Prosecutorial Malpractice Progressive Prosecutors, Public Safety, and Felony Outcomes Foreword
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Nov. 12, 2020 $1 Black Vote Dumps Trump by Monica Moorehead and Louisville, Ky., Respectively This Past Spring
¡La autodefensa es un derecho! 12 Editorial Niños perdidos 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 62, No. 46 Nov. 12, 2020 $1 Black vote dumps Trump By Monica Moorehead and Louisville, Ky., respectively this past spring. There were also signs saying that Once it was confirmed on Nov. 7 that the election was not about Biden/Harris, the Joe Biden and Kamala Harris ticket but about the defeat of Trump and that had defeated Trump, literally tens of the struggle will continue. thousands of people around the U.S. There was also the recognition of his- spontaneously took to the streets for tory being made with Kamala Harris hours in jubilation and celebration. Not being the first woman and the first only were downtown areas taken over woman of color to become a vice-presi- but also neighborhoods, block by block, dent elect. While describing herself as a where traffic came to a standstill with Black woman of Jamaican heritage, her horns blaring. family roots also come from the Indian While the majority of those in the state of Tamil Nadu. There were thou- streets were young people, all ages partic- sands of women, including Muslims, car- ipated regardless of nationality, gender, rying signs expressing equal if not more gender expression and abilities. People support for Harris winning than Biden. Lead banners of march in Philadelphia Center City, Nov. 7. WW PHOTO: JOE PIETTE could hardly wait to let off steam after While there was a wide gauntlet of waiting for what must have seemed like political views of people who poured out an eternity— if only five days— to see if in the streets of Philadelphia, Atlanta, the four-year nightmare of Trump would New York City, Chicago, the Bay Area, Philly celebrates, come to an end. -
Law and Order Politics and Practices in Trump's
Hastings Journal of Crime and Punishment Volume 1 Number 2 Summer 2020 Article 4 Summer 2020 Regressive Prosecutors: Law and Order Politics and Practices in Trump’s DOJ Mona Lynch Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_journal_crime_punishment Part of the Criminal Law Commons, and the Criminal Procedure Commons Recommended Citation Mona Lynch, Regressive Prosecutors: Law and Order Politics and Practices in Trump’s DOJ, 1 Hastings J. Crime & Punish. 195 (2020). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_journal_crime_punishment/vol1/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Journal of Crime and Punishment by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 3 - Lynch_HJCP_V1-2 5/13/2020 11:27 AM Regressive Prosecutors: Law and Order Politics and Practices in Trump’s DOJ MONA LYNCH* Introduction In October 2019, President Donald J. Trump signed an executive order authorizing the establishment of a Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice, to be formed and directed by Attorney General William Barr.1 The Trump executive order included 13 examples of the kind of issues the Commission was to address. Number Four was “refusals by State and local prosecutors to enforce laws or prosecute categories of crimes.”2 This provision echoes sentiments expressed just two months -
Critical Race Theory and Power
\\jciprod01\productn\H\HBK\36-1\HBK102.txt unknown Seq: 1 2-JUL-20 7:36 CRITICAL RACE THEORY & POWER: THE CASE FOR PROGRESSIVE PROSECUTION Heather L. Pickerell1 ABSTRACT This note makes the case for why scholars and members of the polity should identify and support genuinely progressive prosecutors. A key Critical Race The- ory tenant—that legislation and favorable judicial decisions are often inadequate avenues to subvert power structures—holds true for criminal justice. Conse- quently, this note urges advocates to accept that legislative bodies and courts are imperfect agents of change and to turn to another powerful actor to seek criminal justice reform—local prosecutors. But critics of progressive prosecutors take is- sue with the contention that prosecutors can be a source of meaningful reform. The most common criticism—that other actors in the justice system render prose- cutors “powerless” to enact genuinely progressive reform—is sustained by real- life examples. This note addresses these criticisms by exploring how local prose- cutors wield both structural and particularized power in the American justice system. Because prosecutors can systematically reduce incarceration and insti- tute more racially just criminal justice policies, advocates should support pro- gressive candidates for district attorney offices. INTRODUCTION Skeptical eyes have watched the growing wave of “progressive” pros- ecutors who have crept into the national conscience since Larry Krasner’s shock victory in the Philadelphia District Attorney Democratic primary grabbed headlines in 2017.2 Kim Foxx of Cook County, Kim Ogg of Hous- ton, and Rachel Rollins of Boston quickly followed Krasner’s wake. Pro- gressive candidates for district attorneys’ offices are now hitting the campaign trail en masse.3 These prosecutors’ recent ascendency is a seis- mic departure from the “law-and-order,”4 “tough-on-crime”5 lawyers who have long-filled America’s district attorney offices. -
