Swarthmore College Writing Associates Program alchemy 2 0 0 9 &

The act of writing is the act of making soul, alchemy. - Gloria Anzaldúa Staff

Editors-in-Chief Judy Browngoehl Sean Nesselrode

Editorial Board Arly Gease Isaac Hock Connor Morrison Jackson Swearer Alba Villamil Julie Wang

Acknowledgments The editors would like to thank Jill Gladstein and Jacqueline Emery for their support, the Provost’s Office, and Delco Printing. Alchemy 2009 Contents

¿En el nombre del Padre, del Hijo y de la prosperidad puertorriqueña? Isabel Rivera ’10 • History...... 3

How is the Health of Mytilus Edulis Affected by pH? A

Sarah Bedolfe ’11 and Niki Machac ’11 • Biology...... 12 l c h

Biography of a Factory Girl: e

Life and Death in the Early Republic m

Miriam Rich ’11 • History...... 20 y

2

Jacobean Deference and Feminine Subversion 0

in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Blackness 0

Justin diFeliciantonio ’10 • English...... 28 9

The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election Andrew Loh ’10 • Political Science...... 37 Alchemy 2009 &

Welcome to Alchemy , Swarthmore College’s journal of academic writing. Each year a group of Writing Associates publishes several academic papers written by members of A l the Swarthmore student body. In this year’s issue, Isabel Rivera explores the social c influence of Christian religious institutions on the Puerto Rican community of h e

Philadelphia. Sarah Bedolfe and Niki Machac outline the environmental effect of pH m

on the health of ocean mussels, while Justin diFeliciantonio investigates race and gen - y der in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Blackness . In addition, Miriam Rich uses a case study of an American factory worker to draw larger conclusions about nineteenth-century 2 0

American life. Finally, Andrew Loh discusses the role of new media in contemporary 0

Malaysian politics. 9

Each of these of papers represents an individual perspective on a specific topic of interest to the author. They represent a variety of approaches to an equally diverse group of subjects. Every author collaborated with the editorial board to produce the final version of the paper that you see in this journal.

We believe these papers represent a cross-section of the student-motivated research that happens both inside and outside of the classroom. The hard work and commit - ment to academic inquiry that these authors demonstrate is just one small glimpse of the Swarthmore experience. We hope that you will enjoy reading what Swarthmore students have been writing over the past year.

Judy Browngoehl and Sean Nesselrode and the Editorial Staff of Alchemy 2009

1 Alchemy 2009 Isabel Rivera ¿En el nombre del Padre, del Hijo y de la prosperidad puertorriqueña? The Role of the Catholic and Protestant Churches in the Puerto Rican Community of Philadelphia Isabel Rivera ’10 In the 1950s, a time known as the the mid-twentieth century. As a Great Puerto Rican Migration, the result, many Puerto Ricans looked to Puerto Rican population of Protestant faiths for the politicization Philadelphia grew at an exponential that the Catholic Church did not pro - rate. During this time, the Catholic vide, shifting the religious make up of Church played a crucial role in inte - the community. A

grating the new migrant community l into city life. Some scholars have In the 1920s, the passage of a series c argued that the Catholic Church of immigration acts, including the h e

adopted the role of an “Americanizer Emergency Quota Act of 1921 and m of immigrants” in response to criti - the National Origins Act of 1924, lim - y cisms regarding its lack of ited the percentage of foreign immi - 2 Americanism during the mid-nine - grants permitted to enter and reside 0

teenth century. Others maintain that in the United States. However, Puerto 0 the Catholic Church assumed the Ricans, having been granted U.S. cit - 9 role of a not-for-profit organization izenship in 1917, were viewed as a because it provided care services to source of cheap labor. Consequently, the needy. 1 However, both camps in the 1950s and 1960s, the disap - recognize that at present many pearance of the tobacco and sugar Puerto Ricans in the United States do industries on the island and the not view the Catholic Church as a emergence of farm labor programs breeding ground of deep faith. caused a flood of migrants from the Evidence for this lies in statistics that towns of Salinas and San Lorenzo to attest to the high percentage of con - seek seasonal labor contracts in the versions within the Puerto Rican U.S. 2 Many of these Puerto Ricans community, particularly to various came to the U.S. through family con - Protestant faiths. An examination of nections, assistance from the Puerto the history of the Catholic Church Rican government’s Migration within the Puerto Rican community Division Office, or through a season - and the illuminating story of Marcus al labor contract. Between 1945 and Delgado, a Puerto Rican migrant in 1965, Philadelphia was the second 1950s Philadelphia, reveals that the most common destination for Puerto contemporary image of the Catholic Ricans. By 1954, Puerto Ricans had Church as an apolitical institution become the largest Latino group in that provided formal and informal the city. care services to the Latino communi - ty alienated Puerto Rican youth in At the onset of the Great Migration,

3 ¿En el nombre del Padre, del Hijo y de la prosperidad puertorriqueña?

the Catholic Church in Philadelphia ized would now be brought to the full played a critical role in settling understanding and practice of true migrants in the U.S. However, schol - Catholicism.” 7 Simultaneously, mis - ars offer various interpretations for sionaries intended to Americanize the Catholic Church’s motivation in Puerto Rican Catholics by teaching integrating Puerto Ricans into the and conducting mass in English and larger U.S. society. For instance, in by reinforcing the hierarchical struc - “The Puerto Rican Religious ture of the Catholic Church. This Experience,” Jaime Vidal argues that missionary relationship continued on the Catholic Church’s involvement in the U.S. mainland as the Catholic the Puerto Rican community was a Church strove to establish itself as result of institutional power dynam - an American institution for the new ics within the U.S. In response to wave of Puerto Rican migrants. nineteenth century criticisms that claimed the Catholic Church to be Thus, despite regional and class dif - “incompatible with basic American ferences present on the island, the values,” 3 the Church attempted to U.S. Catholic Church reached out to 9 legitimize itself as an American insti - the new migrants. The Church 0 tution by becoming the “Americanizer believed that in order to Americanize 0 4

2 of the immigrants.” However, and maintain the loyalty of this pre -

according to Vidal, Puerto Ricans on dominantly Catholic migrant group, y the island viewed Catholicism as the it had to tailor itself to the needs of m

e religion of high society. Similarly, Ana the Puerto Rican community. In cities h María Díaz-Stevens claims that the like Philadelphia and New York, the c practice of Catholicism varied by the number of Puerto Ricans was too sig - l

A location and socioeconomic status of nificant for the Catholic Church to the congregation. She argues that the lose from its constituency. Catholicism practiced by the Puerto Consequently, during the Great Rican elite was an institutionalized Migration, parishes like La Milagrosa form that contrasted with the “folk and Santa Agonía opened in major Catholicism that survived in the Northeast cities to address the needs [Puerto Rican] countryside.” 5 The of the growing Puerto Rican commu - latter type sometimes included ele - nity. ments of Santería, an Afro-Caribbean religion whose strong influence could As new migrants, the majority of be identified in “supplications to the these young Puerto Ricans experi - household saints and personal spirit- enced difficulty in adjusting to guides [that] are… necessary to many Philadelphia. 8 According to historian Catholic Puerto Ricans.” 6 Thus, in Carmen Teresa Whalen, “Puerto “taming” the religious beliefs of Rican migrants who settled in Puerto Ricans, the more institution - Philadelphia confronted their new alized Catholic Church saw its job as urban environments as young adults a missionary one “in which a people from the countryside, with little for - who had been superficially evangel - mal education, who had worked

