IRPP-514 PO INT June 2001

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

IRPP-514 PO INT June 2001 VIRTUAL POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE DECLINE OF DEMOCRACY Focused on the surface events of politics, many of us have failed to notice the replacement of traditional political parties by “virtual parties” brought together around would-be party leaders. The winning leader’s virtual party then takes over the party “brand.” Like the body-snatchers of the Hollywood horror movie, it appropriates the shell of the old party but fills it with something quite different: a direct, unmediated connection between leader and voters that destroys one of the Reg Whitaker traditional bulwarks of civil society. We are worse off for it. En restant à la surface des événements, beaucoup d’entre nous n’avons pas remarqué le remplacement des partis politiques traditionnels par des « partis virtuels », réunis autour de soi-disant leaders qui s’arrogent la « marque » d’un parti une fois leur victoire acquise. Comme dans les films d’horreur hollywoodiens où des extra-terrestres déterrent les cadavres pour emprunter leur enveloppe charnelle, ces leaders s’approprient l’image des vieux partis mais lui donne corps d’une manière fort différente : ils imposent entre les électeurs et eux-mêmes une relation directe qui, en éliminant l’intermédiaire des formations politiques, vient détruire l’un des remparts de la société civile. Nous ne pouvons qu’en sortir perdants. quick quiz on the major events of the political year mer federal Progressive Conservative official, early in 2000 2000 might elicit the following list: the emergence wrote an open letter to PC supporters urging them to aban- A out of the old Reform party of the new Canadian don their federal party for the Canadian Alliance. He com- Alliance under Stockwell Day; the re-election of Jean plained about his own “wasted investment” in this “brand”: Chrétien’s Liberals to a third successive majority; the appar- “it was time to invest elsewhere.” He went on: “If the feder- ent stagnation of the Bloc Québécois; the continued mar- al PC party in which you have invested so much was a ginalization of the federal Progressive Conservative and mutual fund you would have dumped it years ago.” New Democratic parties. Two of Campbell’s words are particularly significant: Appearances can sometimes be misleading, however. investment and brand. Parties are no longer about commit- Surface events and personalities mask deeper, structural ment, in the sense of principles, loyalty and tradition. Long changes taking place beneath the veneer. Distracted by the ago, partisans rallied to Sir John A. Macdonald’s Tories rise and fall of party labels and leaders, it has been easy to under the slogan “the Old Man, the Old Flag, the Old miss the subterranean transformation of political parties Policy.” No more. A party is not a collective project. It is a into different sorts of creatures than in the past. In an age of “mutual fund.” Commitment has become investment, and relentless change imposed by markets and technology, investment demands appropriate returns. If “wasted,” it political parties have had to adapt to the challenges of glob- should be pulled out and put “elsewhere.” The party’s name alization, the information revolution and the new media, or and symbols are no longer marks of allegiance, but are fade into irrelevance. merely a “brand.” Brands are corporate marketing devices The flavour of these changes can be caught in the lan- for products. Brand identification is intended to promote guage used by party insiders to describe their business. sales. If sales falter, re-branding may be required. In Alister Campbell, one of the leading architects of Ontario Campbell’s worst-case scenario, the wise investor pulls out premier Mike Harris’ Common Sense Revolution, and a for- altogether and invests in a new product line with a more 16 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN 2001 Virtual political parties marketable brand. Hence, like a good investment Like “virtual” corporations in the networked analyst, Campbell is advising his clients to sell PC information economy, virtual parties form and and buy CA. reform for specific purposes. With more tasks According to political scientists, political par- “outsourced” and less done in-house, the virtual ties are crucial linkages between civil society and party networks across traditional organizational Virtual parties the state: a noble calling. But in capitalist democ- boundaries, drawing in specialists who perform racies, parties are poor cousins to their private specific functions to meet specific, market-driv- form around sector counterparts, the corporations. Corpor- en needs. Virtual parties form around politicians politicians ations sell goods and services and make profits. seeking the leadership of parties, as relatively Parties sell promises of policy and patronage. At small entourages or coteries of political strate- seeking the best, they offer insurance that profits in the pri- gists, marketing and communications experts, vate sector will not be impeded by policies pur- “spin doctors,” PR flacks and policy “wonks.” If leadership of sued in the public sector, a kind of respectable successful, the same coterie then in effect colo- protection racket. But in a competitive political nizes the party and runs its subsequent election parties, as market, few parties can bank promises contin- campaign. The party, as such, serves as little gent upon victory at the polls. Not surprisingly, it more than a convenient franchise with brand relatively small is the corporate sector where research and inno- recognition, marketing “location,” and ready vation in the technology of marketing and com- sources of campaign funding. Sometimes, it is entourages or munications take place. Parties have to catch up more convenient to “re-brand” the old party for coteries of with trends in the private sector, and struggle to better location. The real campaign dynamic cope with new techniques and tools of marketing derives from the virtual party within the shell of political as best they can, with limited resources. the traditional party. If the electoral campaign is successful, the virtual party then colonizes the strategists, ne of the organizational forms pioneered strategic heights of government, around the O in the new economy is the “virtual corpo- office of the prime minister or premier, setting marketing and ration,” a form adapted to the flexibility policy priorities, interfacing with the permanent required of a networked world. Old corporations bureaucracy and managing the government’s communications were heavy, stand-alone entities, with high fixed image and media presentation. Many of the real investment in plant and product, centralized high flyers in the team, however, will choose to experts, “spin and hierarchical in structure, slow to react to return to the more lucrative private sector, only doctors,” PR changes in their environment, commanding coming out again for a brief burst of activity dur- market share by sheer weight and inertia. ing a re-election campaign. All this is dependent flacks, policy Exemplars of old corporate culture were the big upon the leader, and the policy package he or three North American automakers before the she represents. These are the products being “wonks.” challenge of Japanese and European competition marketed. hit home. New corporations are somewhat less There are some spectacular examples of the If successful, hierarchical, more decentralized, more flexible virtual party in operation. One of the most and adaptive, with less fixed investment. New remarkable is the transformation of the British the same corporations are leaner, which does not mean Labour party under Tony Blair. Blair’s communi- that they necessarily employ fewer people. cations and publicity entourage, led by Peter coterie then Rather, they employ fewer people directly, but Mandelson, the former Northern Ireland secre- in effect many more indirectly, through outsourcing. tary, remade the party from the top down. They Here is where the idea of the virtual corporation even re-branded it as New Labour, to distinguish colonizes comes in. For specific purposes or projects, net- it from the electorally unsuccessful and media- works are formed that flow around and over the unfriendly “Old” Labour. Helped by a decaying the party. old organizational boundaries. They may Tory ancien régime, New Labour swept to office in involve temporary partnerships or alliances with 1997. Millbank, the permanent party headquar- other corporations, or at least components of ters where its publicity directors and spin doctors other corporations. These networks are function- reside, has become a kind of rival power centre to alist in design, strictly goal-oriented, and evanes- Whitehall. In office, Blair and company have cent, forming and reforming around particular been assailed by both critics and supporters as projects, and disappearing when the goals are lacking in any clear or distinctive policy direc- achieved. These commando units may be con- tion, yet at the same time as control freaks sidered, during their transitory lives, as “virtual” obsessed with spin doctoring their image at the corporations expense of substance. This is a trap that virtual POLICY OPTIONS 17 JUNE 2001 Reg Whitaker parties can fall into, given that they are con- The Harris party has been successful because structed in the first instance for the immediate it has tightly integrated marketing with policy. It purpose of getting elected, rather than for gov- was re-branded the “Harris” party not because erning. Yet some Canadian experience suggests Mike Harris is the product, but because it is a The Common that virtual parties may be quite well prepared useful way of distinguishing its new policy ori- not only to get elected, but also to govern pro- entation from the soft, centrist conservatism Sense grammatically with distinctive policy agendas that characterized the old Tory party. The real Revolution product is the Common Sense Revolution, an remarkable case study of a programmatic, ideological program that reflects the goals and was a product A even ideological, “virtual” party is the preferences of its architects, the core of the vir- “Mike Harris party,” as the Progressive tual party.
