and Pubtic Poticy, volume 31, number 3. June 2004, pages 199-211, Beech Tree Publishing. 10 Watford Close, Guildford, Surrey GUI 2EP, England Science shops

Science shops in : the public as stakeholder

Corinna Fischer, Loet Leydesdorff and Malte Schophaus

After two decades of relative silence, science shops HE SCIENCE SHOP MODEL seems to be seem to be back on the agenda of science pol- back on the agenda of science policy-making icy-making. In this article, country-specific and Tin Europe (Hellemans, 2001; Farkas, 2002). country-independent factors for their success and New science shops are being founded, like the failure and their co-operation with civil society are Brunei University Science Shop (BUSS) in London discussed in terms of different traditions in politi- (August 2002), which is funded by the Higher Edu- cation Active Community Fund, and two new ones cal culture. Science shops seem to be at a cross- in (at the University of Antwerp and the roads, where their work focus and their coalitions University of Brussels, 2003).' may have to change. On the one hand, they are The European Commission in its Science and So- still connected to their roots, the social move- ciety Action Plan of 4 December 2001, stated that ments. On the other hand, a general trend towards more than 60 science shops exist in Europe, mainly business co-operation in science policy can be ob- in the , , , the United served. The increasing debate about science and Kingdom, and France. The Commission proposed an society interfaces lends importance to the science action plan to enhance the networking of science shop concept, as is especially visible in the recent shops and the creation of a structure for the inven- support given them by the European Commission. tory and dissemination of "work carried out on be- half of citizens and associations" (European Commission, 2002, page 15).^ The idea of science shops can be considered as an Corinna Fischer is at the Environmental Policy Research Centre, offspring of the political movements from the 1960s Freie Universitat Berlin, Ihnestr 22, D-14195 Berlin, Germany; Tel,: +49 30 83 85 44 94; Fax : +49 30 83 85 66 85; E-mail: onwards. Science shops were conceptualised for the cofiffu@zedat,fu-berlin,de, Loet Leydesdorff is at the Amsterdam purpose of moderating between academic scientists School of Communications Research, Kloveniersburgwal 48, and organisations that cannot afford to fund their 1012 CX Amsterdam, The Netherlands; Tel: +31 20 525 6598; own research. The SCIPAS project, an association of Fax: +31 20 525 3681; E-mail: loet@leydesdorff,net, Malte 13 partners from nine countries, described them as Schophaus is at the Institute for Science and Technology Studies (IWT), University of Bielefeld, PO Box 10 01 31, D-33501 providing "independent, participatory research sup- Bielefeld, Germany; Tel: +49 521 106 4676; Fax: +49 521 106 port in response to concerns experienced by civil 6418; E-mail: malte,schophaus@iwt,uni-bielefeld,de. society" (Gnaiger and Martin, 2001). This article is based on results of EU-funded project 'Improving They offer citizens, non-governmental organisa- Interaction among NGOs, Universities and Science Shops: exper- tions (NGOs), municipalities, and sometimes small iences and expectations' (INTERACT) (http://members,chello,at/ and medium enterprises free or very low-cost access wilawien/interacts/main,html). The authors acknowledge the to scientific and technological knowledge and re- discussion with their partners in this project and the preceding SCIPAS project. They especially thank Annette Wallentin for her search in a wide range of disciplines. The term 'sci- major contributions, Mark Brown, Arlena Jung, Henk Mulder, ence' is used in its broadest sense, incorporating Wolfgang Endler and anonymous referees for helpful comments. social and the humanities as well as natural

Science and Public Policy June 2004 0302-3427/04/030199-13 US$08,00 © Beech Tree Publishing 2004 199 Science shops in Europe; the public as stakeholder

final sections, we draw conclusions and specify pol- Malte Schophaus, bom in 1972, studied psychology and icy implications. sociology at the Freie Universitat Berlin and the University of Caiifornia, Irvine, USA. Currently he is a doctoral research fellow at the Institute for Science and Technology Studies (IWT) within the graduate programme 'Entering the Knowl- History and current status edge Society' at the University of Bielefeld. His main re- search interest focuses on science advice, interdisciplinary co-operation, citizen participation and environmental In the establishment process of science shops in psychology. In his dissertation he investigates the role of Europe, four 'waves' can be distinguished. scientific knowledge In the social-justice movement.