4 Isabel Rivera mostly in agriculture, agricultural Philadelphia Story: How Local processing, and the garment indus - Congregations Support Quality of Life try.” 9 Moreover, the cold climate, in Urban America , Ram Cnaan writes, language barrier, and urban racial “religious congregations and other segregation were major impediments faith communities shoulder a consid - in their adjustment to the city. erable portion of the burden of care for the needy people in America.” 11 Seeking a familiar and accessible The Catholic Church of Philadelphia institution through which they could served as a place where Puerto Rican find connections to other migrants could seek some informal Philadelphia resources, many Puerto care services like “counseling, senior Ricans turned to the actively welcom - care, children and youth services, ing Catholic Church. Catholic mis - health programs for homeless and A

sions like La Milagrosa in Spring poor people, education, art, security, l

Garden—the only Spanish-speaking community organizing, community c mission in the area—and charities economic and social development, h e like Casa del Carmen , cultivated a social issues, and housing.” 12 In ful - m sense of community among the filling the basic needs of the Puerto y Puerto Ricans settling in North Rican migrant community, the 2

Philadelphia. For example, in the Catholic Church took on the role of a 0

1960s, church personnel “met each contemporary non-profit social 0 plane at the Philadelphia airport and organization, providing both the 9 asked every Catholic to register his informal and formal care services name so that he [could] be referred to that governmental welfare programs the proper parish rolls.” 10 In an neglected to provide the community. attempt to Americanize the new migrants, the Catholic Church active - The Catholic Church in Philadelphia ly reached out to the growing Puerto also helped migrants establish social Rican community. connections similar to those that peo - ple were accustomed to on the island. According to anthropologist Joan Dee Social activities like baptisms, wed - Koss, migrant Puerto Ricans became dings, and other weekend events involved in the Philadelphia Catholic sponsored by the Catholic Church Church primarily to familiarize them - provided a place for Puerto Ricans to selves with the city’s civic and welfare gather and unwind while recreating institutions. There were many bene - the social atmosphere of the island. fits to being members of the Catholic These social events also provided the Church congregation. Through their new migrants with job networking participation in the Catholic Church, opportunities and a community many Puerto Ricans were able to space to relate the challenges they meet their welfare needs while mini - faced in the city. mizing the social stigma they would face as newcomers to a country that In attempting to fulfill God’s word valued self-reliance. In The Other through social service, however, the

5 ¿En el nombre del Padre, del Hijo y de la prosperidad puertorriqueña?

Catholic Church’s religious message family’s relatives. The Delgado family of faith and salvation was lost on the settled in Spring Garden, one of the younger generations of Puerto Ricans main Puerto Rican enclaves in in Philadelphia. The Catholic Church Philadelphia (that included Northern became particularly irrelevant to Liberties and Southwark). 13 those who had been born in the city or had migrated to the city at a very Because the family lived in North young age. Directly confronted with Philadelphia, La Milagrosa played an the social and racial turmoil that integral role in the life of the brewed in the streets of Philadelphia, Delgados. The Church’s activities the day-to-day reality of these youths enabled the family to recreate the differed greatly from their parents’. social environment that had existed The baptisms and weddings became on the island but had been difficult to mundane and routine for the younger recreate on the mainland due to the generations that were not being pro - constraints of urban planning. The vided with care specific to their needs creation of this environment was pos - as youths of the inner city (i.e., youth sible due to the fact that there were 9 programs that would allow them to many migrants from San Lorenzo 0 escape the pressure of gang life and residing in the area. As Delgado 0

2 crime as a means of survival). These recalls, the Catholic Church’s social

youths wanted guidance in under - activities were “a place of refuge y standing their place in and potential and…a place of support where all the m 14

e contribution to the Puerto Rican families came together.” Because h community. Thus, in its efforts to he attended a parochial school in the c recreate the environment of life in Fairmount section of the city, the l

A Puerto Rico, the Catholic Church Catholic Church also played a role in could not attract Puerto Rican youth. Delgado’s primary school education. The failure to reach out to the youth However, his experience with the led to the religious displacement of Catholic Church was merely institu - many Puerto Rican teenagers in tional. Upon reflection, Delgado Philadelphia. maintains that:

The case of Marcus Delgado, the cur - It was an institutional system rent Vice President of Human that was not attached to peson - Services at Asociación Puerto- al involvement . . . whenever we rriqueños en Marcha, Inc . (a non-prof - had to confess our sins it was it organization that serves the in this box and you’d go there Greater Philadelphia area) represents and say what you did and [the the migration experience of many priest] would say, “Well, just do young Puerto Ricans to Philadelphia three Hail Marys, two [Our] in the 1950s. In 1956, a four-year- fathers and your sins will be old Delgado and his family migrated forgiven. Oh gee, this is easy. from San Lorenzo to Philadelphia I’ll come back again next week through the invitation of one of the and give him some harder ones

6 Isabel Rivera

(laughs). So it, you know, you Additionally, his encounter with the grow up in that and you know Protestant faith encouraged him to it but it was never close to remain active within the Puerto Rican touching you where you really community of Philadelphia. Through needed the touch…[that is] his past work in various Latino what happened when I got organizations in Philadelphia and his involved with the Pentecostal current position as Vice President of church. 15 APM, Delgado has been able to give the Puerto Rican community an Delgado’s disconnect with the opportunity to break out of the cycle Catholic Church, vividly illustrated of crime through the hope of achiev - by his perception of the church con - ing salvation. fessional as “this box,” was one A

shared by many Puerto Rican youths In seeking a closer relationship with l living in Philadelphia at the time. The God, Puerto Ricans sought a church c religious and political experience they that would connect them to God in h e

sought was not provided by the the political, social and spiritual m

Catholic Church, and many disen - aspects of their lives. A study con - y chanted youth, like Delgado, sought ducted by the Pew Hispanic Center 2

this experience elsewhere. found that one in three Puerto Ricans 0

in the United States is a convert, with 0

Like other Puerto Rican youths at the twenty-one percent of those converts 9 time, Marcus Delgado’s religious con - former Catholics. This makes Puerto version from Catholicism to Ricans the largest group of converts Protestantism was brought about among Latinos in the United through his experiences as a teenag - States. 17 According to the study, er fending for himself on the streets most subjects claimed that their pri - of Philadelphia. After living a life of mary reason for conversion was to drugs, crime, and gangs during the develop a more direct, personal expe - 1970s, a young Delgado found reli - rience of God. This statistic supports gion through his involvement with a the idea that in the past, the Catholic Methodist minister. The minister met Church had been recognized not for Delgado’s gang in the 1970s through its religious role, but for its secular a business development plan facili - role as a charitable organization. tated by the local government to serv - ice the community. The minister used In considering the aspects of his connection to this group of Protestantism that attracted Puerto teenagers who were living in a “reali - Ricans, it is important to understand ty of loneliness and not knowing what the social function of Protestantism [their] future was like” 16 to preach in the community “as a force to gen - about hope. Delgado asserts that the erate personal transformation and subsequent encounter with God revolutionary social change, or as a enabled him to seek higher education force to maintain the existing social and set his life in the right direction. order and provide therapy or reinte -

7 ¿En el nombre del Padre, del Hijo y de la prosperidad puertorriqueña?