Recommended publications
  • History Senate Election
    SENATE EXPANDING THE BLUEPRINT FOR SENATE REFORM '99'99 for the record: Alberta’s 1998 senate election introduction “The first action taken by Pierre Elliot Trudeau as prime minister at his inaugural cabinet meeting in 1968 turned out to be prescient. He appointed his first senator...Trudeau told cabinet that despite the appointment, he still favoured Senate reform as promised during the election. As we now know, 30 years later, it never happened. In fact, Trudeau’s last action as prime minister 16 years after the cabinet meeting was to leave patronage appointments to the Senate for his successor John Turner. It played a major role in the Liberals’ brutal defeat in the 1984 election at the hands of Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservatives, who also promised reforms.” From a news article in the CALGARY HERALD, Feb 4/99, Pg. A8. Such is the story of Senate reform – while many Canadians express commitment to the idea, this “convoy” is not moving very fast. The road to meaningful Senate reform has been long, winding, and full of potholes, and while the debates, discussion, reports, conferences, and scandals have made for some pretty impressive scenery, the destination remains somewhere beyond the horizon. To be sure, the Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords did propel us further down the road by securing a place for Senate reform on the national agenda, but that scenery too is fading from memory. And if the road were not yet bumpy enough, Ottawa continues to put up roadblocks by refusing to consider any alternatives to the Senate status quo.
    [Show full text]
  • CTM2007 Alberta Release
    Alberta Politics in the time of Public Opinion Research Release Date: July 29, 2020 COVID-19: July 2020 Update Field Dates: July 14, 2020 to July 20, 2020 STRICTLY PRIVILEGED AND CONFIDENTIAL Alberta Politics in the time of COVID-19 The COVID-19 outbreak has set off a series of changes in the Canadian political landscape. In Alberta, approval of the government’s handling of the outbreak has remained positive and steady since June– though lagging behind the provincial average. Kenney’s personal favourability has dropped since June while Rachel Notley’s is on the rise; yet, the UCP continues to hold a lead in vote intention due to their strong partisan base. Today, INNOVATIVE is releasing results from July 2020 Canada This Month survey. The online survey was in field from July 14th to July 20th with a weighted sample size of 300 Alberta residents. Detailed methodology is provided in the appendix. This report covers key results on how those from Alberta are rating their government’s handling of the COVID-19 outbreak and the impacts that is having on more general government approval and provincial vote choice. Government Approval General government satisfaction is down, but approval of the Alberta government’s handling of the outbreak is steady since June. All-in-all, Alberta still remains 12 points behind the provincial average when it comes to their handling of the outbreak. Alberta Mood: Half (50%) say they are dissatisfied with the 4 performance of the AB government while 43% say they are satisfied Generally speaking, how satisfied are
    [Show full text]
  • Alberta Liberal Party
    Alberta Liberal Party Policies Passed at the 2013 September Policy General Meeting 2013 Policies Table of Contents Forward …………..……………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 Mental Health ………….…………………………………………………………………………………….…… 3 Seniors Long Term Care ………………….…………………………………………………………………...… 4 Childhood Intervention in Mental Health ……………………………………………………………………… 5 Senior Care ………….………………………………………………………………………………….………… 6 Coal Power …………………….……………………………………………………………………..…………… 7 Support for Experimental Lakes ……….………………………………………………..……………………… 8 Protection of Water and Related Ecosystems ….…………………………………………………………..…… 9 Responsible Stewardship of Energy Resources ………………………………...……………………...……… 10 Support for Basic Research and Independent Universities …….……..……………………………………… 11 Tuition …………………………………………….…………………….……………..………………………… 12 Cut Subsidies to Private Schools ………………….……………….…………………………………………… 13 Ending Cannabis Prohibition.……………….…………………..……………………………………………… 15 Stable and Sufficient Funding for Legal Aid ………….……….……………………………………………… 16 Drug Treatment and Mental Health Courts ……………….….……………………….……………………… 17 Protecting Gender Identity and Gender Expression ………….……………………………………………… 18 Per Capita Distribution of Municipal Revenue …………..…………………………………………………… 19 Progressive Taxation ……………………………………..…………………...………………………………… 20 Open Government Contracts ………………………..………………….……………………………………… 21 Fuel Excise Tax ……………………………………..…………………………………………………………… 22 High Speed Rail ……………………………….………………………………………………………………… 23 1 Forward Policy in the Alberta Liberal Party form the
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Alberta Election 2019 Revised Questionnaire April 4, 2019
    1 Alberta Election 2019 Revised Questionnaire April 4, 2019 [STANDALONE INTRO SCREEN] Hi there! Today we would like to ask you some questions about life here in Alberta today. We just want to get an idea of how Albertans are feeling. As always, answers are confidential. Please answer to the best of your ability! Q1. First, from your perspective what do you think are the top issues facing Alberta right now? Please choose up to two issues from the list: (Or choose Other if your top issue isn’t on the list). [Randomize] Energy - Oil & Gas / Pipelines The Economy Jobs / unemployment Environment / Climate change Health Care The Deficit / Government spending Education Leadership / Ethics / Accountability Taxes Crime / Public Safety Other (specify) Q2. As you may be aware, an Alberta provincial election will be held on April 16. Based on how you feel right now, how certain are you about which party’s candidate you will support in this election? Would you say you are...? Very certain – I know exactly who I will support Somewhat certain – I know who I am leaning towards, but I could change my mind Uncertain – I really don’t know who I will support Q2.5. And, in comparison to previous provincial elections, how important would you say this election is to you? Is it … Much more important than previous elections More important About the same as previous elections Less important Much less important than previous elections Q3. As you consider the choices in this election, which of the following considerations is MOST important to you in making up your mind as to who to support? [RANDOMIZE] The parties’ policies on the issues The party leaders The individual candidates running in your constituency 2 [SPLIT SAMPLE: HALF OF RESPONDENTS SEE SECTION A FOLLOWED BY SECTION B, AND HALF SEE SECTION B FOLLOWED BY SECTION A] [TAG WHICH ORDER PER RESPONDENT] [SECTION A] Q4.