Corinna Fischer, born in 1971, studied political science and First wave psychology, graduated in political science and holds a PhD in sociology. Her main areas of interest are environmental con- The oldest shops were set up in the Netherlands in the sciousness and behaviour, sustainable consumption, political activism and political socialisation. Besides her research in 1970s, following the students' movement (Leydes- these areas, she also works as a policy consultant, counsellor dorff and van den Besselaar, 1987a; Farkas, 1999; and facilitator for NGOs, as well as in political education. At 2002). The institutionalisation of the Dutch science the moment, she works at the Environmental Research Cen- shops can be considered a result of the political pro- tre, Free University of Berlin, in an interdisciplinary junior research group "Transformation and Innovation in Power gramme of a left-wing coalition that had won the elec- Systems (TIPS)". Her topic is the consumers'role in achiev- tions of 1973 under the motto of "equal distribution of ing a more sustainable electricity system. income, wealth, and knowledge". The Minister for Loet Leydesdorff reads science, technology, and innovation Science Policy at that time, Fokele Trip, actively studies at the Amsterdam School of Communications Re- stimulated what became known as 'the democratisa- search (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He has tion of science' both internally and externally. He published extensively in scientometrics, the sociology of innovation, and about university-industry-government rela- welcomed proposals such as the science shops. tions (the Triple Helix). His main research interest focuses The first science shop was established in 1973 at on measuring and simulating the knowledge base of an the chemistry faculty in Utrecht. In 1978, the Uni- economy using models of complex systems theory like autopoiesis. A recent monograph entitled "A Sociological versity of Amsterdam decided to organise a science Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the shop at university level both as a service to the lar- Knowledge-Based Society" can be retrieved from his home ger community and as an instrument for further page at http://www.leydesdorff.net. developing its science policy in discussion with relevant NGOs (Zaal and Leydesdorff, 1987). The Dutch Federation of Trade Unions supported this development to the degree that a representative par- sciences (Gnaiger and Martin, 2001). In practice, ticipated in the meetings of the daily board of this science shops deal mainly with questions related to science shop (Leydesdorff ef a/, 1984). environmental issues, health, education, labour, law, Other universities followed to a variable extent housing, and developmental issues. with differences in relative emphasis on a service Since the founding of the first science shops in the component, an activist component, and the use of Netherlands in the 1970s, the concept spread the shop as an instrument of research policy. The throughout Western Europe and to Israel, , science shops of this first period can be considered South Africa, the USA and Canada during the 1980s in relation to similar attempts in other countries to and 1990s. Science shops are, or were, active in at democratise science and technology policies, for least nine European countries: Austria, Belgium, example, industrial workers' plans in the UK (Coo- , France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, ley, 1980), the research programme for the 'humani- Romania, and the . Mulder et al sation of labour' in the Federal Republic of (2001) also mentioned that initiatives have been re- Germany, and alternative product designs in Scandi- ported in Finland, Sweden, Italy, Switzerland, and navia (LO, 1982; Leydesdorff and van den Besse- . The concept of science shops has been laar, 1987b). picked up in other countries such as the 'new' South Africa and South Korea. Second wave In this paper, we assess the future of the model in the light of its historical development and the current In the 1980s, science shops of a second wave state of affairs in Europe. We compare the develop- evolved in Germany, France and Denmark, as well ment of science shops in several European countries as two shops in Belgium. These shops can be con- and try to link the variety of patterns of science shop sidered as by-products of alternative movements activities to differences in the social and political such as Burgerinitiativen (citizens' initiatives) in environment. First, we discuss the history and cur- Germany. The environmental movement of that time rent situation of science shops in Europe. Then we had a strong impact on these developments, which compare the developments in six European countries were mainly based on collaborations with emerging (Austria, Denmark, Germany, Romania, Spain, and university departments in environmental sciences. the United Kingdom) in more detail based on a re- Some of these science shops still focus exclusively cent survey (Fischer and Wallentin, 2002). In the on environmental issues.

200 Science and Public Policy June 2004 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder

Third wave

During the 1990s, a 'revival' of the science shop In a fourth wave, science shops were idea can be diagnosed and traced back to a change in started in the Central and East the discourse about science and society. The itiform- European accession countries from ation and communications technology (ICT) revolu- tion has turned the tables in the relations between 1995 to 2000; however, during the science and the public to such an extent that a call 1990s, as a counter-tendency, those in for a new social contract for science is sometimes some of the early founding countries voiced (for instance, Nowotny et al, 2001). The in- creasing awareness of the gradual replacement of the faced a decline industrial economy by a knowledge-based economy led to reflections about the strategic importance of communication about science at the social level. Different models have been proposed to understand "science in action" (Latour, 1987) or to make "sci- the 1980s, none are left. Also the Belgian science ence meet the public" (Wynne, 1995). shops at Leuven and Gent have beeti closed dowti. In the course of this debate, the concept of science Science shops as a policy instrument have tended shops received renewed interest by policy-makers. to fade away because of the increased focus on en- The model is special because of its partisan position trepreneurship, privatisation, and commercialisation for public demand. Thus, the public is not considered during the period from 1985 to 1995 (Irwin, 1995; as a receiver of the scientific knowledge or as an Sclove, 1995; Clark, 1998). In a study on Dutch sci- interactive conversation partner, but as a stakeholder ence shops, Wachelder (2003) sees reasons for their with their owti knowledge interests. These consid- closure in the declitie of state funding, a change of erations resonated especially at the European level the political climate, a stricter academic regime for and led to the action plan by the European Commis- students that makes it harder for them to participate, sion to enhance the tietworking of science shops. and more pressure oti academic staff to publish, In this context, the European Union (EU) decided which makes them more reluctant to engage in sci- to fund several projects on science shops; most ence shop projects (pages 255 and following). recently a network of science shops (ISSNET) has been established with EU subsidy to facilitate ex- Science shops today changes among science shoppers and science policy- makers at the European level. It remains difficult to assess the exact tiumber of sci- In this favourable atmosphere, it was possible to ence shops in Europe today. The figures given in dif- initiate a third wave of science shops in Austria and ferent sources (for instance, Steinhaus, 1999; Mulder the UK during the 1990s. The Austrian shops were et al, 2001, Fischer and Wallentin, 2002) vary. One at least partly triggered by the Dutch example reason is the difficulty of empirically keeping track (Steinhaus, 1999). The British initiatives, however, of science shops and following up on current devel- were launched by Government agencies and the opments such as close-down or the generation of Nuffield Foundation. In Spain, the term 'science new shops. Furthermore, shops may still exist 'oti shop' is relatively unknown, but institutions pursu- paper', but no longer be active. Finally, the term ing similar tasks were put up more or less independ- 'science shop' is not generally known in Europe, ently from one another. therefore not every institution or programme that might fit the description calls itself a science shop. Fourth wave As noted, the European Commission says that more than 60 science shops exist in Europe. Follow- Finally, in a fourth wave, science shops were started ing our investigations in the project INTERACTS, in the Central and East European accession countries and from the comparison of different sources and the in the period from 1995 to 2000, modelled after the Internet presentation of science shops, there are Dutch example and realised in co-operation with about three to five in most of the countries men- Dutch science shops. Although this eventually failed tioned above, with the exception of the Netherlands, in the Czech Republic, eight science shops have which still hosts more than a dozen, including some been successfully established in Romania (Mulder, specialised and faculty-based shops (Ree, 1996; Wa- 2000; INTERACTS, 2003). chelder, 2003). However, the story of science shops in Europe is Additionally, some countries possess sirhilar insti- not a continuous success story. During the 1990s, as a tutions or programmes that do not operate under the counter-tendency to the establishment of new science heading 'science shop'. For example, in Denmark shops, those in some of the early founding countries there are 'project agencies' at three universities, faced a decline. Of about 25 German shops only which can be considered similar to science shops. In three are still operating today. In France, where there Germany, 18 'co-operation offices' are active, which were about 15 science shops operating by the end of deal with trade unions as their client group and, in