grate persons into this order or to [adding that] Catholicism has no rationalize their exclusion.” 18 Koss preference for any political status.” 19 explains the conversion of Puerto Moreover, the Catholic community of Ricans to Protestant churches in the Philadelphia sought to provide servic - 1950s as a sign of their commitment es to “‘good’ Catholics,” which it to a change in lifestyle. By converting defined as those who were better edu - and foregoing certain aspects of their cated and economically stable— cultural traditions, Puerto Ricans immediately prioritizing the relocated could assimilate and achieve their Puerto Rican elite among the individual goals on the U.S. mainland migrants. 20 While the Catholic (something that could not have hap - Church created a social atmosphere pened with the Catholic Church). similar to that on the island, it pro - Koss’ explanation, however, overlooks vided economic services with caution, the history of the Protestant Church encouraging migrants to use the within the Puerto Rican community resources in a manner that would in Philadelphia. Protestant churches avoid dependency and help them provided a place for Puerto Ricans to integrate into mainstream U.S. cul - 9 organize that the Catholic Church did ture. 0 not. As Delgado’s story shows, small 0

2 storefront churches in the communi - In contrast, the Protestant churches

ty were a breeding ground of deep of the U.S. provided a safe space for y faith and commitment to finding subsequent generations of Puerto m

e solutions to the problems existing in Ricans, like Marcus Delgado, to come h the community. together and discuss issues directly c affecting them. This granted them a l

A To reiterate, the shift of Puerto Rican forum that the Catholic Church, in religious practice from Catholicism to trying to assimilate the community, Protestantism was due to the inabili - did not provide. Along with their ty of the Catholic Church to address opportunities for political organizing, both the social and political needs of Protestant churches appealed to the the community. By assuming a pro Puerto Rican community in other status quo position on political ways. Joan Dee Koss claims that issues, the Catholic Church quelled Protestantism was attractive because any signs of political organizing in of the familiarity of the religion, the their congregations. Unlike the opportunity for the following of a Baptist Church, which encouraged strict moral code, and the “bizarre” political organizing within the black behavior of revivals of the Pentecostal community, the Catholic Church in faith. She views the Pentecostal the Puerto Rican community was not Church in particular as a place where supportive of any political activity. Puerto Ricans could express emotion - This position on political organizing al intensity freely. It was also a place had also existed on the island: the where “almost all are on equal social Catholic Church saw politics as a footing,” (something that could not be matter for “their civic conscience… achieved in the hierarchical structure

8 Isabel Rivera of the Catholic church). 21 According Protestant congregations was usually to Koss, the Pentecostal faith served a devout member of the congregation, as a place where Puerto Ricans could who maintained his position through be truer to their identity as a people the rigorous practice of faith and and where they could practice their work in the congregation. He was faith in a manner that was celebrato - usually a well-known member of the ry of their culture—not assimilatory. congregation and someone who had The ease and comfort of the environ - earned a significant level of respect. ment enabled members of the congre - In his founding of the Presbyterian gation to speak freely, without the Church, Marcus Delgado himself is a fear of being rejected. Thus, people clear example of the opportunity for felt comfortable voicing their con - Latino leadership within the clergy. cerns regarding community issues In this way, it can be said that the A

and politics. The setting provided an large-scale adoption of Protestant l exemplary place for discourse on pol - faiths within the Puerto Rican com - c itics, and eventually, action. munity also enabled their political h e

and social efficacy, defying Koss’ m

Marcus Delgado’s own life trajectory notion that conversion to the y fits into this religious-political con - Protestant faiths was an act of assim - text. As one of the founders of the ilation that encouraged Puerto 2 0

Hispanic Presbyterian Church of Ricans to disregard issues involving 0

Philadelphia, the possibility of faith their communities. 22 9 has always influenced Delgado’s belief in social and spiritual change Despite the mass conversions to in the Puerto Rican community of Protestantism, the contemporary Philadelphia. Delgado’s conversion to Catholic Church has continued to Protestantism fueled his desire to function as an informal care provider give back to the community. in the Puerto Rican community. Considering his life experiences, he However, there has been an emer - found it necessary to take on the gence of more explicitly social serv - responsibility of engaging in social ice-oriented and secular organiza - work and mobilizing other Puerto tions. These include organizations Ricans. Some scholars have argued such as Concilio (Council of Spanish- that the Protestant faith has histori - Speaking Organizations), Congreso cally attracted many Latinos like de Latinos Unidos, Casa del Carmen , Delgado because it encouraged its Norris Square Civic Association, and members to become leaders within Nueva Esperanza . Moreover, organi - their congregations, an opportunity zations like APM, acknowledging the denied by the Catholic Church (this historical ability of churches to pro - was especially true in the 1960s vide services, have begun to look for when those leading the Spanish ways to reconnect to religious institu - masses were usually white American tions. priests who spoke Spanish adequate - ly at best). By contrast, the pastor in The intricate relationship between

9 ¿En el nombre del Padre, del Hijo y de la prosperidad puertorriqueña?

Protestant churches and second gen - Marcus Delgado found grounds for eration Puerto Ricans living in community organizing and spiritual Philadelphia demonstrated that the care through their encounter with the Catholic Church's assimilationist Protestant faith. However, despite the and apolitical role failed to deliver the motivations of the Catholic Church, stability and politicization that the the social services provided have con - Puerto Rican community warranted. tinued to be a source of assistance for The Catholic Church’s focus on pro - the Puerto Rican community in viding services for the integration of Philadelphia. Thus, the potential Puerto Rican migrants and its work integration of organizations like APM to improve its self-image in the eyes with Philadelphian churches promis - of white America overshadowed com - es an interesting development in the munity organizing and spiritual care. Puerto Rican community’s relation - Thus, many Puerto Ricans like ship with social services and faith.

References 1 Jaime R. Vidal, “The Puerto Rican Rican migrants was 21.3 years. (Arnold 9 Religious Experience” in Introduction to Siegel, Harold Orlans, and Loyal Greer, 0 the U.S. Latina and Latino Religious The Puerto Rican Experience: Puerto 0 Experience , Hector Avalos, ed. (Boston: Ricans in Philadelphia [New York: Arno 2 Press, 1975], 31.)

Brill Academic Publishers, Inc., 2004), 9 y 52. Whalen, From Puerto Rico to 2 m In San Lorenzo agricultural employ - Philadelphia , 135.

e ment was at 20 percent; in Salinas 24 10 Joan Dee Koss, “Puerto Ricans in

h percent found employment in agricul - Philadelphia: Migration and c ture and 28 percent worked in manufac - Accommodation” PhD diss., (Univ. of l turing. (Carmen Teresa Whalen, From Pennsylvania, 1965), 424. A Puerto Rico to Philadelphia: Puerto Rican 11 Ibid., xvi. Workers and Postwar Economies 12 Ram A. Cnaan, The Other [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, Philadelphia Story: How Local 2001], 122.) Congregations Support Quality of Life in 3 Ibid., 52. Urban America (Philadelphia: University 4 Vidal, “The Puerto Rican Religious of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 71. Experience,” 52. 13 Victor Vázquez-Hernández claims 5 Díaz-Stevens, Ana María. Oxcart that many Puerto Ricans settled in the Catholicism on Fifth Avenue: The Impact Spring Garden area of North of the Puerto Rican Migration upon the Philadelphia in large part because of the Archdiocese of New York (London: existence of La Milagrosa , a Catholic University of Notre Dame Press, 1993), mission at the heart of the Spring 53. Garden community and one of the few 6 Koss, “Puerto Ricans in Philadelphia,” Spanish-language chapels in the city. 403. (Victor Vázquez-Hernández, “From Pan- 7 Dolan, Jay P., and Jaime R. Vidal, Latino Enclaves to a Community: Puerto eds. Puerto Rican and Cuban Catholics Ricans in Philadelphia, 1910-2000” in in the U.S., 1900-1965 : University of The Puerto Rican Diaspora: Historical Notre Dame Press, 1994. Perspectives , Carmen Teresa Whalen 8 In 1954, the median age of Puerto [Philadelphia: Temple University Press,

