility and their own exper- University of Nijmegen science shop tise. Now many of them employ their conducted a study on how people make own experts or can afford to commission connections between their illnesses and professional researchers or research bu- the environment: “Now, seven years reaus. To this day, science shops con- later, it is a very normal topic, you hear tinue to work with these semi-profes- about these problems everywhere. But sional and professional groups, as well at that time we were the only ones pay- as smaller “single-issue” groups. This ing attention to this” (1999, personal in- may have been because the science shop terview). While science shops are still found this question to be relevant, that marginal university actors, the claim it was relatively easy to find an interested that they contribute to university re- student, or because the client preferred search topics is a substantiated one. to use university resources rather than a professional research bureau. Medium- Organizational Structure to-small businesses also direct their questions to the science shops. This hap- Dutch science shops differ from each pens usually when the company is in the other in their organizational placement start-up phases or would like to launch at the university, the expertise and edu- a new product. The science shop deter- cation of their employees, and the extent mines whether or not to give assistance of their integration in the academic cur- on the basis of several (and sometimes riculum. In Holland there are two differ- less formalized) criteria, such as whether ent types of science shop organizational the product will have an environmental structures. Centralized shops have a benefit or if it will help a market that is single office that employs part time currently under-served (minorities, for workers from different disciplines. The example). science shop accepts questions and as- Though their purpose has always signs them to students in a range of dis- been very clearly oriented towards the ciplines. Decentralized structures have better democratization of scientific and more than one science shop, each lo-

36 Nicole Farkas

cated within a university department. ence shops and how they use its services Questions are usually limited to that one is also discussed. discipline, and students majoring in that discipline research the question, how- Science Shop Clients ever collaboration between decentral- ized science shops at the same univer- The Dutch science shops were opened sity does occur. to increase the distribution of science The science shop will generally em- primarily to the emerging left wing so- ploy one or two primary staff members cial movements of the late 1960s and who are proficient (have reached a mini- early 1970s. In fact, many of the first sci- mum of a master’s degree) in that field, ence shop volunteers were themselves with the exception of two universities active in these organizations. This has whose decentralized science shops are included: run completely by volunteers. Payment • environmental organizations for science shop services is done on a • labor unions cost-sharing basis that varies from cli- • elderly care organizations ent to client. Students may approach the • childcare organizations science shop because of general inter- • handicapped advocacy groups est in a topic or to support a group out- • patient associations, disease sup- side the university, but today they most port groups often earn course credit as part of their • neighborhood organizations final thesis. It is common for the science • individuals shop to provide the research for free and for the client to pay for material costs, These groups are represented differently including the final report. If a group can- within different science shops. Different not afford to pay then funding may be representations are the result of regional sought in the science shop’s own bud- (economic, cultural) differences, per- get, from another university department sonal interests of science shop employ- or even from outside the university. ees, and internal policies. University Some science shops offer university pressure also plays a significant role. The courses to leverage themselves within University of Twente, for example, pro- the university and to promote name rec- files itself as the “Enterprising Univer- ognition. sity.” To keep current with the university mission, the science shop has (not un- Community Access to Science willingly) begun to recruit questions from small and medium-sized busi- In this section of the paper I elaborate nesses to demonstrate that the science on some of the defining characteristics shop also can play a role in stimulating of the clients of Dutch science shops. I economic development. describe in more detail what kinds of cli- Over the years, science shops have ent groups approach the science shops changed the groups for whom they me- and for which kind of groups the science diate questions. This is more a conse- shop chooses to work. The trajectories quence of the changing status of the cli- by which these groups arrive at the sci- ent groups, than of a change in science