Science and Public Policy June 2004 201 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder

Table 1. Rise and fall of science shops in Europe

Country Number of science shops during the Pattern

1970s 1980s 1990S/2000S

Netherlands 19 >20 10-20 Constantly high Denmark 0 5 5 plus 3 project agencies Belgium 2 0 Rise and fall France 15 0' Germany 25 3 plus 18 co-operation offices Austria Latecomers UK 3-4 plus 8 community exchange programmes and similar institutions Romania 8 Spain Number is unclear, because the term 'science shops' is not used widely in Spain. Science shop tasks are being carried out by NGOs and private research institutes (for Instance, ), trade unions, and projects at university faculties. A few specialised university institutions also describe themselves as 'science shops', for instance. Bazar de las Ciencias, University of L^on,*^ and the Department Social Projects of the Business Transfer Office (OTRl) at the University Ramon Ltull, Barcelona

Notes: ' European Commission (2001) speaks of science shops in France, but Mulder et al (2001) state that all have been closed down "• Two shops have already been operating for some time: in August 2002, a science shop at Brunei University in London was founded and there is also discussion about founding one in Glasgow ' Compare with the UK, there are a number of 'community exchange university. However, in dealing with environmental programmes' (Hall and Hall, 2002, page 25). questions, a broad involvement of scientific staff and Table 1 summarises the rise and fall of science even departments in science shop projects is not un- shops in different European countries, revealing common (Teodosiu and Caliman, 2002). three different patterns: one group of countries with a constantly high number of science shops (includ- ing Denmark, whose five shops mean one at each Comparison of science shops in Europe major university), one group characterised by a 'rise and fair pattern, and one group of 'latecomers'. Research methods and materials In a project 'Study and conference on improving public access to science through science shops' with Earlier studies have primarily tried to explain differ- the acronym SCIPAS (1999-2001), the European ences among science shops with respect to their inter- Commission commissioned an inventory of science nal organisation. This has mostly been done at the shop activities both within the European Union and national level. In this article, we aim to explain differ- abroad (Gnaiger and Martin, 2001; Mulder et al, ent national patterns of science shop development. We 2001). The six reports from this project (available at draw strongly on the recent INTERACTS project ) provide (2001-2003), which conducted in-depth case studies the impression of a large variety of activities ac- with detailed qualitative descriptions in a compara- commodated to local circumstances. tive mode.^ The project focused on the co-operation Basically, there are two types of organisational between science shops and organisations of the model (university-based and non-university-based) non-profit sector — citizen initiatives, NGOs, and performing three types of function: services deliv- public administration — in six European countries: ered directly to the client (by all shops); influencing Austria, Denmark, Germany, Romania, Spain and the research policies in universities (by university-based United Kingdom. shops); and engaging in university education (also Each of the national partners has interviewed cli- by university-based shops). Most science shops are ent groups, researchers, and mediators in three cases mainly service oriented. Many of the university- of 'best practice'. Also, next-level policy-makers in based science shops also rely heavily on their func- the relevant NGOs, university departments, and so tion in higher education, for example, by providing on, were interviewed to obtain their assessment of students with interesting topics for thesis work and the quality and policy relevance of the co-operative research projects. projects from their respective perspectives. In contrast, the shops consider their function in In the first phase of this project, a state-of-the-art setting the agenda for research policies at the univer- report was compiled with one of the current authors sity level as only secondary. Only one university — contributing (Fischer and Wallentin, 2002). The in- Tilburg in the Netherlands — systematically uses formation for this report was collected by the differ- science shop questions as input in university re- ent national project partners. Eor this purpose, a search programming at the level of the board of the common research framework was defined, guiding

