A New Dawn for Africa
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General Assembly Distr.: General 9 August 2010
United Nations A/65/270 General Assembly Distr.: General 9 August 2010 Original: English Sixty-fifth session Item 11 of the provisional agenda* Sport for peace and development Sport for development and peace: strengthening the partnerships Report of the Secretary-General Summary The present report is submitted in compliance with resolution 63/135, in which the General Assembly requested the Secretary-General to report on the implementation of the resolution, including progress made by Member States towards implementation of the Sport for Development and Peace International Working Group policy recommendations and on the functioning of the United Nations Office of Sport for Development and Peace and the Trust Fund for Sport for Development and Peace, and to present an action plan on sport for development and peace. The report reviews the programmes and initiatives implemented since the last report by States Members of the United Nations, United Nations funds, programmes and specialized agencies and other partners, using sport as a tool for development and peace. The report presents a revised Action Plan on Sport for Development and Peace and also takes into account the various opportunities for sport for development and peace that have been provided by major global sports events, such as the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa. * A/65/150. 10-48001 (E) 030910 *1048001* A/65/270 Contents Page I. Introduction ................................................................... 3 II. 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa.............................................. 3 III. Olympic Truce ................................................................. 4 IV. Sport for Development and Peace International Working Group ........................ 5 V. Partnerships and initiatives....................................................... 7 A. States Members of the United Nations ........................................ -
301 01 Election Violence V3.Pub
BEYOND HASHTAGS LEVERAGING NETWORKS FOR THE PREVENTION OF ELECTION VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA PATRICIA TAFT AND NATE HAKEN Research supported by the United States Institute of Peace For over 60 years, The Fund for Peace (FFP) has been a world leader in developing practical tools and approaches for reducing conflict. With a clear focus on the nexus of human security and economic development, FFP contributes to more peaceful and prosperous societies by engineering smarter methodologies and smarter partnerships. FFP empowers policy-makers, practitioners, and populations with context-specific, data-driven applications to diagnose risks and vulnerabilities and to develop solutions through collective dialogue. FFP is an independent tax-exempt non-governmental organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. with offices in Abuja, Nigeria and Tunis, Tunisia. FFP boasts six decades of programmatic experience in over 40 countries, focused on conflict early warning, peacebuilding, and sustainable development. Copyright © 2018 The Fund for Peace. All rights reserved. Cover images copyright Avemario and Ian Allenden. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Fund for Peace. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. The Fund for Peace 1101 14th Street NW, Suite 1020 Washington, D.C. 20005 T: +1 202 223 7940 www.fundforpeace.org -
Bbdipaf2020 Cynthia Mumbo
“Basketball Diplomacy in Africa: An Oral History from SEED Project to the Basketball Africa League (BAL)” An Information & Knowledge Exchange project funded by SOAS University of London. Under the direction of Dr J Simon Rofe, Reader in Diplomatic and International Studies, Centre for International Studies and Diplomacy, SOAS University of London [email protected] Transcript: Cynthia Mumbo Founding CEO, Sports Connect Africa Conducted by Dr Lindsay Sarah Krasnoff Research Associate, Centre for International Studies and Diplomacy, SOAS University of London [email protected] Dr Lindsay Sarah Krasnoff Cynthia, could you please, just to kick this off, state your name, age and background in terms of how you first arrived to play basketball. Cynthia Mumbo My name is Cynthia Mumbo. I am now 38, I just turned 38. I’ve been playing basketball since I was like maybe 14, back in high school. So, when we were younger, we used to watch ‘NBA Action’ on Sunday afternoons, as the TV was never on during the day. We’d really look forward to getting to watch basketball. When I did get to see this, it was so exciting. Everyone wanted to go and watch ‘NBA Action.’ It was the coolest thing and you’d walk around with children, everyone was wearing Orlando Magic or Lakers singlets. I just got hooked up. I went to high school and I got on the hockey pitch and I saw two major injuries, and I said, ‘This is not where I’m meant to be.’ So, I got off to try basketball. I ran away from hockey. -
Democracy Unlock