10 Isabel Riverat

2005], 92). 19 De Nieves, Elisa Julián. The Catholic 14 Interview with Marcus Delgado by Church in Colonial Puerto Rico (1898- author, February 29, 2008 1964) (Río Piedras: Editorial Edil, Inc., (Philadelphia, PA). 1982), 127. 15 Ibid. 20 Koss, “Puerto Ricans in 16 Ibid. Philadelphia,” 422. 17 Pew Forum on Religion and Public 21 Ibid., 440. Life and Pew Hispanic Center. Changing 22 Ismael García, “Hispanic Experience Faiths: Latinos and the Transformation and the Protestant Ethic” in of American Religion , 2007. (Washington, Protestantes/Protestants: Hispanic DC: Pew Research Center: 2007). Christianity Within Mainline Traditions , 18 Luther P. Gerlach, “Pentecostalism: ed. David Maldonado, Jr. (Nashville: Revolution or Counter-Revolution?” in Abingdon Press, 199): 141. Jaime R. Religious Movements in Contemporary Vidal, “The Puerto Rican Religious America , ed. Irving I. Zaretsky and Mark Experience” in Introduction to the U.S. A P. Leone (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Latina and Latino Religious Experience, l c

University Press, 1974), 698. Hector Avalos, ed. (Boston: Brill h

Academic Publishers, Inc., 2004), 52. e m y

2 0

Isabel Rivera is a junior honors History major, Political Science 0 minor and course major. This was her final paper for Sonia 9 Lee’s “Race and Poverty in the United States.” The goal of the paper was to incorporate oral history into a particular aspect of the history of the area. The writing of this paper was extremely rewarding, though laborious; it was a semester-long process of interviewing, transcribing, researching, writing, drafting and editing. Isabel hopes to continue researching and writing about Puerto Rican history in the United States.

11 How is the Health of of Mytilus Edulis Affected by pH?

How is the Health of Mytilus Edulis Affected by pH? Sarah Bedolfe ’11 and Niki Machac ’11 Abstract long-term impact of these conditions on mussel health. Though the pH of the ocean has var - ied over time, it is rapidly becoming Introduction more acidic due to anthropogenic carbon dioxide entering the atmos - Within the past three hundred years, phere. Since pre-industrial times, the the average pH of the world’s oceans pH of the ocean has dropped by 0.1 has decreased dramatically. The units to the current level of approxi - oceans absorb CO 2 from the atmos - mately 8.1. It is expected to decrease phere and the increasing amount of further over the course of the next CO 2 due to the burning of fossil fuels century. In our study, we sought to is likely the cause of the decline in 9 observe the effect of a variety of pHs pH. Models based on atmospheric 0 on mussels based on these predic - levels of CO suggest that over the 0 2

2 tions. Mussels are calcifying organ - past 300 million years, the average

isms and are expected to be particu - pH has never been more than .6 units y larly sensitive to changes in pH. lower than current levels, while mod - m

e Healthy mussels demonstrate clump - els further predict that the pH of the

h ing behavior and they open their oceans could drop as low as 0.7 pH c shells to allow for respiration and fil - units below the current readings l

A ter feeding. We expected fewer (Caldeira and Wickett 2003). The healthy behaviors, an open shell and average pH of the ocean in pre-indus - clumping, in mussels residing in a trial times was approximately 8.18. more acidic environment. We found a Since then, the average has significant difference in clumping decreased to its current level of behavior; however, we could not find approximately 8.10. Predictions a clear trend that suggests that pH based on models suggest that by the was a factor. Our data on the opening year 2100 the average pH will have of shells did yield significant results dropped 0.3 to 0.4 units below cur - as well as a trend that indicates a rent levels (Haugan and Drange negative effect of high acidity on mus - 1996). sel health with more mussels open in the 8.18 tank than in the 7.95 and The impact of lowered pH on ocean the 7.85 tanks and more open in the life has increasingly become an area 8.10 tank than in the 7.85 tank. of study in recent years. Fine and While this short-term study indicates Tchernov (2007) studied the impact negative effects of acidic conditions of the decreased pH on calcifying on mussels, extending the study coral species by subjecting speci - would yield information about the mens of Oculina patagonica and

12 Sarah Bedolfe and Niki Machac

Madracis pharencis to pH values from marsh during a single summer tidal 7.3 to 7.6 and from 8.0 to 8.3 for cycle; this huge amount of filtering twelve months. They saw differences also contributes to the processing of within a month of the beginning of a large amount of phytoplankton the experiment: those in the lower pH which increases the speed of organic environment demonstrated polyp matter breakdown (Dankers & elongation. By the end of the experi - Zuidema 1995). ment the coral skeleton had dissolved and the colonies had dissociated Healthy mussels are often found resulting in more solitary polyps in together, attached to one another and this condition than in the control the substrate via byssal threads condition (Fine and Tchernov 2007). which keep them anchored although Fine and Tchernov concluded that mussels are also capable of moving A

while the corals may survive the using their foot (Okamura 1986). l change in pH, their ability to build Mussels position themselves in mov - c and maintain a calcified skeleton can ing water using their byssal threads h e

be negatively affected. These findings so that filter feeding is more energet - m

suggest that not only will corals be ically efficient (Holland-Bartels y affected by increasing acidity, but 1990). Mussels form dense groups to other calcifying species, such as counter the disadvantages of isola - 2 0

Mytilus edulis , may be as well. It has tion; while a lone mussel can grow 0 been found that over the past 8 and reproduce at a faster rate than 9 years, 10 to 20 percent of the mus - those at the center of a large group, sels around Tatoosh Island have been slower-growing mussels in densely replaced by more acid-resistant populated areas are more protected algae. Tatoosh Island may be indica - against predators (Okamura 1986). tive of future change since its waters Mussels are also capable of opening have changed pH more rapidly than and closing their shells since they are other areas (Wootton et al. 2008). filter-feeders that strain water in order to feed (Dankers and Zuidema Mussels, which are found in a variety 1995). A closed shell suggests that a of environments from the intertidal to mussel is expending energy and a the abyssal zone, are important in all lack of feeding and respiration activi - their respective ecosystems. Mussels ty. We observed these factors, clump - create beds and form a layer of ing and an open shell for filter-feed - organic material, which provides a ing, as parameters of health in our habitat for species such as deposit- study. feeding worms. Mussel beds also cre - ate hard surfaces for species such as Our experiment sought to determine barnacles to live on. Jordan and the short-term effects of environ - Valiela (1982) found that the mussel ments of differing acidity on mussel population of the Great Sippewissett health and behavior. Since long-term Marsh, Massachusetts, could filter effects are dependent upon a series of 1.8 times the volume of the entire short-term circumstances, it also