202 Science and Public Policy June 2004 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder parallel investigations in the participating countries. terms will enable us to draw some conclusions about It covered the following areas: overview of science the future prospects of science shops. shops in the respective country (history, number, The results of this comparison are presented in the activities); description of the discourse on science following section. The patterns of the development and society in the respective country; and political of civil society and political culture are country- and legal framework, providing support or barriers specific. They can be linked to the country-specific to co-operation among science shops, science and developmental patterns of science shops introduced NGOs (structure of NGO sector, funding opportuni- previously and used to explain the current perform- ties, trends in science policy). ance of science shops. With respect to resources and The information collected by the partners is based science policy, however, we find patterns that are on expert interviews with science shop staff and pol- common to all these countries. We first discuss the icy-makers, literature reviews, and the analysis of sci- specificities and then return to the commonalities. ence policy documents. However, this data is organised quite differently in the various countries. Country-specific patterns The difficulties in data collection can already be seen as a relevant insight into the informality of the work of In Denmark, science shops are not only continually science shops. The work is in many cases not very well active, but also report an ongoing and strong co- documented, or difficult to access. Results of projects operation with NGOs and civil associations. This are often published as grey literature. 'constantly high' pattern of activities can be explained Results show that the development of science by a lively and active civil society in combination with shops and the conditions for co-operation with civil a political culture that widely recognises the need for society organisations vary considerably across public participation in science and technology. countries. The variations relate to the different peri- Denmark has a tradition of more than 150 years of ods in which the respective science shops were cre- "associationalism" (Bo Kaspersen and Ottesen, ated and to differences in the social and political 2001). Beginning with the constitution of 1849, the conditions, which are country-specific. We were Danish state has always regarded a lively civil soci- able to identify four interconnected factors influenc- ety, and, more precisely, a rich associational life, as ing the degree and the form of co-operation between a means of integrating society, enhancing patriotism science shops and civil society organisations: and performing functions of the welfare state. Co- operatives of peasants and workers have helped to • The condition of civil society and the NGO com- improve the social situation of these groups and to munity: Is there a mature and differentiated civil transform Denmark into a modem economy. society in the respective country? What are the Today, associations run free schools, provide needs and aims of non-profit organisations, and in adult education, and offer a multitude of services in what respect do they need scientific support? To education, sports, leisure, and culture. The state sup- what degree are such organisations capable of ports these activities by funding the associations as voicing their demands? long as their structure and purpose follows basic • Political culture and public discourse: Is there a democratic principles. As a consequence, we find political culture that is supportive of NGOs and that associational membership is as high as 3.4 per civil society, and of the idea of fulfilling their adult and both membership and activity have even research needs? Is there a public discourse about risen since 1979. This translates also in political par- the relations between science and society? What ticipation and interest (Torpe, 2003). traditions can the concept of science shops build A second important source for science shop sup- on? To what extent is the concept of the science port is Denmark's strong participatory tradition in shops as intermediary institutions recognised and technology assessment and environmental decision promoted? making. For example, the 'consensus conferences' • Resources: How do science shops mobilise the about new technologies and their social implications necessary human and financial resources for their have been developed in Denmark (Joss and Durant, work? What resources does public policy offer 1995). The Danish Board of Technology, an advi- them and under what conditions? sory body to the Danish Parliament, considers the • Science policy: Is the need for a dialogue between involvement of the public in debates about technol- science and society recognised at the level of ogy using consensus conferences and scenario work- national science policy formulation? What is the shops as one of its tasks (Sclove, 1996; Joss, 1998). form of the dialogue aimed at, what are its topics, In the 1970s and 1980s, Denmark like other West and which institutions are considered for promot- European countries was shaken by protest move- ing that dialogue? How does the science shop ments tabling the issues of peace, women's libera- model fit with these conceptions? tion and youth self-determination (for instance, the squatter movements) (Gundelach, 1991; Mikkelsen, These four factors are crucial for the success or 1999). One core area of contentious politics was failure of the science shop model, and therefore, nuclear energy. Movement activity helped to achieve comparative analysis among countries along these the abandonment of the Government's plans for

Science and Public Policy June 2004 203 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder nuclear power plants in 1985. In the course of often associated with political or ideological groups these conflicts, the anti-nuclear movement OOA and thus socialised their members into specific po- (Organisation for Information on Nuclear Power) litical miheus. managed to politicise the puhlic and raise demand On the other hand, there were the huge welfare for participation and information in technological organisations, which, according to the German decision-making. 'principle of subsidiarity' co-operated closely with Academics were active in these movements, hridg- the state in providing social services and fulfilling ing the gap hetween universities and the public. They social pohcy goals. Run by the churches and funded answered the demands for information with a concept and regulated by the Ministry of Labour, they can of democratisation of academia and access to scien- hardly be seen as self-governed associations of citi- tific knowledge for the public. The Danish science zens (Zimmer et al, 2004). shops, as outcomes of the alternative movements, are Having been destroyed by the Nazi Regime, asso- not 'neutral' intermediaries, but follow a political ciational life only gradually recovered in the Federal programme for democratisation and equality. Republic of the 1950s and 1960s. There were almost Because of this 'associational' tradition and the no independent organisations with political or practice of participation, the idea of science shops broader social goals. Apart from sports and leisure found resonance in the general political culture. Sci- associations, the German non-profit sector was ence shops in Denmark are an established institution dominated by the huge, service- and state-oriented at universities and an accepted tool for the public welfare associations. The student movement and the participation in science. They are considered as an 'new social movements' in the 1970s and 1980s asset for generating social capital in the knowledge- were the first articulation of contentious politics for based economy. almost three decades. The science shops emerging from them therefore In Germany, science shops show instead a 'rise and found little resonance in the broader society and fair pattern. Furthermore, in spite of a strong civil were dependent on the fate of the new social move- society, they report difficulties in co-operating with ments. However, the relationship with these move- NGOs. On the one hand, NGOs are sceptical to- ments has never been an easy one. In particular, wards scientific institutions, on the other hand, small and grassroots protest groups have remained university personnel are often not very interested in suspicious about academic science, and did not ex- co-operation (Block-Kunzler and Graf, 1993; Stein- pect the sciences to contribute to the solution of haus, 1999). These patterns can be explained by practical problems. Academic science was heavily changes in political culture and in the structure of associated with political control by the ruling class the NGO sector in Germany. ("Herrschaftswissen", see Dehler, 1989; Steinhaus, During the 1980s, as in Denmark, science shops 1991; Steinhaus, 1999). were one of the outcomes of the 'new social move- During the late 1980s and the 1990s, the move- ments' including the environmental, peace, and ments declined while many of the supporting NGOs women's movements. However, in contrast to Den- institutionalised and professionalised. Organisations mark, an academic and policy tradition that could such as the Green Party and Greenpeace developed generate 'official' support for the science shop idea their own resources for knowledge-production or had been lacking. There was also no stable civil developed extensive networks with scientific institu- society tradition. tions, so they no longer needed intermediaries like Already in the Weimar Republic, German civil science shops. Thus, science shops lost a strong cli- society had been "pillarized" (Zimmer et al, 2004). ent and advocate during the 1990s. A new potential On the one hand, there was a lively 'Vereinskultur' client group could have been the charitable sector, (associational culture) with small, local associations encompassing the huge welfare organisations. How- in the areas of sport, leisure and religion. They were ever, apart from the one in Bonn, science shops in Germany have not yet fully explored the potential of this possible ally.