Unlock Democracy incorporating Charter 88 How healthy is our local democracy? Ros Scott years of Unlocking Democracy This pamphlet is based on a speech given by Ros Scott at Liberal Democrat Party Conference in 2008, at an Unlock Democracy lecture. Our lecture and pamphlet series are intended to provoke debate on and interest in issues relating to democracy and human rights. As an organisation promoting democratic reform and human rights, we may disagree with what our contributors say - but we are always stimulated by and grateful to them. The views of the authors of this work should not be presumed to be the opinion of Unlock Democracy or its staff. First published by Unlock Democracy in 2009. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial 2.0 License. To view a copy of this license, visit www. creativecommons.org/licenses/by- nc/2.0/uk/ How healthy is our local democracy? Ros Scott1 Much of what really matters to us is on our doorstep. The condition of roads, the quality of local schools, the availability of leisure facilities like swimming pools and libraries, and whether or not our bins are emptied efficiently should be daily reminders about the state of our local democracy. And yet, it is all too rare to hear debate about the performance of the council, at least in anything other than a general sense, the choices which are available, or about the potential power of the ballot box to change things. Democracy, like charity, begins at home. If citizens feel disconnected from the democratic processes closest to home, then what hope is there for wider engagement? If government in all its forms can’t do anything about the dog dirt and paving slabs, how can anyone have confidence in its ability to deal with a global economic crisis, environmental degradation and threats to our security? After being closely involved with local government for almost 20 years, it is my belief that genuine local democracy in this country is in terminal decline. -
Nigeria's 2019 Elections
ARI 23/2019 22 February 2019 Nigeria’s 2019 elections: so many choices, so difficult to choose Ojobo Ode Atuluku | Head, Africa 2 Region, Federation Development Cluster, ActionAid (Burundi, Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somaliland, The Gambia and Zambia) | @ojoboa Theme This paper looks at the two most visible candidates in the Nigerian presidential elections, highlighting issues regarding conflicts, political parties, the electoral commission and the changes in institutions like the Police. Summary The 2019 Nigerian elections comes at a time of great challenges for the nation, in economic, security and other terms. With 73 candidates competing, only two seem to be serious contenders for the role. However, both seem to lack aspects of leadership that Nigeria needs at this time in its history. This paper looks at the two leading candidates and the situation in Nigeria, describing the context in which the elections are being held among ongoing controversies. Analysis Nigeria is a strategic partner to many countries and a recognised global actor. With South Africa, it is among the largest economies in Africa. The country is its fourth Republic, having gained independence from the UK on 1 October 1960. The first Republic was proclaimed in 1963 with the adoption of a republican constitution, but came to an end in 1966 following a military coup. Six months later a counter coup led to a bitter civil war between 6 July 1967 and 15 January 1970 to prevent the secession of the country’s south-eastern portion, known as Biafra. Tension in Nigeria had been caused by a complex mix of political, religious, ethnic and economic factors affecting its 200 million peoples and over 300 ethnic groups. -
FG PROTESTS DELETION of TWEET, SAYS TWITTER CAN't GAG BUHARI Destruction and Loss of Lives Tweets by Kanu
$40bn Investments Needed for Nigeria’s Gas Plan, Says NNPC Barkindo: Oil industry's upstream spending slumped 30% in 2020 Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja will require at least $40 billion Also, the Secretary that capital investments in billion cubic feet to 10 billion organised by the Association in direct investments in basic General of the Organisation the upstream of the oil and cubit feet of gas in the next of Local Distributors of The Nigerian National infrastructure to achieve the of Petroleum Exporting gas industry fell by 30 per couple of years, compared Gas (ALDG), tagged “The Petroleum Corporation federal government’s much Countries (OPEC), Dr. Sanusi cent in 2020. to its current 1.6 bcf supply Decade of Gas: Unlocking (NNPC) has said that the talked-about about “Decade Barkindo, said the cartel's NNPC said yesterday that capacity. Nigerian oil and gas industry of Gas.” latest assessment showed it was targeting between 7.4 Speaking at a virtual forum Continued on page 10 Osinbajo: FG to Provide 20,000 Jobs Annually for Graduates... Page 6 Thursday 3 June, 2021 Vol 26. No 9551. Price: N250 www.thisdaylive.com T RU N TH & REASO TODAY'S WEATHER ABUJA MAIDUGURI ENUGU KANO LAGOS PORT HARCOURT 25°C-33°C 31°C-31°C 25°C-28°C 27°C-33°C 24C-27°C 20°C-30°C FG Protests Deletion of Tweet, Says Twitter Can’t Gag Buhari Accuses microblogging site of double standards Deji Elumoye in Abuja on the Nigerian civil war. The president, in the post The federal government on Tuesday, had warned yesterday accused the social against insurrection, saying media giant, Twitter, of double that those fomenting trouble standards in its treatment of in the South-east are in for a issues affecting Nigeria. -