Imagining the Progressive Prosecutor
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 2021 Imagining the Progressive Prosecutor Benjamin Levin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Levin, Benjamin, "Imagining the Progressive Prosecutor" (2021). Minnesota Law Review. 3206. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/3206 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Essay Imagining the Progressive Prosecutor Benjamin Levin† INTRODUCTION In the lead-up to the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, Sen- ator Kamala Harris’s prosecutorial record became a major source of contention.1 Harris—the former San Francisco District Attorney and California Attorney General—received significant support and media attention that characterized her as a “progressive prosecutor.”2 In a moment of increasing public enthusiasm for criminal justice reform, Harris’s rise was frequently framed in terms of her support for a more †Associate Professor, University of Colorado Law School. For helpful comments and conversations, many thanks to Jeff Bellin, Rabea Benhalim, Jenny Braun, Dan Far- bman, Kristelia García, Leigh Goodmark, Aya Gruber, Carissa Byrne Hessick, Sharon Jacobs, Margot Kaminski, Craig Konnoth, Kate Levine, Eric Miller, Justin Murray, Will Ortman, Joan Segal, Scott Skinner-Thompson, Sloan Speck, and Ahmed White. Thanks, as well, to the students in my Advanced Criminal Justice Seminar at Colorado Law School whose deep ambivalence about progressive prosecution helped inspire this Es- say. -
In Re: Conflict of Interest of the Office of the Philadelphia District Attorney
Received 12/2/2019 7:25:36 PM Supreme Court Eastern District Filed 12/2/2019 7:25:00 PM Supreme Court Eastern District 125 EM 2019 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA EASTERN DISTRICT 125 EM 2019 IN RE: CONFLICT OF INTEREST OF THE OFFICE OF THE PHILADELPHIA DISTRICT ATTORNEY PETITION OF MAUREEN FAULKNER Widow of Deceased Police Officer Daniel Faulkner THE PHILADELPHIA DISTRICT ATTORNEY'S RESPONSE TO THE PETITION FOR KING'S BENCH JURISDICTION Response to the Petition for King's Bench Jurisdiction over the Matter Pend- ing Before the Superior Court in Commonwealth v. Wesley Cook, a/k/a Mumia Abu-Jamal, 290 EDA 2019, CP-51-CR-0113571-1982. GRADY GERVINO Assistant District Attorney LAWRENCE J. GOODE Supervisor, Appeals Unit NANCY WINKELMAN Supervisor, Law Division CAROLYN ENGEL TEMIN First Assistant District Attorney LAWRENCE S. KRASNER District Attorney of Philadelphia Three South Penn Square Philadelphia, PA 19107 (215) 686-5728 [email protected] TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Table of Authorities iii Counter -Statement of the Case 1 Argument 5 THIS COURT SHOULD DENY THE PETITION FOR KING'S BENCH JURISDICTION. 5 A. King's Bench Jurisdiction is not Appropriate in this Case. 6 B. There are no Grounds for Disqualifying the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office from this Case. 10 1. The Commonwealth Attorneys Act. 10 2. The alleged conflicts of interest. 11 3. The District Attorneys strategic decision to not oppose Defendant Cook's remand request. 24 4. The case law supplied by Mrs. Faulkner's attorneys does not support her claim. 30 5. The allegation of an "appearance of impropriety." 33 6. -
“Progressive” Prosecutors Sabotage the Rule of Law, Raise Crime Rates, and Ignore Victims Charles D
LEGAL MEMORANDUM No. 275 | OCTOBER 29, 2020 EDWIN MEESE III CENTER FOR LEGAL & JUDICIAL STUDIES “Progressive” Prosecutors Sabotage the Rule of Law, Raise Crime Rates, and Ignore Victims Charles D. Stimson and Zack Smith Introduction KEY TAKEAWAYS The American prosecutor occupies a unique role Rogue prosecutors usurp the role of state among lawyers. The prosecutor has a higher duty legislatures, thereby violating the sepa- than other attorneys. His duty is to seek justice, not ration of powers between the executive branch and legislative branch. simply to obtain convictions. As the American Bar Association notes, “The prosecutor should seek to protect the innocent and convict the guilty, consider Rogue prosecutors abuse the role of the the interests of victims and witnesses, and respect the district attorney by refusing to prosecute constitutional and legal rights of all persons, including broad categories of crimes, thereby failing suspects and defendants.”1 to enforce the law faithfully. Prosecutors play a vital and indispensable role in the fair and just administration of criminal law. As mem- bers of the executive branch at the local, state, or federal Violent crime goes up and victims’ rights level, they, like all other members of the executive are ignored in rogue prosecutors’ cities. branch, take an oath to support and defend the Consti- tution and faithfully execute the law as written. They do not make laws. That is the duty of the legislative branch. This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/lm275 The Heritage Foundation | 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE | Washington, DC 20002 | (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. -