13 How is the Health of of Mytilus Edulis Affected by pH?

offers insight into the larger implica - The tanks were set up with a running tions of global declining pH. We filter. The filters ran for a full day hypothesized that over the course of before the mussels were placed in the the experiment, lower pH environ - tanks in order to oxygenate the water ments would cause the mussels to be and equilibrate them to the proper less healthy. Conversely, the null pH. Four target pHs, 8.18, 8.10, 7.95 hypothesis predicted that the mus - and 7.85, were determined based on sels would not be affected by the dif - prior research of past, current and ference in acidity. Healthy mussels predicted future pH values (Haugan were expected to anchor themselves, and Drange 1996). pH was measured clump, and filter feed more in less daily on a pH meter and regulated acidic conditions, which we investi - using hydrochloric acid (HCl) to lower gated by counting the number open the pH and oxygenated water to raise mussels and the size of clumps. the pH. Every day, the water from each tank was analyzed for salinity Materials and Methods and pH and these were calibrated so that the salinity remained at about 9 The Mytilus edulis used in the exper - 35 ppt and the pH was within 0.05 0 iment were collected by hand at units of the target pH. During a peri - 0

2 Shark River Inlet, New Jersey. Prior od in which the experimenters were

to placement into study groups, all out of town and no data could be col - y mussels were stored in a controlled lected, a clear plastic wrap was m

e seawater table together. In these con - placed over the top of the tanks so

h ditions, mussels displayed clumping that air could enter but water would c behavior and appeared to be healthy. not evaporate as quickly. The oxy - l

A We separated the mussels by cutting genated water was obtained from a byssal threads and cleaned them by separate tank with a running filter removing threads that were attached that contained no animals. The previ - to the outside of shells. Once the ously sorted and labeled mussels mussels were separated and dried, were taken from the Tupperware® they were randomly separated into containers and separated; twenty groups of 20 and numbered using were placed in each tank in a dis - White-Out® in order to be able to persed fashion in three widely spaced identify them individually. Due to a rows on the bottom surface of the delay with preparing the tanks, the tank while the filter was turned off. mussels did not go into the tanks The filter was then turned on. The that day but instead were placed in experiment was conducted in a tem - Tupperware® in order to keep them perature-controlled room in which separate and placed back in the sea - the lights were automated to a water table. twelve-hour cycle.

Four two-gallon glass tanks were The mussels were examined each day filled with artificial seawater made at approximately the same time. The from Instant Ocean® and well water. number open versus the number

14 Sarah Bedolfe and Niki Machac closed in each tank was recorded. Clumping behavior was measured The placement of the mussels was based on the number of mussels in also recorded using previously set up each clump. For each tank, we pooled rulers as a grid system. When mus - the data and acquired a median sels resided in clumps, the coordi - clump size (Table 1). The number of nates of the whole clump rather than open versus closed mussels was con - those of each individual mussel were verted into percentage open, in order recorded. Though they varied in size to account for the death of two indi - and density, clumps were defined as viduals, both in the 8.18 tank. After a group of mussels connected to one determining the percent each day, we another by byssal threads. found the median percent open for each tank over the course of the To calculate our results, we pooled experiment (Table 2). The data indi - A

the daily data over the course of the cate a clear trend of a direct correla - l whole experiment for each tank. For tion between percentage open with c clumping, in each tank we found a decreasing pH. h e

median number of mussels per m

clump; data for open versus closed Discussion & Conclusion y mussel shells were converted into percentages per day and we found The goal of the study was to investi - 2 0

the median percent of open mussels gate the effect of increased acidity on 0 for each tank. These numbers were Mytilus edilus . Despite some incon - 9 used to calculate significance sistencies, we find that the data sup - between all tanks using a Mann- port our hypothesis that declining pH Whitney statistical test to account for adversely affects mussel health. We non-normal data distribution. The judged our mussels to be healthy statistics were calculated through the prior to beginning our experiment JMP and Kaleidagraph programs. due to their active clumping behavior in the controlled seawater basin after Results they were placed in the Tupperware. This decreases the possibility of mus - Due to extensive clumping, counting sel illness affecting our results and the byssal threads of individual mus - suggests that our significant results sels was not feasible despite an were in fact based on the differing pH abundance of byssal threads. Due to environments. the tendency of the identification numbers to fall off the mussels, The median number of mussels per tracking the movement of individual clump (a group of mussels attached mussels was also not possible. by byssal threads) was calculated for Clumping behavior and a count of the each tank over the course of the number of open versus closed mus - experiment. While most tanks dis - sels were preserved as measures of played a significant difference in the health. median number of mussels per clump, there was no clear trend that

15 How is the Health of of Mytilus Edulis Affected by pH?

indicated that these differences were feeding and respiration in addition to due to the pH levels; the pH of the an expenditure of energy. It is likely tank with the most mussels per that the acidity of the water is harm - clump was 7.95 while the tank with ful to the mussels and thus they are the least was 7.85. Due to these scat - closing to avoid overexposure. tered results, we could not draw Conversely, mussels in conditions strong conclusions based on these similar to those of pre-industrial eras data. These data could be the result are expending less energy and are of mussel behavior or the results of able to feed and respire. initial mussel placement in the tanks and their subsequent movement It is noteworthy that within just a few because of water force when the filter days, the ability of mussels to carry was turned on. In order to come to a out basic life processes, such as res - A

more definite conclusion, we would piration and feeding, was debilitated. l

need a better circulation system or a A long-term study involving the effect c larger tank that is not so affected by of acidity on mussels that would be h e

the force of the filter. able to precisely moderate pH levels m 9

would supplement predicted implica - y 0 Ultimately, since the clumping tions of decreased acidity. Further, 0 2

2 behavior displayed no clear trend, we used average measurements of pH 0

our conclusions are based on and the ocean is highly variable, 0 y

whether the shells of the mussels meaning that some areas will see 9 m

e were open or closed. In these data more drastic consequences. In addi -

h there is both significance and a clear tion, the subjects of our experiment c trend (Figure 1). The data suggest were juvenile mussels, so it may be l

A that the mussels were influenced by beneficial to examine the effects on the pH levels and were more likely to mussels in different life stages. Since be closed in more acidic conditions. changes in ocean acidity are likely to The data support the hypothesis that have an adverse affect on mussels, the mussels in the more basic tanks larger ecological impacts should be were healthier and more able to carry studied as well. The deteriorating out life-supporting processes than health of mussel populations will those in the acidic tanks. The mussel affect their ecosystems directly, in must use energy to remain closed; addition to being indicative of the thus, a closed shell suggests a lack of effects on other shellfish.

16 17 Sarah Bedolfe and Niki Machac Data Table 1. The median number of mussels per clump overall and the statistical significance between different pH tanks.

Table 2. The median percentage of mussels open each day and the statistical significance between different pH tanks. How is the Health of of Mytilus Edulis Affected by pH?

Figure 1. The overall median percent of open mussels in each tank. 100

80

60 9

0 40 0 2

y m

e 20 h c l A

0 8.18 8.1 7.95 7.85

pH

Acknowledgments We are grateful for the guidance and support of Professor Rachel Ann Merz throughout our experiment and the compilation of our report. We thank Jocelyne Noveral and Gwendolyn Kannapel for providing access to supplies and instruction in use of the pH meter. Jan A. Pechenik’s A Short Guide to Writing About Biology facilitated the writing process.