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shop policy. Science shops now accept is a practical problem and [the client] more questions from local governments, could use the results, which is also a cri- small and mid-sized companies, profes- terion for us to accept a question” (1999, sional environmental groups, political personal interview). parties, and smaller activist factions within labor unions. Still, science shops Client Access to the Science Shops are reflexive about their own policies to- wards accepting and refusing questions In the last decade, Dutch universities based on the type of client. This has been have been cutting costs. Whereas univer- a contentious issue among science shop sity life once was very secure and pre- workers and volunteers – sometimes dictable, it no longer affords those luxu- more contentious than others. Accord- ries. Individual departments have been ing to Angela Aalst, bookkeeper and sec- scaled back (and in many cases elimi- retary, at the Nijmegen science shop for nated); students are expected to gradu- fifteen years: “If a question came in from ate within four years or face having to a group that had a different conception repay the government for their school- from the science shop, then there was ing. In such a university climate, the sci- always a criteria that could be found for ence shops (not unlike many university why the question would not be ac- programs) must continually justify their cepted.” Today, the science shop is more existence. They do this by publishing likely to accept a client’s question based yearly reports and by attracting public- on the nature of the research, rather than ity for their completed scientific reports. by the type of client from which the Science shops also legitimate their ex- question originated. istence by seeking a steady stream of The science shops recognize and try appropriate incoming questions, activi- to navigate the tensions involved in try- ties that can be typified as “demand- ing to serve a type of organization as well side”. A yearly report for the Maastricht as certain broad societal goals. A com- University Science Shop (1994-5: 14) patibility of goals between the science takes stock of this need to acquire new shop and its clients is still important. As projects and documents steps taken to Aalst explains, “Now, one of the criteria increase the number of new questions: is that the result from the research “The science shop cannot just sit back should not contribute to further in- and wait for new questions to come in. equality in society. And with that, you Efforts have been made to increase our can make it clear that you shut out any publicity, to cluster several projects far-right or racist groups” (1999, per- around a similar theme, and to do fol- sonal interview). The Groningen Chem- low up research on previous studies.” istry Science Shop researched a question Naturally, then, clients come to the on battery recycling that originated from science shop by different routes. Clients the National Labor Party (Partij van de may have Arbeid). Co-coordinator Henk Mulder, • read about a completed science shop clarifies his science shop’s modus oper- project in a newspaper andi: “We thought this was a good cause. • responded to an advertisement from It is not a huge political problem, but it the science shop;

38 Nicole Farkas

• been familiar with university struc- The Use of Science Shop Resources ture • placed a call to the university switch- Many social movement organizations board and been connected to the seek to improve their political capital by science shop amassing scientific expertise. Science • received a referral from another help shop clients often use the results of the organization or hotline science shops in national, regional, and • worked for a science shop local politics. Social movement studies • attended an informational session have highlighted ways that scientific le- given by the science shop gitimacy is mobilized by political inter- • learned about the science shop est groups (Breyman, 1998; Epstein, through their affiliation with a profes- 1996). sional organization or umbrella group There are many reasons the group in question would want research from the These are the formal and informal ways science shop. It can be for both internal that clients find their way to the science goals (making a change within their or- shop. Science shop clients do not need ganization), as well as external ones a broad and deep understanding of the (changing local or regional policy). Cli- university in order to be helped. Many ents come to the science shop to: small organizations belong to a profes- sional umbrella organization who knows • garner legitimacy about the science shop. Otherwise, those • initiate a dialogue with local/ who seek scientific and technical assis- regional government officials tance are often hindered because they • acquire resources that will support just do not know where to look. A re- an argument (infringement of noise search project might originate with a limits; saving an historical building lengthy search for the science shop, as it from demolition) did for Hans Lips, a volunteer board • determine whether additional member for the Dutch Vitiligo Patient’s professional advice would be useful Association. After six months of looking • learn about their legal options for help to write an informational book- • ask questions about their own let on Vitiligo, he came across the science organization (evaluation of current shop by chance. “I know someone who policy) works at the Catholic University of • learn more about their potential Nijmegen in the public relations depart- clients (market research) ment … I asked him if he knew a place • commission a literature search for me to go within the university. A • adapt a product currently on the channel, a way to bore through … to find market (room alarms in a nursing someone who can help” (1999: personal home which not everyone can use) interview). Since clients can find science • develop a product for a very small shops by diverse trajectories, they are interest group less compelled to understanding univer- As the list above illustrates, enhanced sity structures before they can benefit political capital is only one among many from university research. important benefits of the science shop.