In Austria, the UK, a«d/?oman/a, we find what we have Because of the tradition and of called the 'latecomer' pattern. In spite of the com- participation, the idea of science shops parably late science shop start-up, today there is quite successful co-operation between science shops and found resonance in the general NGOs in these countries, albeit for different reasons. political culture in Denmark and are In Austria, civil societal organisations have a long an established institution at history. Many NGOs were founded at the beginning of the 20th century either by the social-democratic universities and an accepted tool for movement, the conservative Christian Democrats or public participation in science the churches, to tie their clients to their ideologies. After the world wars, new NGOs often functioned as 'bridges' between the Left and the Right.

204 Science and Public Policy June 2004 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder

With the exception of the labour movement, this engagement was mainly limited to rhetoric NGOs always were part of the establishment in (compare with Kendall, 2001, page 140 and follow- Austria (Heitzmann and Simsa, 2004, page 715). ing). In fact, private businesses were the main object Nevertheless, they have maintained their potential of policy. During this time, science shops had a hard for inducing social change. time getting started. Not until the beginning of the 1980s did new The opposition to the Conservative Government NGOs arise that were neither linked to the political was for a long time dominated by the strong tradition parties nor to the church. These organisations have of the labour movement in Britain rather than by new been mainly active in women's liberation, ecological social movements and NGOs. The new social move- or human rights, development aid and international ments in the UK have remained modest in size and relations. They have been important for Austria's often had strong links to 'patrons' in the established political culture and for shaping public attitudes, but, Left (for instance, the Labour Party) (Koopmans, because of their distance from the establishment, 1996, page 44). The Labour Party only paid more at- they have never received much public funding; thus tention to new concepts of civil society once Tony their importance has not been reflected in statistical Blair became its Chairman in 1994. He introduced the data. This late development of independent NGOs idea of 'communitarianism' to the party, which he explains the latecomer pattern of science shops in later formulated as "the third way" (Blair, 1998). Austria. These small, independent NGOs were in New Labour introduced three reforms between need of their own knowledge production, and were 1997 and 1999 that gave the development of the third at the same time independent from ideologies of lar- sector a push forward: the Charity Tax Review of ger societal partners (such as the church or political 1997; the 'Compact' agreement of 1998 for closer re- parties). lations between Government and the third sector, Furthermore, the Austrian NGO culture is shaped which, for instance, had an impact on funding NGOs; by the country's federalism and corporatism. There and the increase of financial and personnel resources are many local, independent and self-organised civil of the Active Community Unit, which is the govern- societal groups. Also the umbrella organisations are mental unit dealing with the third sector (Kendall, normally not organised at a national level, but within 2001). Such reforms led to a co-operative rather than one of the nine federal provinces. This structure also an oppositional approach to the movements. favours knowledge production at a local level, for Currently, civil society in the UK is fiourishing. instance, in co-operation with science shops, rather Thus, there is a sufficient range of potential clients than centralised in large NGOs. for science shops. However, the cultural context is Austria has a strong tradition of co-operatives and different from, for instance, Germany. The later social economy. Even though many of these organi- founding date of the science shops guaranteed some sations have by now become large for-profit organi- distance from the heated political controversies of sations or governmental agencies, the basic idea of the new social movements in the early 1980s. There- self-organisation has influenced the NGO sector fore in the UK, science shops are rooted in social (compare with Heitzmann and Simsa, 2004, page rather than political activism, leading to a co- 723), thus also making it compatible with the con- operative approach. Thus, establishing links between cept of the science shop. In Austria, as in all Ger- science and society is publicly acknowledged as a man-speaking countries, NGOs are oriented more method of strengthening and empowering the com- towards the state than business (much more so than munity, that is, building "social capital" (Putnam, in Anglo-Saxon countries). Solidarity, ideology, and 2000). This is based on a strong tradition of volun- values influence the activities and structures of the tary work, from which the concept of 'community- NGOs in the Germanic countries. based learning' stems, linking students' voluntary The NGOs are mainly run by volunteers. As a work in the community to a university course, or result of financial pressures since the 1990s, re- training community leaders in universities (Buck- quirements for higher efficiency have infiuenced ingham, 2000). some areas of their organisation, though. Decreasing The science shops in Austria and the UK could public funds also push NGOs to develop new finan- profit from experiences elsewhere (especially in the cing schemes, such as fundraising or sponsorship. Netherlands) and start out more professionally. In These developments also have an impact on science short, the founding of the science shop in the 1990s shops and their co-operation with NGOs. was linked to a positive discourse about civil soci- The late development of science shops in the UK ety's contributions to public welfare that gained the goes hand-in-hand with the neglect of the third sec- shops support and recognition. tor (services) during the long Conservative Govern- ment. Only in 1997, with the election of Tony Blair In Romania, in contrast, the NGO society is not yet and New Labour, did the development of civic org- well developed, because of the transition situation. anisations come back on the political agenda. Dur- Remaining largely a rural and economically less de- ing the Thatcher era and that of her successor lohn veloped society far into the 20th century, Romania Major, civil society, especially 'volunteerism', was had a particularly oppressive and stringent dictator- often mentioned as a crucial pillar of society, but ship during the Communist era. After the fall of the

Science and Public Policy June 2004 205 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder

Ceausescu regime in 1989, civil society re-emerged, society, expecting them to react to the needs of indi- but remained hampered economically by a lack of viduals, organisations, and institutions from the pub- domestic resources and an insufficient legal frame- lic sector, business, and NGOs (Neculau, 1997; work (Saulean et al, 1999, pages 337 and following). Romanian Ministry for Education, 2000; Caliman and The Romanian NGO sector thus has not yet been Teodosiu, 2002). able to fully reach the level of its Central European There is also a public discussion going on with a counterparts. similar focus. The dialogue between science and Romanians have become relatively willing to get society is pursued in connection with increasing en- involved in civic activities, which Is a good founda- vironmental awareness, educating the public on en- tion for the future development of the civil society. vironmental and social issues, and developing and However, opinion surveys point out the lack of le- supporting NGOs. gitimacy of civic organisations, which mainly goes The developing civil society in Romania can back to a number of highly publicised scandals and count much less on national public funding and pri- questionable transactions relating to the transforma- vate donations than in Western European countries, tion of the assets of former Government or Party but international support has played a major role agencies and social organisations in the immediate since 1989. In this context, the Dutch example of aftermath of the fall of Communism (CSDF, 1997). science shops received considerable interest at an With the election of a former NGO leader as early stage. The idea of founding a science shop President in 1996, the initial 'cold' period in the dealing with environmental issues at the Technical Government and NGO relationship has come to an University of Iasi was well received as a possibility end, though. Nevertheless, much remains to be done to connect better to the socio-economic environment to enhance the growing maturation of civil society and to offer students the chance to deal with pro- (Saulean et al, 1999, page 354). jects, to apply creative solutions, to develop skills Altogether, civil society in Romania already plays related to teamwork and communication or transmit an important role in the political and cultural transi- their scientific knowledge to the public (Caliman tions. At the same time, this sector remains a fragile and Teodosiu, 2002). organism, struggling to meet the overwhelming humanitarian, cultural, environmental, and develop- In Spain, it remains difficult to determine how many ment needs of Romanian society without yet having science shops exist, when they were founded, and a firm domestic support structure in place. This im- how they operate. This lack of information points to plies a need for inexpensive ways of knowledge a low level of institutionalisation and networking production, as through the co-operation of NGOs among the various activities that can be recognised and universities. as science shops. Two factors have been important. As in the other eastern European countries, uni- First, civil society, in terms of new social move- versity reform is an ongoing process. Organisational ments and of membership in associations, is rather structures and methodologies are being tested, dis- weak in Spain. Political participation and protest is cussion about the goals of the system of science and characterised by the traditional Left and by uncon- education are continuous (Konig, 1992; Ionescu- ventional forms of participation (such as strikes) but Sisesti, 1994). In this context, the work of science not by an associational culture (Koopmans, 1996; shops seems satisfactory so far and receives positive Kousis, 1999). Organisational membership is among feedback. the lowest in Europe: only one third of the adult In this rather open transition situation, there is population belongs to any association (Encamaci6n, room for ideas of dialogue between science and soci- 2002). The same applies to political interest: while, ety, being promoted mostly from within the scientific in 1999, 21% of all Danes reported that they discuss community. Reformers conceptualise universities politics "frequently" and 62% "occasionally", the as part of, and promoter of, an open participatory respective figures for Spaniards were 7% and 43%, putting them at the bottom of all the 15 EU countries (Eurobarometer51, 1999). During the Franco dictatorship, civil society could not flourish. In the transition phase to democracy, Romanian civil society remains fragile, there was a short boom of both trade unions and struggling to meet the overwhelming neighbourhood associations. However, after the transition, union membership dropped sharply while needs of the society vt^ithout having a neighbourhood associations dissolved completely. firm domestic support structure: this Reasons for this are, on the one hand, the successful implies a need for inexpensive ways of accomplishment of the transition, which seemed to make activism obsolete, on the other hand, the disil- knowledge production, as through the lusionment with the new system and the resurfacing co-operation of NGOs and universities of everyday problems, exacerbated by a high rate of unemployment (Encarnacion, 2002). Today, the NGO landscape is dominated by the