    [Show full text]
  • Priming the Voter: Assessing the Implications of Economic Perceptions on Evaluations of Leaders and Parties
    Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 92-111 Priming the Voter: Assessing the Implications of Economic Perceptions on Evaluations of Leaders and Parties David McGrane Department of Political Studies, St. Thomas More College, University of Saskatchewan - Email address: [email protected] Kirk Clavelle Department of Political Studies, University of Saskatchewan (Alumnus) - Email address: [email protected] Loleen Berdahl Department of Political Studies, University of Saskatchewan - Email address: [email protected] Abstract: This article examines the effects of economic perceptions on party leader evaluations and on the overall feelings of voters towards the various parties contesting the election. We find that positive feelings towards incumbent parties and premiers and negative feelings towards the primary opposition parties and their leaders increase when voters feel that the provincial economy is strong. However, such ‘sociotropic’ economic perceptions do not affect feelings towards third parties and their leaders. In this sense, economic perceptions are important for the battle between the governing party and its primary challenger: they prime voters to like either the incumbent party and Premier, or like the government-in-waiting and the Premier-in-waiting. On the other hand, voters’ evaluations of third parties and their leaders seem to be based on factors other than economic perceptions. Keywords: economy, sociotropic, economic perceptions, voters Résumé: Au lieu d'examiner l'effet des perceptions économiques sur le choix de vote, cet article examine les effets des perceptions économiques sur l'évaluation des chefs des partis et les effets des perceptions économiques sur les sentiments généraux des électeurs à l'égard des différents partis politiques.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Poll Alberta Provincial Election
    Report POLITICAL POLL ALBERTA PROVINCIAL ELECTION For more information please contact: Ian Large Vice-President Alberta 780-423-0708 ext. 4244 [email protected] MARCH 2019 DATE METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY Hosted on Leger’s online OmniWeb platform, using Leger’s Computer Aided Web Interviewing software (CAWI). Conducted March 7-12, 2019 1,001 Alberta residents aged 18 years of age or older, and who have the right to vote in Canada, were surveyed online using Leger’s online panel, Legerweb.com The data have been weighted by age, gender and region to ensure representativeness As a non-random internet survey, a margin of error is not reported (margin of error accounts for sampling error). Had these data been collected using a probability sample, the margin of error for a sample size of 1,001 Albertans, aged 18 years or older, and who have the right to vote in Canada, would be ±3.1 percentage points, 19 times out of 20. 2 METHODOLOGY Notes on Reading this Report Totals may not add to 100% due to rounding. In this report, data in bold red characters indicate a significantly lower proportion than that of other respondents. Conversely, data in bold green characters indicate a significantly higher proportion that than of other respondents. A more detailed methodology is presented in the annex. If you have questions about the data presented in this report, please contact Ian Large, Vice-Present (Alberta) at the following e-mail address: [email protected] 3 AWARENESS OF LAST DATE PROVINCIAL ELECTION CAN TAKE PLACE Q1. As you may be aware, a provincial election will take place in Alberta in the coming 42% months.