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For example, it is not always to win an can often produce results that benefit argument; it may be sufficient merely to people beyond those in the original cli- initiate a dialogue. Peter Viehen, of the ent group; the Technical Healthcare sci- Handicapped Platform in Maastricht, ence shop has already received a request told me how the research by the science to deliver another ‘piston-powered baby shop was enough to get them talking to mover’. These projects may not be finan- local decision-makers: “Before that, they cially lucrative to industry, and they may didn’t take us seriously. We just wanted not always be sexy for undergraduate to be able to talk with them, and this college students, but they do distribute study opened the doors to do that” university R&D to groups who have oth- (1999, personal interview). erwise very limited access. Science shops in technical fields also make a significant contribution to dis- Science Shops in Action tributing resources. They may provide smaller groups the results of laboratory To learn from the example of the science tests that they could not otherwise af- shop it is important to understand the ford. The Eindhoven Chemistry Science process by which they reconcile a client’s Shop uses diagnostic equipment to need with the needs of university scien- evaluate soil samples. “We are not certi- tists and administrators. In this next sec- fied,” explains René, a fifth year student tion, I describe in more detail the way of chemistry, “so when we do an investi- science shops operate. The original gation they cannot use our report for le- question from a client is developed into gal purposes. But it helps to tell the cli- a scientific question and then answered ent that it is worth going to a certified by a university scientist – a process called research bureau, otherwise they spend “intermediating”. Science shop employ- a lot of money and the result is nothing” ees accomplish this through various tac- (1999, personal interview). Other tech- tics, using standard procedures as well nical science shops, such as the Techni- as personal skills and judgment. Finally, cal Healthcare and the Electrical Engi- I propose certain enabling conditions neering science shops in Eindhoven, that make the operation of the Dutch help develop and adapt products. In one science shops possible. project some electrical engineers were rigging an alarm system for a man with Job Description of a Science Shop limited hand movement. In another, a Employee student used simple air pistons in the design of a device that a woman with Science shop employees have a ten- Rheumatoid Arthritis could use to pick dency to downplay the uniqueness of up and move her baby around the house. their own skills. In the absence of a de- The same science shop sought govern- veloped vocabulary about expert-lay- ment support to build a prototype de- person relationships, the tendency is to vice that allowed an elderly man with describe their work as a matter of intu- unsteady hands to administer his own ition. The situation is made more com- eye drops. Tailoring scientific and tech- plicated by the fact that many science nical advice to the needs of local groups shop employees do not consider them-

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selves experts – rather they match exper- • thinks inter-disciplinarily and multi- tise with certain needs. This description disciplinarily has a distancing effect that is beneficial • explains to the client the possibili- to the science shop. If criticized for pro- ties and limitations of science ducing “biased” results, they point out • knows when press coverage could that they did not do the research them- be used and help formulate angle selves. Their role was to find university • works with the client to implement students to do the research and univer- results. sity professors to be mentors. Many of these tasks are now listed in a While this is an important aspect of science shop coordinator’s job descrip- the boundary that protects a science tion, but this was not always so. In the shop’s reputation, particularly in times beginning, the position of science shop of controversy, it has also the potential employee was debated within science to oversimplify what they do, making the shops. Some believed that science shops matter of matching university resources should be run on a volunteer basis only to client needs seem straightforward and and further, that all internal decisions easy. A more complete understanding of should be made by consensus. Instead this production of scientific knowledge of formal positions and job descriptions requires a richer description of the tacit they had mission statements and crite- knowledge and strategies taken by sci- ria for accepting client questions. How- ence shop employees, and the cultural ever, as mentioned above, most science and political context in which those de- shops professionalized. A few years af- cisions are made. This has the significant ter universities started paying for the benefit of providing insight into expert science shop’s budget, staff members and layperson relationships that may were hired – in many cases a secretary prove useful for implementation else- would be hired first, followed shortly where. thereafter by a coordinator. Paid staff In the course of intermediating a members now run all of the Dutch sci- question, a science shop employee per- ence shops. Unfortunately, these formal forms specific tasks. These tasks and categories still do not go far enough in procedures sketch a different pattern of illustrating the multifaceted ways that expert-lay interaction. The science shop individual science shop members ap- employee: proach their work. Additional personal • pays special attention to formulat- accounts of decision-making and ing the research question so that the troubleshooting are needed to improve outcome is more likely to be helpful our understanding of the expert-lay re- to the client lationships that the science shops culti- • facilitates meetings between client, vate. student and mentor • explains research steps to student From Client Question to Science • gives advice on a literature search Question • keeps abreast of local events that may impact their clients or bring in A client comes to the science shop with new clients a problem. So begins the science shop’s