Time for Workers to Defeat Racism, Fascism by John Catalinotto After Three Hours, the Jan
Un cuento de dos clases 12 El país más rico 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 63, No. 3 Jan. 21, 2021 $1 Trump OUT — Time for workers to defeat racism, fascism By John Catalinotto after three hours, the Jan. 6 pro-fas- class. Yet they must be distinguished mutual opposition to Trumpism. cist assault on the Capitol sowed ter- from each other. Let’s take a closer look at the class An unprecedented 25,000 National ror in Congress and shocked the public. One side is the “legal” power of the state forces confronting each other. Guard troops from 50 states plus thou- It aimed to stop the certification of the apparatus—military, police, courts, pris- sands of local and Capitol police are presidential election and keep Trump in ons. The other is the “extralegal” para- The establishment state apparatus expected to occupy the office. The attack had his military armed force of dozens of militia Reports from Washington describe the U.S. capital by Jan. More on blessing, giving it the ear- and fascist organizations, gathered under National Guard and police preparations 20. This armed force’s mark of an attempted coup. the banner of Trump and united by their as setting up a “Green Zone.” U.S. occu- announced goal: Prevent a pages 4, 5 The lack of punishment extremist ideology of white supremacy. pation forces in Baghdad used the same violent attack on the inau- on the spot, the appar- On the outside of this internecine name for the area of the Iraqi capital con- guration of the 46th president and allow ent collaboration by elements in the confrontation is a third force: the work- taining the mammoth U.S. -
Purely Local Tragedies .Docx (Do Not Delete) 1/18/21 9:15 Pm
PURELY LOCAL TRAGEDIES_.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 1/18/21 9:15 PM PURELY LOCAL TRAGEDIES: HOW PROSECUTING DRUG-INDUCED HOMICIDE IN FEDERAL COURT EXACERBATES THE OVERDOSE CRISIS Alyssa Mallgrave* ABSTRACT The United States is in the midst of an opioid epidemic, which has resulted in resulting hundreds of thousands of overdose deaths. State and local officials are in the best position to enact lifesaving measures. The federal government, however, has largely responded to this crisis through punitive measures, including charging drug users with drug- induced homicide. When someone suffers a fatal overdose, the Controlled Substances Act allows federal prosecutors to charge the individual(s) who delivered the drugs that caused the overdose. This statute imposes a mandatory minimum of twenty years in prison. Although this statute was enacted to penalize high-level drug dealers, many people charged under it are companions of the deceased and oftentimes drug users themselves. Not only is this unjust, but it threatens to further exacerbate the overdose crisis that has devastated so many communities. This Note argues that because many of these prosecutions arise from incidents that do not involve traditional drug deals, the Commerce Clause does not give the federal government authority to prosecute co- users who share the drugs that ultimately cause an overdose. Furthermore, by charging co-users with drug-induced homicide, federal prosecutors threaten to derail local efforts to mitigate the overdose crisis. The opioid epidemic continues to take hundreds of lives each day. Therefore, it is imperative that federal officials pursue the most * J.D. Candidate, 2021, Drexel University Thomas R. -
October Term, 1950 Statistics
: : OCTOBER TERM, 1950 STATISTICS Miscel- C\t\ (Tin o 1 X O tjdil laneous Number of cases on dockets _ 13 783 539 1,335 Cases disposed of _ _ 5 687 524 1, 216 Remaining on dockets 8 96 15 119 Cases disposed of—Appellate Docket By written opinions 114 By per curiam opinions 74 By motion to dismiss or per stipulation (merit cases) 4 By denial or dismissal of petitions for certiorari 495 Cases disposed of—Miscellaneous Docket By written opinions 0 By per curiam opinions 3 By denial or dismissal of petitions for certiorari 386 By denial or withdrawal of other applications 121 By transfer to Appellate Docket 14 Number of written opinions 91 Number of petitions for certiorari granted 106 Number of appeals in which jurisdiction was noted or post- poned 28 Number of admissions to bar (including 531 at Special Term) _ 1, 339 REFERENCE INDEX Page Murphy, J., resolutions of the bar presented 140 Kutledge, J., resolutions of the bar presented 175 Special term held September 20th, during meeting of American Bar Association, as a convenience to attorneys desiring to avail themselves of opportunity to be admitted 1 Conference room sessions 69, 134, 196 Attorney—Motion for a member of the English Bar to partici- pate in oral argument, pro hac vice, granted. (He did not appear.) Motion to postpone argument denied. An indi- vidual statement was filed by one of the Justices (336) . See 340 U. S. 887 72 Attorney—Withdrawal of membership (John Locke Green) __ 236 908025—51 73 : II reference index—continued Page Disbarment—In the matter of Lewis E. -