206 Science and Public Policy June 2004 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder large unions, which often have developed their own of Copenhagen, which was closed as part of a major resources for research, and only a few smaller org- budget reduction some years ago. anisations, which lack access to funding. Science Other public funding is in most cases only avail- shops are facing a difficult situation in co-operating able in a pilot phase, as in the Austrian and Roma- with citizens, since there are few organised citizen nian cases. In the UK, Denmark, Germany, and groups and NGOs to relate to. Spain no continuous state funding for science shops Secondly, the idea of intermediaries between sci- exists. ence and society is not intensively discussed. The Project-based funding is very common for most of term 'science shop' itself is largely unheard of. Sci- the shops. Sometimes customers are charged, some- entists complain about the lack of public interest in times the shops apply for project-based support from scientific work. Political actors are preoccupied with grant-giving bodies, and sometimes the shops react developing an active science policy at the national to public tenders. Project-based funding plays a sub- level, and with laying the necessary foundations for stantial role in Denmark, Austria, Germany and the a quality R&D system, such as appropriate funding, UK, and an essential one in Spain and Romania. clear priorities, and transparent and efficient organ- Finally, a little additional income is sometimes gen- isational structures. erated by donations and membership fees. Although science policy has developed a stronger A common problem is the lack of infrastructural emphasis on the applicability of science and on co- funding. Only the Dutch, the Danish, and one of the operation with other societal actors during the German shops receive basic infrastructure support. 1990s, this focus has been almost exclusively on Consequently, a considerable amount of time has to private business (Otero Hidalgo, 1997; Ballart and be spent on fundraising, and science shops some- Subirats, 1997; Bellavista et al, 1998). For this latter times have to compromise with regard to their goals purpose, a network of so-called Oficinas de Trans- in order to receive funding. Science shops often do ferencia de Resultados de Investigaci6n ('OTRIs', not meet the requirements of funding programmes, that is. Offices for the Transfer of Research Find- because they do not neatly fit into any of the given ings) has been created: categories, such as science, education, NGO or so- cial work. To sum up, there are different cultural and social roots to the science shop idea in the six countries, Science policy and the 'knowledge society' ranging from protest movements and institutional interests (as in the Netherlands) via social volunteer- The six European countries examined converge re- ing (UK) to the construction of a civil society in a markably in their future perspectives on science and transformation country (Romania). To find success- society. In all these countries, discourse about the ful strategies for promoting the science shop ideas at 'knowledge society' is prominent. This new perspec- the European level, we should take these differences tive can greatly influence science shop work. The in context into account. importance of generating and distributing knowledge is stressed, along with a call for co-operation Funding science shop activities between science and society. However, the awareness of ongoing changes does Across all the countries under study, successful sci- not automatically mean that the science shop idea is ence shop work and satisfying co-operation with supported. The dominant discourse differs from the NGOs is dependent on the available resources. Se- discourse about science shops in two important re- cure funding is an important prerequisite for con- spects. First, the range of possible knowledge pro- tinuous science shop work. It allows long-term ducers is severely restricted in the official discourse. planning and the use of qualified personnel. The less In addition to academic institutions, private business time and energy has to be invested in fundraising, is usually considered to be the most important the more a science shop can concentrate on its core knowledge producer. Citizens, NGOs, and other so- tasks. cial groups are often ignored. A number of different funding mechanisms are Secondly, the purpose of knowledge production is available. University funding is available to many often reduced to commercial competitiveness. There shops attached to universities, as in the Dutch, is still little discussion about knowledge being used to Danish, British, Austrian, Romanian, and one of improve the quality of life, boost human emancipation the German cases. Its importance ranges from addi- or support equal opportunities. In short, dialogue be- tional funding (in Austria) or free use of infrastruc- tween science and society usually means dialogue ture (in Romania) via a substantial part of the between science and business (for instance, Danish funding (as in Denmark) to complete funding (as in Parliament, 2000; House of Lords Select Committee the case of the Kooperations- und Beratungsstelle on Science and Technology, 2000; Bundesministe- fur Umweltfragen in Berlin). University funding, rium fur Bildung und Forschung und Bundesministe- however, makes science shops susceptible to univer- rium fur Wirtschaft und Technologie, 2001). sity budget cuts, as seen in the case of the science This becomes clear when we look at the specific shop at the Natural Science Faculty at the University tools applied to implement the 'knowledge-based

Science and Public Policy June 2004 207 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder

society'. In Denmark and Germany, 'science parks' procedures to include civil society, and to broaden are heavily stimulated in order to establish better the notion of expertise to include stakeholders' prac- links between educational institutions and private tical knowledge. It recognises the importance of in- business. Communication is encouraged by special termediaries for "translating scientific findings into funds or by information dissemination policies, and policy issues ... or translating policy and social the arrangement of events, exhibitions and fairs. issues into 'researchable' questions" (Liberatore, Students receive support for founding their own 2001, page 22). business. Such ideas were further developed through the In a similar way, 'technology transfer centres' conference "Science and governance in a knowledge have been established at Romanian, Spanish, Dutch, society" in Brussels in October 2000 (; European Commission, 2000). The activi- task is to communicate to society, but their target ties of the Commission culminated in its recent groups are mostly private enterprises and business Science and Society Action Plan (European Commis- organisations. Sometimes they work together or co- sion, 2002). A "dialogue with the citizen" is recom- exist with science shops (as in the Dutch cases), hut mended, for example by conference, fora, and also via in general, the upward trend in technology transfer "developing the European network of science shops" seems to displace science shops. (European Commission, 2002, Action 21, page 15). These processes go hand-in-hand with university The impact on science shops of the general com- reforms on a structural and curriculum level in mercialisation trend described above is, on the one several countries. In Germany and Denmark, the hand, negative. Resources for knowledge transfer autonomy of universities is strengthened in the finan- are used in other projects instead of science shops. cial domain, while at the same time democratic self- Pressure on science shops to open up for commercial governance principles are replaced by hierarchical clients is growing. Students are busy coping with management principles. In Germany and Austria, cur- their straight study efforts and can no longer afford ricula have been streamlined, straightened and short- to spend time on 'alternative' projects. ened. Students have less freedom of choice and there However, on the other hand, this trend marks a is a tighter system of quality control. Internationally general interest in the issue of knowledge transfer compatible BA and MA programmes are introduced, into society. Activities aimed towards bridging the which are usually shorter and more practically gap between different societal spheres (such as sci- oriented than the previous programmes. These devel- ence and business) and investing resources in co- opments deprive students of the free time and energy operation and networking might in some respects for working in community-oriented projects. also be useful for science shops. In the course of An important counterweight is nowadays pro- higher education reform, serious attempts are being vided by EU policies. A major goal of the EU White made to foster practical experience and the applica- Paper on Governance is to bridge the gap between tion of results. Students are called to work in pro- the EU and its citizens. Therefore, the Commission jects and co-operate with external partners. Although commits itself to enhancing openness, participation, these ideas originally came up to serve the needs and accountability, effectiveness and coherence (Euro- interests of business, they could also indirectly pean Commission, 2001, page 10). Part of this effort support science shops' work. is directed towards science. A working group was appointed by the Commis- sion, which conducted a workshop and wrote a re- Conclusions port "Democratising expertise". The stated goal is to "improve the interactions between expertise, policy Changing coalitions making and public debate" (Liberatore, 2001, page i). The Commission aims to promote participatory While the early science shops of the 1970s and 1980s relied on protest movements, during the 1990s and at the turn of the century, the coalitions have changed. Science shops have little support from lo- cal citizens or movements in making claims on the A major goal of the EU White Paper budgets of local policy makers. Their clients are on Governance is to bridge the gap mainly small associations and organisations that do not have political power. Without a public lobby, the between the EU and its citizens: decline of public funding, trends toward privatisa- therefore, the Commission commits tion and business orientation make science shops itself to enhancing openness, one of the first institutions to be victimised in budget participation, accountability, cuts within the university system. However, while on the local level tighter budgets effectiveness and coherence and the trend to business orientation dominate science policy, on a supra-regional level the public attitude towards science and technology seems to