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most difficult task: to turn the client’s cided which disciplinary methods and question into a researchable question, resources could be used to answer the one which interests a university student question, an advertisement of that re- and is feasible for him/her to answer. search question is placed in the univer- Not every client’s question is accepted. sity newspaper. If a student responds to Sometimes the question is referred to a the advertisement, and if the science more appropriate group. In other in- shop thinks that student is qualified to stances the science shop may encourage research the question, the science shop the client to come up with a way to an- will meet with the student, the student’s swer the question on their own. That is, advisor, and the client. Once a student the science shop will work with the cli- begins work on a project, and even over ent to articulate the problem in a way the course of the project, the research that uses the clients’ internal resources question and methods may be revised to solve. Science shop questions arrive and adapted. in a variety of forms: Most Dutch science shops generally follow this approach to turn client ques- • the client comes to the science shop tions into formalized science questions. with a general problem Although they communicate about their • the client comes to the science shop methods via a formal network of Dutch with a specific question science shops, they do not share stan- • the client comes to the science shop dard methods beyond a general ap- with a (sophisticated) written proach and conceptual framework. In version of a research question the past, these methods were a source • the science shop uses their own of debate among science shops. Some internal resources to formulate a characterized the differences among sci- question and hires (recent) gradu- ence shops on the basis of “intermedia- ates to do the research tion” or “participation.” It was argued • the science shop follows local that centralized science shops acted developments, formulates a ques- more according to the intermediation tion and then looks for a client who model because they procured research wants to sponsor the research and rather than conducted it, whereas de- who could use the results centralized science shops were said to Next the science shop decides which work more cooperatively with clients questions it will answer, with which dis- (participation). In practice though, the ciplinary resources. Science shop em- science shops have taken a range of ployees and the potential client talk strategies that vary over time, resulting about the client’s needs. At this point, the from staff turnover and changing client client may be referred to another orga- questions. For example, the Nijmegen nization or even asked to go back to his/ Science Shop (centralized shop) was said her organization to further develop their to follow the participation model, be- goals. If the science shop decides to ac- cause “every research project is cept the question, a follow up meeting mentored by a group consisting of the may be held to further develop a re- client, science shop employees, and the search question. Once it has been de- researcher” (Hoogheimstra and van der