18 Sarah Bedolfe and Niki Machac

References

Caldeira, Ken, and M. E. Wickett. Society 9 (1990): 327-335. "Anthropogenic carbon and ocean Jordan, Thomas E., and Ivan Valiela. pH." Nature 425 (2003): 365. "A Nitrogen Budget of the Ribbed Dankers, Norbert, and Duurt R. Mussel, Geukensia demissa, and Zuidema. "The Role of the Mussel Its Significance in Nitrogen Flow in (Mytilus edulis L.) and Mussel a New England Salt Marsh." Culture in the Dutch Wadden Limnology and Oceanography 27 Sea." Estuaries 18 (1995): 71-80. (1982): 75-90. Fine, Maoz, and Dan Tchernov. Okamura, B., "Group Living and the "Scleractinian corals survive and Effects of Spacial Position in recover from decalcification." Aggregations of Mytilus edulis." Science 315 (2007): 1811. Oecologia 69 (1986): 341-47. A l

Haugan, Peter M., and Helge Pfister, C. A., “Intertidal inverte c

Drange. "Effects of CO2 on the brates locally enhance primary h ocean environment." Energy production.” Ecology 88 (2007): e m

Convers. Mgmt 37 (1996): 1019- 1647-1653. y

022. Wootton, J. T., Catherine A. Pfister, Holland-Bartels, L. E., “Physical and James D. Forester. "Dynamic 2 Factors and Their Influence on the patterns and ecological impacts of 0 0

Mussel Fauna of a Main Channel declining ocean pH in a high-reso 9 Border Habitat of the Upper lution multi-year dataset." PNAS Mississippi River.” Journal of the 105 (2008): 18848-8853. North American Benthological

Nicole Machac and Sarah Bedolfe are sophomore Biology majors. They wrote this paper for Rachel Merz's “Marine Biology” course on the short-term effects of increased acidity on mussels. While the assignment was open-ended, they took inspiration from the various papers they read for the course, particularly those about the increasing acidity on coral reefs. Nicole and Sarah were very excited for this opportunity to apply their knowledge of marine biology to an important envi - ronmentalist issue.

19 Biography of a Factory Girl: Life and Death in the Early Republic Biography of a Factory Girl: Life and Death in the Early Republic Miriam Rich ’11

At first glance, the most remark - story exposes a society grappling to able—perhaps the only remarkable— confront a novel and rapid economic aspect of Sarah Maria Cornell’s life trajectory that threatened to derail appears to be her death. Classified traditional modes of social order. first as a suicide and later as a homi - Specifically, it informs—and is cide, it was a harrowing case: on informed by—the personal turbu - December 21, 1832, her lifeless body, lence faced by the era’s young women over four months pregnant, was as gender constructions began to found hanging from a stake beside a shift and reconfigure to address neighboring Rhode Island farmer’s changing economic and social reali - haystacks. In the absence of this ties. grisly demise, it is difficult to imagine

9 that Cornell’s name would be a topic Sarah Maria Cornell was born on 0 of modern-day discussion at all. An May 3, 1802 to James and Lucretia 0 early mill operative, she was just one Cornell. Her parents’ short, unstable 2

of a huge wave of young women who marriage was wracked by financial

y left home and traveled to cities to uncertainty. In the changing econo -

m work in the textile mills that charac - my of the early 1800s, James was e

h terized the opening stages of unable to provide for his young fami -

c America’s industrialization. 1 Indeed, ly and, soon after Sarah’s birth, he l there is little in this humdrum story abandoned them to be raised by A of factory life and migration to distin - Lucretia and her relatives in Norwich, guish Cornell from thousands of Connecticut, where Sarah spent most other factory girls, save for a sala - of her childhood. 2 cious epilogue in which her battered body sags from a fence post. In 1818, at the age of sixteen, Sarah began a two-year apprenticeship in Yet peering beyond the sensational - Norwich, explaining to her sister in ism of her violent end affords a an 1819 letter that she was “learning glimpse into the daily operations of the Tailors trade.” 3 This home-based an existence profoundly shaped by apprenticeship was probably charac - the distinctive era of American histo - terized by what Nancy Cott describes ry that extended from the late eigh - as “the irregularity, the responsive - teenth century into the opening ness to immediate and natural decades of the nineteenth. Indeed, demands, and the intermixture with the struggles, ambitions, and work social occasion common to preindus - patterns of Sarah’s truncated life trial occupations.” 4 By 1821, Sarah tend to parallel, in poignant minia - was working in the Connecticut town ture, those of the early republic. Her of Bozraville. As a tailoress, her work

20 Miriam Rich would have still largely conformed to factory to work, but I do not consider preindustrial work patterns. In one myself bound to go into all sorts of way, however, her station in company because I live near them.” 7 Bozraville did mark a significant change: for the first time Sarah was Indeed, though it was becoming no longer living with relatives in increasingly common in this genera - Norwich. The letters Sarah sent to tion for daughters to leave home to her sister prior to this time diligently seek work in the emerging factory recorded anecdotes relating to family towns, there was widespread appre - members, whether it was the mar - hension over the sort of “bad compa - riage and missionary work of “aunt ny” these young female workers Lathrop’s eldest daughter,” the reli - might find themselves in so far from gious conversion of “aunt Lathrop’s home. “Factory girls,” as the mill A

youngest son,” or simply the mention operatives were termed, occupied a l that “Mother Grandma Aunts and precarious social role. They were a c cousin send their love to you.” 5 In vital work source for the rapidly h e

the letter from Bozraville, the sub - industrializing economy, but, like m

jects of Sarah’s stories were now Sarah’s sister, many felt uneasy y unrelated members of her new com - about a situation in which young, munity. Though Sarah did not speak unmarried women worked for wages 2 0

explicitly of her feelings about living in factory towns far removed from 0 away from her relatives, she men - traditional social and communal con - 9 tioned her separation from her moth - trols. Orestes Brownson famously er twice, first noting that she was proclaimed that, “‘She has worked in “four miles from mother” and later a Factory,’ is almost enough to damn that “I am so far from mother that it to infamy the most worthy and virtu - will not be convenient for her to write ous girl,” 8 an opinion shared by any more.” 6 many of his contemporaries.

Sarah’s next work transition repre - In fact, Sarah first found herself in sented an even more drastic change. trouble not while working in the fac - By May 1822, she had moved to the tory in Killingly, but later that year town of Killingly to work at a factory, while visiting her sister in for the first time placing her, as she Providence, Rhode Island. Despite lamented in a letter to her sister, “far her resolutions to do away with the from any friend or connexion.” “glittering toys” of the world, Sarah Despite her stoical assertion that she was not immune to the rising spirit of was “not too proud to get a living in consumerism. Gurdon Williams, in any situation in which it pleases God his brief account of Sarah’s life, to place me,” a sense of loneliness laments how “she became extremely and isolation pervades the letter. fond of dress,” 9 while Catherine Still, Sarah defended her work Williams records “childish vanity, choice, complaining that her sister and love of dress, and show, and had “murmured at my coming to the ornament.” 10 In November of 1822,

21 Biography of a Factory Girl: Life and Death in the Early Republic

the twenty-year-old Sarah suc - tion in passionate, visceral imagery, cumbed to material temptations, castigating herself for, among other stealing five or six dollars worth of vivid transgressions, bringing fabric, lace, and clothing items from “reproach upon the cause of God,” local merchants. 11 Although Sarah and having “caused Jesus to open his returned and paid for the items she wounds afresh.” 15 The self-present - had taken, the incident wracked her ed enormity of her past sins was used with guilt. The months following to underscore the miracle and glory were a dark time in Sarah’s life. In of her redemption. addition to the aftermath of her theft, there is some indication that Sarah In certain ways, the appeal of suffered from a failed romance and Methodism to someone in Sarah’s sit - disappointed marriage expectations uation is intuitive. She was alone in at this time. In a later letter, Sarah each new factory town, without would describe this period as having friends or family. As a young mill “almost been my ruin.” 12 operative, her working life—and entire living situation—was transito - 9 In 1823, Sarah, who was now twenty- ry and uncertain: few factory girls 0 one, came to work in the mill town of stayed in one place for very long. The 0