    [Show full text]
  • Alberta Provincial Politics Wildrose Party Takes the Lead in Alberta WRP 41%, PC 28%, ALP 16%, NDP 12%, Other 3%
    Alberta Provincial Politics Wildrose Party Takes the Lead in Alberta WRP 41%, PC 28%, ALP 16%, NDP 12%, Other 3% For Release: March 30, 2012 Conducted for: Field Dates: March 26 to 28, 2012 All Respondents: n=1,036 Albertans, 18 years of age and older Margin of Error: + 3.1%, 19 times of 20 Decided Voters: n=948, 18 years of age and older Margin of Error: + 3.2%, 19 times of 20 Alberta Political Survey n=1,036, March 26 to 28, 2012 Wildrose Takes the Lead in Alberta Wildrose Party leads by 13 over the incumbent Tories. Wildrose and PCs tied on who is best to manage the oil sands. Please refer to the survey as: Sun News Network - Abacus Data Poll 1,036 Albertans, 18 years of age and older, March 26-28, 2012 Ottawa – A new survey from Abacus Data conducted for the Sun News Network finds that the Wildrose Party has jumped ahead of the Progressive Conservative Party and now leads by 13 percentage points. Compared with the Sun News Network-Abacus Data poll conducted earlier in March, the Wildrose Party is up 12 percentage points among decided voters while the Tories are down six percent. The Alberta Liberal Party and NDP are both down two points since early March. Province-wide, the Wildrose Party has the support of 41% of decided voters, followed by the PCs at 28%, the Liberals at 16% and the NDP at 12%. Regional Breakdown The Wildrose Party has opened up a commanding lead in Calgary with 50% of decided voters saying they plan to vote Wildrose compared with 25% for the PCs, 15% for the Liberals, and 8% for the NDP.
    [Show full text]
  • The Wildrose Alliance in Alberta Politics
    SPP Research Papers Volume 4•Issue 6• May 2011 IS THIS THE END OF THE TORY DYNASTY? The Wildrose Alliance in Alberta Politics Anthony M. Sayers and David K. Stewart1 University of Calgary ABSTRACT The Alberta Tory dynasty begun by Peter Lougheed is now 40 years old. With only four leaders across four decades, the party has managed to maintain its hold on the political imagination of Albertans. It has weathered a number of storms, from minor party assaults during the tumultuous 1980s to the Liberal threat of 1993 and the stresses associated with the global financial crisis. Now it confronts a new challenge in the form of the Wildrose Alliance led by Danielle Smith. Just as the Tories stole the centre ground from beneath Social Credit in the 1970s, the Wildrose leadership team hopes to take what was a fringe right wing party and turn it into a broad coalition capable of appealing to a large number of Albertans. What challenges do they face in repositioning the party? And how will the Tories protect their home turf? In brief, the Wildrose Alliance must modify its policies and present them in such a manner as to be able to plausibly claim that it now reflects the core values of Albertans better than the current government. For its part, the government must select a new leader capable of successfully painting Wildrose as outsiders who cannot be trusted to cleave to the values that Albertans hold dear. What are these values? Strong support for individualism, a populist view of government – including wariness of the federal government – combined with a deep commitment to a role for government in providing core programs in areas such as health care, the environment, and social welfare.
    [Show full text]
  • Party Competition in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba
    CODE POLITICS: PARTY SYSTEM DEVELOPMENT ON THE CANADIAN PRAIRIES Jared J. Wesley Department of Political Studies University of Manitoba [email protected] For Presentation at: The Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario Please do not cite without permission. May 29, 2009 Abstract Similar in so many ways, questions persist as to why Canada’s three Prairie Provinces have developed such distinct patterns of party competition. Right-wing dynasties thrive in Alberta; Saskatchewan’s natural governing party is avowedly social democratic; while party politics in Manitoba remains relatively balanced between the forces of the right and left. This paper supplements conventional solutions to this “prairie paradox” - grounded in political culture and settlement patterns - with an ideational analysis of campaign narratives. This examination reveals that each system is focused around a unique provincial “code.” In Alberta, Social Credit and Progressive Conservative leaders have emphasized “freedom” over “security,” whereas New Democrats in Saskatchewan have stressed precisely the opposite. Successful politicians in Manitoba have steered a middling course, underscoring the importance of “moderation” in their campaign rhetoric. Cultivated by, and constraining, prominent leaders over time, these dominant discourses help explain the persistent differences between the three worlds of party competition in the region. Introduction Considering their many commonalities, the three Prairie Provinces ought to feature similar patterns of party competition. Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta are each separated by essentially artificial boundaries, their borders based on arbitrary longitudinal lines, rather than topographic or ethnic divisions (Elton, 1970). All three are associated with a common iconic landscape: one with vast stretches of prairie, bounded only by mountains to the West and the Canadian Shield to the East.