42 Nicole Farkas

Luit, 1982: 6). Some science shops encouraged this What is important to understand is approach, whereas others saw it as that arguments over best science shop somewhat of a hindrance to practicing practice constituted a significant and “good science.” long lasting discussion within and be- Today, the drama of these debates has tween science shops. Other arguments subsided. Present attitudes to these is- included whether shops should practice sues can generally be characterized as “action research”1 and if they were actu- laissez-faire; whatever works for an in- ally hurting their client groups by dividual science shop to generate and strengthening the power of scientific ex- answer client questions is tolerated and perts over them. In the earlier decades respected. Discussions over “action re- of science shops, it was routine for a cli- search,” for example, seem to have ent to have worked in the science shop. ended with the 1970s and have been re- Many science shop volunteers and em- placed by concerns for keeping their ployees, working with nonprofits, helped image current with the times and adapt- develop questions and direct them to the ing to changing university environ- science shop. In Nijmegen, nicknamed ments. Science shop employees would the “Red City” for the strong presence of rather not be hindered by characteriza- social movement organizations, the con- tions of them as being “a hangover from nection between science shops and the 70s”.2 Emphasis is on acquisition of nonprofits was very explicit. Science a steady stream of research questions shops existed not just to help groups that will attract student researchers and gain access to science, but to help assist their client groups. To do this, the emerging leftist social movements. To do science shop may place an advertise- this, the science shop organized around ment in the school newspaper with the different research themes, which were research question already formulated. developed in part through individual ties Employees also develop questions inter- to certain social movements. There were nally and hire recently graduated stu- five “sector groups” or research groups dents to do the research. These projects in the beginning: nuclear energy, hous- also result in socially relevant and multi- ing, women, anti-militarism and labor disciplinary work – they are formulated (“working and not-working”). Discus- by science shop employees who have sions took place over how scientists with developed sophisticated knowledge and personal concerns or ties to a client networks about what concerns their cli- group would be preferred over other sci- ent groups. For example, in Nijmegen entists to work on the questions. For ex- the sector group “Minorities” is working ample, a scientist who had either en- to stimulate discussions about Christian countered domestic violence from her and Muslim attitudes towards organ do- husband or at home would be favored nation. The sector group “Gender” is to carry out an research question for a sponsoring a research project on mas- battered women’s shelter. Over the years culinity. Most science shops have a bud- the attitude towards individual rel- get line for funding such research evance to a question has diversified. projects. An added benefit is that em-

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ployees sustain their interest in their Cultural and Political Support for fields through involvement in intellec- Science Shops tually stimulating work. The same bud- get line may be drawn on to finance the A growing number of European coun- publication of a research report if the cli- tries have science shops or similar ini- ent is unable to pay for cost of materi- tiatives. These groups are just now start- als. ing to collaborate effectively as a net- work. As this network grows, there will Expanded Science Practice be increasing interest in how this model can (or must) be adapted to different The product that science shops deliver countries, within the European Union to their clients exceeds that which is and beyond. To assess what a European regularly considered science. Within the science shop policy might look like, we rubric of scientific research and advice, could use particular lessons about the the client receives a report that can be Dutch science shops, namely, that cer- distributed to, among others, political tain political and cultural conditions officials, the press, other organizations, support the sustainability of these or and individuals. In what is an extension similar efforts. In conclusion, I propose of other university science practice, the some supporting conditions for science science shop may also advise the client shops in the . on public relations strategies, press cov- In the Netherlands, often even the erage, and implementation of research smallest volunteer organizations under- results. In general, science shops address stand the value of scientific and techni- important regional issues, such as re- cal expertise. Dutch society has a large gional economic development. In number of specialized interest groups at Maastricht, for example, in a high pro- the local, provincial and national level. file science shop project, an environ- These groups are led by educated mental group requested counter-exper- people, or else have access to other help tise from the science shop to examine expert services such as a government- statistics touted by a company who funded hotlines. The range of such sup- wanted to expand the regional airport. port services in the Netherlands is also An economics student concluded that specialized. Telephone numbers, bro- the expansion would not offer as many chures, and government-funded organi- jobs as claimed by the company, and of- zations provide advice and support on fered thoughts on other ways to create many topics, to many interest groups. jobs in the region. While this type of re- Specialized offices for legal aid give low- search may occur elsewhere in the uni- cost (sometimes free) advice. There are versity, science shops deliver it to the cli- general offices for legal aid, as well as ent in a form that is intended to be di- ones specialized in giving counsel on le- rectly used and implemented – either by gal matters pertaining to children or to the client or by other political actors. the environment. Additionally, the broad Further analysis of this aspect of science accessibility of interest groups strength- shop work is needed, but beyond the ens the shops position of not scope of this paper. normally accepting questions from in-