208 Science and Public Policy June 2004 Science shops in Europe: the public as stakeholder have gained a stronger effect on policy. Distrust in • At the level of the university, a science shop pro- science and technology has moved from social vides a window on the surrounding society and can movements (in the 1970s) into the general public thus strengthen the commitment and public legiti- consciousness, for example, in the case of geneti- misation of the academic institution. Universities cally modified food. today are increasingly embedded in networks of Tighter public budgets also generate pressure on university-industry-govemment relations. Their science-policy making to open up to public scrutiny. public function can easily become associated with The costs and benefits of science have to be ac- industrial interests and bureaucratic practices. counted for and to be legitimated in the public do- However, they can partially reclaim their critical main. The discourse on the 'knowledge society' function by making themselves relevant to their emphasises the need for usable scientific knowledge city, their region, citizens, environmental groups, — visible, for example, in the career of concepts trade-unions, and so on (Leydesdorff and Etzko- such as transdisciplinarity and 'Mode 2' in science witz, 2003). This can be organised in the form of policy-making (Shinn, 2002). This makes the sci- science shops and similar mechanisms of commu- ence-society dialogue an important topic. nity-based research and learning. These tendencies partly explain why, at the • In terms of innovation policies, science shop EU level, we observe a rediscovery of, and an questions can be systematically assessed on increasing support for, science shops. It remains whether they provide options for new lines of re- open to what extent the EU will be a partner for a search and social support. longer-term coalition. Critics suspect that the em- • At a generalised level, science shops may provide phasis on participation in science is a strategic re- a science policy instrument for raising awareness sponse to a temporary fashion and may not play a of, and commitment to, the increasing knowledge long-term role in EU-policy (for instance, Abels, intensity of ongoing transformations in a knowl- 2002). edge-based economy.

Policy implications: science shops at a crossroads However, science shops need to deal with the fact that the general idea of 'citizen science', somewhat Science shops today seem to be at a crossroads. On analogous to a number of other claims of the 1970s the one hand, the concept of the science shop as an movements, has moved from the periphery towards intermediating agency without a financial threshold the centre of the political discourse. It therefore fol- is more up to date and relevant than ever before. lows that science shops have different options in Most research programmes nowadays demand an choosing their future strategies. inter- or transdisciplinary orientation and the appli- First, science shops may want to reconsider their cability of research results. Furthermore, steps are coalitions. To profit from EU policies, they may taken towards fostering intermediary organisations have to establish a more professional and visible like science shops on the actual policy level in appearance and a homogeneous profile to fit into Europe. programmes and function as 'one' partner in Euro- On the other hand, science shops will remain con- pean research, technology and development. This tinuously under pressure because of the marginality does not mean that the activities of the science shops implied in the very concept. In addition to budget should no longer exhibit a wide variety, but the sci- cuts and a general commercialisation tendency, a ence shops have to be recognisable as one form of further hindering factor is that the science shop institution with a clear common goal and common movement is no longer connected to larger social identity. This change in coalition is first of all a po- movements. Developments in civil society are dif- litical decision: do science shops support the step ferent and asynchronous among European nations. from grassroots orientation towards 'established' There remains little public pressure at the European policy-making? and national levels in favour of science shops when Secondly, it is a question of building up an inter- it comes to funding and policy-making. national science shop network, of marketing and From this diagnosis, some conclusions can be lobbying. Since many small science shops do not drawn for universities and for the science shops have the resources to build up and maintain active themselves. First, it needs to be stated that the co-operations on an international level, the funding science shop model is potentially an interface insti- of an international science shop office by, for in- tution providing options at various levels: stance, the EU would be a great support. This would allow the science shops to work in a network, but • At the level of the community, a science shop can still remain active near the citizens. provide a point of entrance to the knowledge pro- A third possible direction would be the accom- duction system with a relatively low threshold. modation of the trend towards profitable science. This point of entrance can be used, for example, Science shops may consider diversifying their port- as a follow-up and concretisation by a client folio, serving small and medium enterprises as well group after a more encyclopaedic orientation as civil society organisations, and engaging in com- about one's research questions in the Internet. mercially profitable projects. Some science shops

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Cooley, M (1980), Architect or Bee (Langley Technical Service, career counselling and job-seeking help in the social Slough). and ecological field, the science shop in Bonn has CSDF, Civil Society Development Foundation (editor) (1997), developed a commercial pillar. However, science Romanians' Phiianthropic and Associative Behavior, results of a national opinion survey conducted by the Centre for Urban shops are aware of possible conflicts between social and Regional Sociology on behalf of the Civil Society Devel- and ecological goals on the one hand and business opment Foundation (CSDF, Bucharest). interests on the other. In order not to compromise Danish Parliament (2000), "Political agreement on principles for their original goals, the commercial activities need research in Denmark", available at , last accessed 10 May 2004. to be embedded in an overarching vision. Dehler, J (1989), Wissenstransfer fur die Gesellschaft. 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