Africa Cup of Nations Women's Football Tournament
CUSTOMER: YAOUNDE STADIUM POWER PLANT: 3 x 800 kVA LOCATION: CAMEROON - AFRICA KOHLER-SDMO: ENSURE THE SMOOTH RUNNING OF THE 2016 AFRICA CUP OF NATIONS WOMEN'S FOOTBALL TOURNAMENT SPORTS INFRASTRUCTURE Under the auspices of FIFA, the Confederation of African The Cameroon ministry of sports and physical education Football (CAF) nominated Cameroon to hold the 12th implemented a major renovation project for Ahmadou staging of the Women's Africa Cup of Nations in 2016. Ahidjo Stadium in Yaoundé, which will open its doors in Reserved for the teams of nations recognised by the November to host the 2016 Women's Africa Cup of Nations. Confederation of African Football, the competition has The stadium has a capacity of 40,000. It will also host the been held since 1991. This year preparations were Men's Africa Cup of Nations in 2019. supported by the French manufacturer KOHLER-SDMO, PROJECT IMPLEMENTATION: SUPPLY OF which supplied the machines to ensure that the THREE GENERATING SETS OF 800 kVA TO tournament goes off without a hitch. PROVIDE THE STADIUM'S POWER DURING THE TOURNAMENT. Yaoundé and Limbé are the two host cities for the final phase. Ahmadou Ahidjo Stadium will host 8 teams from the Three generating sets with backup energy of 800 kVA have different qualifying nations between 19 November and 3 been installed outside the stadium in containers in the December 2016: Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Kenya, vicinity of the main electricity control rooms. Nigeria, South Africa and Zimbabwe. Nigeria will be defending its title. These generating sets will be able to provide all the stadium's electricity demands during the matches, notably EXPRESSION OF NEED: MAJOR WORKS TO to power the floodlights during the competition to mitigate RENOVATE THE ENTIRE INFRASTRUCTURE the unreliability of the electricity grid in Africa. -
Constitution of Unlock Democracy
Unlock Democracy Constitution As amended at the Annual General Meetings held on 21 November 2009, 26 November 2011, 10 November 2012, 9 November 2013, 8 November 2014, 7 November 2015, 12 November 2016, 18 November 2017, 24 November 2018, and 23 November 2019. 1. Purpose Unlock Democracy argues and campaigns for a vibrant, inclusive democracy that puts power in the hands of the people. We seek a democratic participative process resulting in a written constitution that serves and protects the people. That constitution would define the roles of, and relationships between, the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary. It would determine how, and to what extent, power is shared between representatives at local, national and United Kingdom levels, and with international organisations. It would enshrine basic liberties and human rights for all. We campaign: • for fair and open elections; • for transparency in public decision making • to ensure that power is exercised as close to people as is practicable • to empower individuals and their communities to have a greater say over the decisions that affect them • for democratic accountability of all elected representatives, government and public bodies • for universal human rights for all. We promote: • a new culture of informed political interest and responsibility, paving the way for increased enthusiastic public participation • a pluralist democracy that is responsive to the problems and aspirations of all people, valuing and accommodating difference, diversity and universal human rights. Everyone has the right to live their life in dignity under the law, and free from fear. Unlock Democracy is a non-aligned organisation, committed to working inclusively across the political spectrum. -
6. Africa Cup of Nations Stadiums
6. Africa Cup of Nations stadiums The first African Cup of Nations (CAN) was organised in 1957 and has been held every two years since 1968. 16 teams have participated in each tournament since 1998. In 2010 the Confederation of African Football (CAF) decided to move the CAN to uneven years to avoid the event clashing with the FIFA World Cup. Figure 6.1: Africa Cup of Nations stadiums 2000-2010 Number of Used Venues Number of New or Major Renovated Venues 7 666 6 6 5 4 44 4 44 3 2 1 1 0 1 0 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 As the figure above shows, the CAN’s host countries have over the last ten years tended to use four to six venues – in contrast to UEFA Euro, in which 16 teams also participate but UEFA’s requirements calls for at least eight stadiums. In the last six CAN tournaments all final venues have had a capacity over 45,000 and an average capacity of just over 58,000, which is comparable to the requirements UEFA has for the stadiums that stage the UEFA Euro final. However, the average capacity of the smallest venues used for the CAN is just 19,500 seats, which differs from UEFA’s minimum requirement of 30,000 seats. Both Tunisia and Egypt, who hosted CAN in 2004 and 2006 respectively, already had a decent number of stadiums available and did not make any major investments in new stadiums. Tunisia hosted the Mediterranean Games in 2001 and leading up to these games they constructed Stade de 7 Novembre, which after the 2011 revolution is now named Stade Olympique de Radès. -