2 Slatersville, Rhode Island. Slater fac - Methodists offered a stable commu -

tory communities were designed, nity that would persist amid the per - y according to Barbara Tucker, with sonal transience and isolation of m

e the aim of “safeguarding traditional wandering from factory town to facto -

h prerogatives,” such as perpetuating ry town. As Sarah proclaimed in a c paternal authority. 13 The attention letter to her sister and brother-in- l

A to old familial values and customs law, “God has raised up many helped ease the transition from Christian friends of different orders— household production to large-scale all united heart and hand, bound to industrial manufacture. In the trajec - one home.” 16 Besides its spiritual tory of Sarah’s increasingly more and moral functions, Methodism pro - industrialized (and increasingly dis - vided Sarah with a community that tant) employments, the Slatersville could counteract the loneliness and Mill was the logical next step. isolation that had, in separation from her family, plagued her at the factory Slatersville was also home to a thriv - in Killingly. ing Methodist community. Sarah had always been strongly disposed To truly appreciate the extent of towards religion, but Methodism, Methodism’s pull on Sarah, however, with its emphasis on personal agency it is necessary to step back and and emotional individual salvation examine the significance of religion in narratives, 14 plunged her into a new a larger context of social forces. The degree of religious fervency. She opening decades of the nineteenth became a devout Methodist, espous - century were an uncertain time for ing her personal narrative of salva - America. The societal changes being

22 Miriam Rich wrought by the transformation from have had its deepest appeal. a preindustrial household economy to an industrial market economy, Religion, like the new ideal of woman - with all its opportunities for geo - hood, served as a respite from the graphical and financial mobility, had worldly, pecuniary sphere of the bur - the potential to undermine the tradi - geoning market economy. It was con - tional family unit and erode social ceptually aligned with domesticity controls. The ambitious, pecuniary, through its categorical separation unreliable world of market relations from the material affairs of the world. signaled to many a loss of morality Thus, by immersing herself in reli - and stability. David Rothman gion, Sarah not only atoned for spe - describes how medical superintend - cific indiscretions of her youth, but ents of the time worried that “the also, in a larger sense, for the “sin” of A

community’s inherited traditions and being a working woman who enjoyed l procedures were dissolving, leaving material goods, did not stay rooted in c incredible stresses and strains.” 17 a single place, and remained unmar - h e

To assuage pervasive societal anxi - ried. She repented for her transgres - m

ety, a gender construction emerged in sions against domesticity through y which the female represented static her devotion to religion. In a letter to constancy and rootedness to counter her mother, she asserted her belief 2 0

the business world’s frenzied kinesis. “with the Apostle that we should be 0

Women’s identities were conflated as strangers and pilgrims having here 9 with home—stable, fixed, chaste, no continuing city or abiding place, transcending material concerns, and but seek one to come,” 19 explicitly wholly separate from the outside eco - using religion to defend the tran - nomic and political sphere. Nancy sience of the factory girls’ lifestyle. Cott explains that this ideal “enlisted When Sarah wrote to her sister not - women in their domestic roles to ing that the latter had “become a wife absorb, palliate, and even to redeem and a mother”—quintessential female the strain of social and economic roles that Sarah, conspicuously, transformation.” 18 would never serve in—she followed it up by expressing to her the hope Yet implicit in Sarah’s lifestyle were “that the cares of a married life [had] antagonisms of the domestic con - not separated your heart from God.” struction. She led a life of transience This gentle admonishment contained and wanderings, going from mill to an implicit justification of Sarah’s mill, from state to state, in pursuit of own failure to become a wife—her factory work; instead of existing in a heart was devoted to God rather than sphere apart from the new economic a mortal man. order, she actively participated in it as both producer and consumer. In spite of Sarah’s professions of Sarah’s reality violated her society’s heavenly aspiration, however, earthly construction of true womanhood. It temptations intruded. Though she is in this context that religion may had recorded hopes of finding a per -

23 Biography of a Factory Girl: Life and Death in the Early Republic

manency in her stay at Slatersville, at first, writing to her sister that “the revealing on one letter that she religious privileges I enjoy are much “expect[ed] the Lord willing to spend greater than they have ever been my days in Slaterville,” 20 Sarah was before.” 24 Yet by 1830, rumors forced to leave the town in 1826. impugning her character had begun Though Catherine Williams attrib - to circulate in the Methodist commu - utes Sarah’s exodus from Slatersville nity. Character and reputation were exclusively to the burning down of a vitally important in both Sarah’s factory, 21 it is likely that Sarah left Methodist circle and her larger facto - after being expelled from the Church ry one; with strangers continually in Slatersville for, as one witness stat - entering and leaving the town, word ed, “intimacy with men.” William of mouth was a key means of ascer - Holmes, a Methodist Class leader in taining trustworthiness and respect- Slatersville, related that Sarah had ability. Karen Hansen asserts that been accused of and confessed to “gossip acted as a mechanism for sexual relations with men, and testi - social control” because “participation fied that Sarah “was admonished, within a community necessitated a 9 and while we were preparing to bring good reputation.” 25 Once Sarah’s 0 her to trial she left.” 22 character “became bad by reports,” 26 0

2 as one witness put it, her position in

In late 1828, after nearly two years the Church was in grave danger. y spent traveling from town to town Indeed, it was not long before reports m

e across Rhode Island and of Sarah’s deviant behavior reached

h Massachusetts, Sarah alighted in Methodist leadership. Though fellow c Lowell, Massachusetts. In her pro - Methodists were in large part respon - l

A gression from task-oriented work sible for informing against Sarah, the based in the home to fully industrial - atmosphere of moral policing was ized factory employment, the Lowell such that even non-Methodists felt Mills were the final destination. compelled to report Sarah’s violations Thomas Bender argues that whereas of chastity to her Church leadership: “the social system in Slater’s factory William Graves, a Lowell doctor, testi - villages clearly represented an exten - fied that after treating Sarah for a sion of the existing mill-handicraft- venereal disease, he “mentioned it to farm complex,” the Lowell factories, a student I had, who was a which incorporated all aspects of tex - Methodist, and authorised him to tile production and did not attempt to inform Mr. Avery.” 27 The Mr. Avery replicate traditional rural structures, in question was the Reverend truly signified the “the creation of an Ephraim K. Avery, a Methodist minis - urban-industrial social order.” 23 ter who would later stand trial for the murder of Sarah Cornell. Avery testi - As in Slatersville, Sarah found her fied that in 1830, as the reports of place in Lowell with the Methodist Sarah’s improper sexual conduct community. She was apparently well- accumulated, he “told her there must respected among her Methodist peers be a trial in the usual way, and