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dividuals: most likely there is a govern- versity position as a way of securing lo- mental or non-governmental organiza- cal support. They have formed alliances tion (NGO) to which the individual can with a diverse range of university groups. first turn for help Science shops are allied with students Even though science shops have al- because they provide them with guid- ways been relatively marginal at univer- ance and research themes. They also sities, their research and reputation is contribute societally relevant research protected by being a university organi- themes to university research groups. zation. Actors outside the university set- They perform a public relations function ting respect them and use their findings for the university through their direct at the local, regional, and national lev- relations with university communities. els. Their reputation as objective scien- The Dutch science shop coordinators tists is preserved as long as the univer- (or a representative from each university sity maintains its own reputation for with a science shop) attend a bimonthly objectivity. Their ability to publish re- Meeting of the Dutch Science Shops ports with the university logo and with (“Landelijk Overleg Wetenschaps- university professor names increases the winkels”). Through these meetings they credibility of the report, and hence the can share strategies for strengthening utility of the report to client groups. their university position and carrying Should the science shop come under out their work. This national network of criticism because of a report’s findings, science shops also substantiates the po- the science shop may point out that it sitions of individual science shops by was not they who did the research – it mapping them on to a national move- was research intermediated by them. ment – their impact extends beyond the They will point out that the professor single university. mentoring the project is accountable for The cultural conditions in the Neth- the quality of the scientific work. In Hol- erlands that have supported science land, universities are widely respected shops are not limited to the Dutch stu- and afforded a higher status than con- dent movement that first negotiated for sulting firms and others who are hired this particular initiative. Science shops to carry out research. are supported by the widespread orga- While science shops’ positions within nization of Dutch society into interest universities are often marginal, it is nev- groups as well as collective value that is ertheless secured by good relationships placed on helping underprivileged with university faculty and staff. These people. Certain majority political parties are people either in positions to make have supported science shops within important financial decisions, or who their science and technology policies, can speak on behalf of the science shop but even in the absence of that support, when necessary. These administrators science shops have found university ad- understand the value of the science ministrators to be sympathetic to their shop’s work, and support the need to mission. And furthermore, the marginal provide university expertise to those position of science shops within the uni- who cannot afford it. Science shops have versity has allowed them to make alli- even capitalized on their marginal uni- ances with a broad range of university

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actors. A national network of science versity with their needs and questions. shops has provided a forum within In any case, institutions that address the which they can discuss strategies for needs of citizen interest groups are as answering client questions and for pre- necessary today as they were when the serving their university position. Dutch science shops began thirty years ago. Continued Support for Science Shops Notes In this paper I have argued that science shops perform a significant function, 1 Tony Hak describes “action research” as namely that they broaden the distribu- research where: “there is collaboration with the opposition (workers as opposed tion of scientific expertise. To better un- to the leaders of companies); other goals derstand them, it is important to under- are formulated (against shift work rather stand not only how they operate, but than expansion of it); a different relation- also the political and historical context ship between those researched is culti- in which they work. I have sketched vated (a subject-subject relation rather than a subject-object relation); the re- some of the contingencies within the search is reported in a different way (an Dutch science shops, especially their or- action brochure); and a different theory ganizational structure and their client of science is propogated (historical and base. Science shops were established as dialectical materialism rather than neo- part of a radical social movement that positivism)” (Hak 1981, 15). sought to change science practice. And 2 My thanks to Stuart Blume for this vivid their history is interesting for the ways metaphor. they have adapted in a changing univer- sity climate and benefited from some of References the unique aspects of Dutch society. The existence of science shops suggests that Breyman, S. we remain open and optimistic to the 1998 Movement Genesis: Social movement possibility for additional models of ex- theory and the West German peace movement. Boulder, CO: Westview. pert and lay collaboration – ones that Barber, B. R. benefit both experts and laypersons, or 1984 Strong Democracy: Participatory poli- even challenge the rigid distinctions be- tics for a new age. Berkeley, California: tween these knowledge categories. Cul- University of California Press. tural and political differences hold clues Collingridge, D. and Reeve, C. 1986 Science Speaks to Power: The role of to how science shops or alternative experts in policy making. London, En- models of distributing expertise can gland: Francis Pinter. function and thrive in other countries. Cozzens, S. and Woodhouse, N. In other countries, science shops may 1990 "Science, Government, and the Politics need to work more directly on the de- of Knowledge" in Jasanoff, S., Markle, G., et al. (ed.) Handbook of Science and velopment of an active and engaged citi- Technology Studies. Thousand Oaks: zenry – one that is, for example, orga- Sage. nized into effective social interest groups. This may be a prerequisite for societal non-elites to approach the uni-