Contents Around the Rotunda
Report provided courtesy of: KSA Group September 6 - 12, 2019 Contents Around the Rotunda ...... 1 Around the Rotunda Committee News ......... 5 OFFICIALS AND ADVOCATES DISCUSS PREVENTION OF FETAL ALCOHOL MAAC .................. 5 SPECTRUM DISORDER Bullet.in.Points ........... 5 By Jeff Cox, Pennsylvania Legislative Services | September 9, 2019 Cosponsor Memos ........ 6 Drug and Alcohol Programs Acting Secretary Jennifer Smith, along with legislators and Bill Actions .............. 7 advocates, gathered today in the Main Capitol Rotunda to raise awareness and discuss the prevention of fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD). Upcoming Events ......... 8 In the News ............. 11 Sec. Smith stated, “Today, I stand before you to bring awareness to a 100 percent preventable disorder, FASD, and I am thrilled today to be joined by members of the General Assembly, SESSION STATUS medical professionals and remarkable individuals who focus every day on overcoming At 12:10 p.m. on Friday, obstacles associated with FASD.” She described FASD as “an umbrella term describing the June 28, 2019 the Senate range of effects that occur in an individual whose mother drank alcohol during pregnancy.” stands in recess until Monday, September 23, 2019 at 1:00 Sec. Smith commented, “Unfortunately, even though this disorder is preventable, it is all p.m., unless sooner recalled too prevalent in the United States today.” According to Sec. Smith, the Centers for Disease by the President Pro Tempore. Control and Prevention estimates that one out of 100 children are born with FASD annually. She described the impact of children born with FASD as “staggering” and provided the At 10:55 a.m. on Friday, June following statistics: 28, 2019 the House stands adjourned until Tuesday, • About 80 percent enter the foster care system or adoptive care system; September 17, 2019 at 1:00 • Approximately 50 percent will have a disrupted school experience of suspension, p.m., unless sooner recalled expulsion or drop-out; by the Speaker. -
The Paradox of “Progressive Prosecution”
THE PARADOX OF “PROGRESSIVE PROSECUTION” When Freddie Gray woke up on April 12, 2015, he surely did not know that he would soon enter a coma only to die a week later. That morning, he walked to breakfast in his old West Baltimore neighbor- hood with two of his best friends.1 The restaurant they wanted to visit was closed, however, so they left.2 At some point on the way home, they encountered police officers on bicycles.3 After a brief chase, Gray stopped voluntarily, at which point officers arrested him.4 Video footage shows the officers savagely shoving Gray’s face into the sidewalk and twisting his arms and legs.5 Unable to stand or walk, Gray was dragged to the back of a police van where he would spend the next forty minutes handcuffed, shackled, unbuckled, and, while conscious, begging for his twenty-five-year-old life as the officers drove around the city making several stops.6 Eventually, Gray emerged unconscious with a nearly severed spinal cord and a crushed voice box.7 Paramedics later trans- ferred him to the Maryland Shock Trauma Center, where he remained comatose for a week before dying.8 For five consecutive days, protesters took to the streets, City Hall, and the police headquarters to denounce Gray’s death at the hands of the Baltimore police officers.9 Citizens and community leaders de- manded that the city fire the officers and press criminal charges against them.10 After over a week of intensifying protests and national atten- tion,11 State’s Attorney Marilyn J. -
The Modern Common Law of Crime
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 111 Issue 2 Article 2 Spring 2021 The Modern Common Law of Crime Robert Leider Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons Recommended Citation Robert Leider, The Modern Common Law of Crime, 111 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 407 (2021). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Scholarly Commons. 0091-4169/21/11102-0407 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 111, No. 2 Copyright © 2021 by Robert Leider Printed in U.S.A. THE MODERN COMMON LAW OF CRIME ROBERT LEIDER* Two visions of American criminal law have emerged. The first vision is that criminal law is statutory and posits that legislatures, not courts, draft substantive criminal law. The second vision, like the first, begins with legislative supremacy, but it ends with democratic dysfunction. On this view, while contemporary American criminal law is statutory in theory, in practice, American legislatures badly draft and maintain criminal codes. This effectively delegates the “real” drafting of criminal law to prosecutors, who form the law through their charging decisions. This Article offers a third vision: that modern American criminal law is primarily conventional. That is, much of our criminal law is defined by unwritten common-law-like norms that are widely acknowledged and generally respected, and yet are not recognized as formal law enforceable in courts.