    [Show full text]
  • Alberta Liberal Party Association Bylaws.Docx
    0 0 Contents 1. Name 2 2. Powers 2 3. Definitions 2 4. Membership 3 5. Executive Committee 4 6. Board of Directors 9 7. Regions 12 8. Committees 13 9. General Meetings 13 10. Amendments 13 11. Leadership 14 12. Policy Development 15 13. Constituency Associations 15 1 1. Name 1.1. The name of the society is the Alberta Liberal Party Association (the “Party”). 2. Powers 2.1. The Alberta Liberal Party may acquire and take by purchase, donation, devise, or otherwise all kinds of real estate and personal property, and may sell, exchange, mortgage, lease, let, improve, and develop it, and may erect and maintain any necessary buildings. 2.2. The funds and property of the Party shall be used and dealt with for its legitimate objectives only and in accordance with these bylaws. 2.3. For the purpose of carrying out its objective, the Party, under the direction of Board of Directors, may borrow or raise or secure the payment of money in such manner as it thinks fit and this power shall only be exercised under the authority of these bylaws and in no case shall debt security be issued without the sanction of a special resolution at a General Meeting. 3. Definitions 3.1. “Board” means the Board of Directors of the Alberta Liberal Party as set out in Section 6 of these bylaws. 3.2. “Caucus” means the elected members of the Legislative Assembly of Alberta who are recognized as members of the Alberta Liberal Party. 3.3. “Constituency Association” means an association in an Electoral Division endorsed by the Alberta Liberal Party as its official association in that Electoral Division.
    [Show full text]
  • AB Today – Election Report April 16, 2019
    AB Today – Election Report April 16, 2019 Quotation of the day “Get up a little earlier, make your coffee, then go to the window, pull back those curtains and take a nice long look outside and take in that bright orange sunrise.” NDP Leader Rachel Notley told supporters she is hoping for an “orange sunrise” on ​ ​ election day. Day 28: Election day On the schedule Today is election day. Voting begins at 9 a.m. Polls close at 8 p.m. Heading into e-day, CBC’s poll tracker says there is a 99 per cent likelihood the United Conservative Party will win the most ​ seats. The news outlet’s aggregate of public polling data projects the UCP will win between 57 and 70 of the province’s 87 seats; the NDP will win between 17 and 29 seats; and the Alberta Party will scoop one. The four major parties are splitting their election night events between Edmonton and Calgary. The NDP will hold its election night party at the Edmonton Convention Centre. Alberta Party Leader Stephen Mandel won’t be far off — he will watch the results at the Alberta Party HQ in ​ ​ an industrial area of west Edmonton. The United Conservative Party is preparing for a celebration, setting up shop at the Big Four Roadhouse on the Calgary Stampede Grounds. The event will have a cash bar, refreshments and a live band. Alberta Liberal Leader David Khan will also be in Calgary at his campaign headquarters. ​ ​ Voters have three days to put away their election signs. Notley campaign NDP Leader Rachel Notley began the final day of the campaign with a speech at a fabrication ​ ​ facility in the Calgary—Peigan riding.
    [Show full text]
  • To Vote Or Not to Vote
    Student Resource 3-2 3 If I could vote, would I? To Vote or Not to Vote Why do you think some people choose to vote and others do not? Explore the following list of reasons. Rank each list in the order that you think is most common. Rank Common Reasons Rank Common Reasons for Voting for Not Voting To exercise the right – we live in a Do not have time democracy and we have the right to vote – why not use it Forget Out of duty – many people feel that it is Have to work their job as citizens to participate in elections Do not like any of the choices To support a particular candidate or Do not know who to vote for their political party Out of town To have a voice – to have a say in how things are done Not interested To change things, to make a difference Do not think it matters The system does not work if people Do not know when or where to vote do not vote Survey Use the questions on the Survey form to interview one or two individuals who are of voting age (18 and older). Add your own questions to the interview. 85 Elections Alberta Elementary Survey (Circle one that applies) Gender: Male Female Age: 18-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 >55 Part I: Participation Do you discuss politics and government with your family? Do you believe that it is important to vote? Why or why not? Have you ever voted in an election (federal, provincial or municipal)? Was there ever a time that you did not vote? Could you explain why? At what age did you first vote? When you vote, what is the number one thing that you consider when making your decision? (Continued on next
    [Show full text]