The Impact of the Africa Cup of Nations on European Professional Football UEFA Research Grant Programme 2017/18 Edition
The impact of the Africa Cup of Nations on European professional football UEFA Research Grant Programme 2017/18 edition Levi Pérez Department of Economics, University of Oviedo (ES) Project supported by the Royal Spanish Football Federation EDUCATION PROGRAMME UEFA Research Grant Programme 2017/18 edition The impact of AFCON on European professional football UEFA Research Grant Programme 2017/18 edition The impact of the Africa Cup of Nations on European professional football UEFA Research Grant Programme 2017/18 edition – Final report (MAR2018) Levi Pérez Department of Economics, University of Oviedo (ES) Outline Introductory statement 01 Executive summary 02 1. Introduction: The context of the research and its relevance for UEFA 04 1.1. An issue of major concern to European football 1.2. A case study of AFCON 2. The questions and hypotheses to be addressed by the project 06 2.1. A core research question 2.2. At the league level: … 2.3. At the team level: … 3. State of knowledge and literature review 08 4. A review of the proposed research 09 4.1. An overview of the methodology to accomplish the goals 4.1.1. Outline of the model to be tested 4.2. The data, sample frame and size 4.3. Descriptive analysis 4.4. Key variables and indicators 4.5. Ethical issues 5. An overview of the main research findings 23 5.1. At the league level 5.2. At the team level 5.2.1. A robustness check 5.2.2. A look at the risk of injury 6. Limitations 33 7. The impact of the research and the consequences for UEFA and football 33 7.1. -
1999-2019: Obasanjo, Yar'adua, Jonathan and Buhari's Nigeria
DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE AND HUMAN RIGHTS PROTECTION FROM 1999-2019: OBASANJO, YAR’ADUA, JONATHAN AND BUHARI’S NIGERIA HAPTER C 2 Romola Adeola* 1 Introduction When the military handed over power on 29 May 1999, the promise of righting the wrongs of the past and forging a strong national discourse rang notably in the speech of President Olusegun Obasanjo as the first President of the Fourth Republic.1 There was general optimism that the end of military rule and the start of a new democratic phase meant that Nigeria was on course to civil liberties and socio-economic prosperity.2 It signalled a new era of political participation, press freedom and the emergence of good governance in every facet of the Nigerian political system. There was also a prevalent impression that the new democratic era would usher in a significant boost for the economy and pave the way for solutions to some of the difficult issues that had characterised governance in Nigeria.3 The optimism was across a broad spectrum: domestic, regional and on the global front. The metaphor of a regional giant taking its place on the global democratic map rang heavy in the political analysis of Africa’s future in the wake of the twenty-first century. But whether this giant has taken its place evokes critical ponderings. On many levels, there are now mixed perceptions about the promise of the new dawn, 20 years down the line. Some argue that Nigeria, as an emerging state, * LLB (Lagos State) LLM LLD (Pretoria); Post-doctoral Fellow, Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa; romola.adeola@gmail. -
Africa's Soft Power : Philosophies, Political Values, Foreign Policies and Cultural Exports / Oluwaseun Tella
“This seven-chapter book is a powerful testimonial to consummate African scholarship. Its analysis is rigorous, insightful, lucid and authoritative, providing fresh perspectives on selected uniquely African philosophies, and the potential ities, deployment and limitations of soft power in Africa’s international relations. The author rigorously Africanises the concept, broadening its analytic scope from its biased Western methodology, thus brilliantly fulfilling that great African pro verb made famous by the inimitable Chinua Achebe: ‘that until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter’. This is truly an intellectual tour de force.” W. Alade Fawole, Professor of International Relations, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. “This book addresses an important tool in the arsenal of foreign policy from an African perspective. African states have significant soft power capacities, although soft power is not always appreciated as a lever of influence, or fully integrated into countries’ foreign policy strategies. Tella takes Nye’s original concept and Africanises it, discussing Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa via their respective philosophies of Pharaonism, Harambee, Omolúwàbí and Ubuntu. This study is a critical contribution to the literature on African foreign policies and how to use soft power to greater effect in building African agency on the global stage.” Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, Chief Executive, South African Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg, South Africa. “Soft power is seldom associated with African states, given decades bedevilled by coup d’états, brazen dictatorships and misrule. This ground-breaking book is certainly a tour de force in conceptualising soft power in the African context.