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Ehn, P. Mulder, H. A. J. 1989 Work-Oriented Design of Computer Ar- 1997 “Science Shop in Bacau, : Pre- tifacts. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell proposal for identification phase.” International. Groningen, The Netherlands: Gro- Epstein, S. ningen Chemistry Science Shop. 1996 Impure Science: AIDS, activism, and Nelkin, D. and Rip, A. the politics of knowledge. Berkeley, 1979 “Distributing Expertise: A Dutch Ex- California: University of California periment in Public Interest Science.” Press. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 35, 1999 New Social Movements and Trends in May: 20-23, 54. the Politics of Knowledge Production. Nowotny, H. and Rose, H. San Diego, CA: 1979 Counter Movements in the Sciences. Greenbaum, J. and Kyng, M. Dordrecht, Holland: D. Reidel. 1991 Design at Work: Cooperative design of Schot, J. W. computer systems. Hillsdale, NJ: L. 1992 “Constructive Technology Assessment Erlbaum Associates. and Technology Dynamics: The case of Hak, T. clean technologies.” Science, Technol- 1981 “Aktie onderzoek is geen wetenschap ogy, and Human Values 17, 1: 36-56. (Action research is not science). Weten- Schuler, D. and Namioka, A. schap en Samenleving 1: 13-21. 1993 Participatory Design: Principles and Hamlett, P. W. Practices. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence 1992 Understanding Technological Politics: Erlbaum Associates. A decision-making approach. Engle- Sclove, R. and Scammel, M. wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. 1998 “Loka Alert.” Amherst, MA: Loka Insti- Hess, D. and Woodell, M. tute. 1998 “Patients, Science and Alternative Can- Simon, J. and Durant, J. cer Therapies” in Weiner, D. (ed.) Pre- 1995 Public Participation of Science: The venting Cancer in North America. role of consensus conferences in Eu- Westport, CT: Greenwood. rope. London: Science Museum. Hoogheimstra, R. and Van der Luit, M. Vig, N. J. 1982 “Wetenschapswinkels: onderzoek voor, 1992 “Parliamentary Technology Assess- door of met klanten” (Science shops: ment in : Comparative Evolu- research for, through, or with clients). tion.” Impact Assessment Bulletin 10, Wetenschap en Samenleving 5: 5-9. 4: 3-24. Irwin, A. Weerdenburg, J. and Pennings, F. 1995 Citizen Science: A study of people, ex- 1987 Deurtje in de Toren: Tien Jaar Weten- pertise, and sustainable development. schapswinkels (A Small Door in the London, England: Routledge. Tower: Ten years of science shops). Lindblom, C. E. and Woodhouse, E. J. Utrecht, The Netherlands: University of 1993 The Policy-Making Process. Englewood Utrecht. Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Woodhouse, E. J. and Nieusma, D. Maastricht University Science Shop 1997 "When Expert Advice Works and When 1994-5 “Yearly Report.” Maastricht, The it Does Not." IEEE Technology and So- Netherlands: Maastricht University Sci- ciety Magazine 16, 1: 23-29. ence Shop. Nicole Farkas Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute Troy, NY, USA

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