24 Miriam Rich advised her to go immediately to her Thompson. At her brother-in-law’s friends.” 28 Consequently, Sarah left advice, she left Woodstock and relo - Lowell, staying for a time in Dover cated to Fall River, a factory town and Summersworth, New Hampshire; near Rhode Island, the state where in her absence, she was found guilty Avery then resided. 31 of the charges and officially expelled from the Methodist Church. Whatever happened in Thompson, it was enough to finally end her nearly Far from accepting this expulsion, decade-long love affair with the Sarah became desperately deter - Methodist Church. Even through her mined to win admittance back into expulsion and shunning, Sarah had the Methodist Circle. While in New continued to seek out the company of Hampshire, she wrote several letters Methodists and beg for forgiveness A

to Avery detailing her sins and beg - and readmittance into their society. l ging for forgiveness. When he did not Yet after the Camp Meeting at c reply, she returned to Lowell the next Thompson, Sarah expressed no fur - h e

year to solicit forgiveness in person. ther desire for contact with the m

Many of her fellow workers in Lowell Church. In an unmailed letter found y testified that she also approached in Sarah’s trunk after her death them at this time, asking for their sig - addressed to a Methodist minister in 2 0

natures on a document certifying Fall River, she wrote that “for reasons 0 that she was forgiven and held in known to God and my own soul I 9 good faith by the Methodist wish no longer to be connected with Church. 29 the Methodist society,” though she felt compelled to add that “I hope I Ultimately finding it too painful to shall feel different some time or remain in Lowell after her expulsion, other.” 32 She never got the chance; Sarah moved to Taunton, Mass- several months after arriving in Fall achusetts, where she once again River, her life came to a violent close. found work in a textile factory. Then, from June until October of 1832, she Interpreting Sarah’s life with the stayed with her sister and brother-in- knowledge of her ultimate death law, the Rawsons, in Woodstock, makes it tempting to paint her as a Connecticut. Apparently unable to quintessential victim, whether of a relinquish the company of those who specific violent act or of oppressive she had once described to her sister social forces in general. Yet, as the as “my people—with them by the extraordinary proportion of Avery’s grace of God I was spiritually trial testimony dedicated to indicting born,” 30 Sarah attended a Methodist Sarah’s character shows, she was Camp Meeting in nearby Thompson, regarded by some in her society not Connecticut that August. Some as a victim but as a transgressor. months later, she revealed to her sis - What exactly were Sarah’s crimes? ter and brother-in-law that she had Some were literal—the theft that been impregnated by Avery while at occurred on at least one, and by

25 Biography of a Factory Girl: Life and Death in the Early Republic

some accounts two, occasions in her Her work patterns, consumerism, life. Many were sexual. But, in a larg - sexual behavior, and participation in er sense, Sarah’s was a crime of exis - religious communities were all histor - tence, implicitly challenging social ically situated within a specific period constructions of the woman’s sphere of American life, a period in which with the reality of her working and conceptions of such basic social wandering. In her short life were structures as family, work, and gen - reflected the turbulence and anxiety der were being reconfigured in the of an entire era of social transforma - rapidity of economic change. The his - tion. torical contingencies that shaped Sarah’s existence were the same ones In this way, an understanding of that defined this distinctive era, ren - Sarah’s life is predicated upon an dering Sarah both product and reflec - understanding of larger patterns of tion of her times. American life in the early republic. 9 0

0 References 2

1 Nancy Cott, Bonds of Womanhood , 13 Barbara Tucker, Samuel Slater & y [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997] The Origins of the American Textile m pp.38-9 Industry , [Ithaca: Cornell University e 2 Press, 1984] p.162

h Catherine Williams, Fall River: An 14 c Authentic Narrative , [Boston: Lilly, Wait Susan Juster, “In a Different Voice”, l & Co., 1834] pp.65-7; Gurdon Williams, [American Quarterly , 1984] pp.35-6 A Brief and Impartial Narrative of the Life of 15 C. Williams, Fall River , p.109 [Letter Sarah Maria Cornell , [G. Williams, No. 6] Publisher, 1833] pp.4-5 16 Ibid. 3 C. Williams, Fall River , p.103 [Letter 17 David Rothman, Insanity and the No.2] Social Order , [Boston: Little, Brown, 4 Cott, Bonds of Womanhood , p.60 1971] p.114 5 C. Williams, Fall River , pp.103-4 18 Cott, Bonds of Womanhood , p.70 [Letters No.2, 3] 19 C. Williams, Fall River , pp.109-10, 6 C. Williams, Fall River , pp.105-6 120 [Letter No. 6, 14] [Letter No. 4] 20 Ibid., p.111-2 [Letter No. 7, 8] 7 Ibid., pp.107-8 [Letter No. 5] 21 Ibid., p.73 8 Orestes Brownson, Laboring Classes, 22 Hallet, Full Report , p.122, 128 [Boston: Boston Quarterly Review, 1840] 23 Thomas Bender, Towards an Urban 9 G. Williams, Life of Sarah Maria Vision , [Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Cornell , p.7 University Press, 1982] p.29 10 C. Williams, Fall River, p.69 24 C. Williams, Fall River , p.120 [Letter 11 Hallett, Full Report , [Boston: Daily No. 14] Commercial Gazette, 1833] p.131 25 Karen Hansen, A Very Social Time , 12 C. Williams, Fall River , p.109 [Letter [Berkeley : University of California Press, No. 6] c1994] p.116 26 Hallett, Full Report , p.116

26 Miriam Rich

27 Ibid., p.110 p.121, 124 28 Luke Drury, Report of the 30 C. Williams, Fall River , p.121 [Letter Examination of Rev. Ephraim K. Avery , No. 15] [Providence: s.n., 1833] p.4 31 Hallett, Full Report , p.86 29 Ibid., pp.4-5; Hallett, Full Report , 32 Drury, Examination , p.63

Miriam Rich is a sophomore History major and Biology minor. This paper was written for Professor Bruce Dorsey's course “Murder in a Mill Town: A Window on Social Change in the Early Republic.” The process of writing an individual's biogra - A

phy allowed her to contextualize her understanding of broad l

sociohistorical forces in more concrete terms. c h e m y

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u e l n n t f l h e b h f o e n n a F u “ a “ w n i U G r a n i c l b g I o f a B B a l Jacobean Deference and Feminine Subversion in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Blackness

ent in the education of their children. have them blackamores at first, the When it came time to select Prince invention was derived by me, and Henry’s royal custodian, Anne strug - presented thus” (ll.18-19). In short, gled against James’s choice of the the Queen commissioned Jonson to Earl of Mar, regarded by many to be write a story that would allow her to extremely anti-Catholic (Aasand 278). wear black make-up. Once written, she even worked with Inigo Jones to But Anne’s possible estrangement design the subsequent costumes for from her husband was not only a the Ethiops. But besides her presen - result of Prince Henry; it could also tation as an African, involving cloth - have been due to James’s own gender ing which revealed her ankles, she bias. In seventeenth-century visually performed on stage six- England, James served as a symbol months pregnant (Aasand 277). of fatherhood and virile masculinity Dudley Carleton, an aristocrat who (Butler 155). He had many male attended the performance, consid - favorites, whom he appointed to high ered Anne’s appearance scandalous. positions in the government. He remarked that “you cannot imag - 9 Preferring the company of male aris - ine a more ugly Sight then [ sic ] a 0 tocrats, it is possible that James’s troop of lean-cheek’d Moors,” adding 0

2 interest in physical relations with his that the Queen looked like a “country

wife suffered. For the Bishop Godfrey woman” (Murray 427). It is likely that y Goodman, who worked as a councilor Carleton’s distaste for the Masque m

e to the couple in an attempt to save stemmed partly from an aversion to

h their marriage, “[i]t is true that some Anne’s portrayal of sexual and racial c years after they did not much keep difference. l

A company together. The King of him - self was a very chaste man” (qtd. in Blackness , however, may be read as Aasand 278). Losing contact even more than a presentation of some with his wife, we can argue that the “lean-cheed’d Moors;” the motif of Stuart court embraced patriarchal African fertility may symbolize Anne’s paradigms. This, added to Anne’s own estranged religious and domestic religious estrangement, further mar - condition to her husband and the ginalized the Queen’s presence at court. In contrast to the Anglo- James’s court. protestant English norm, Anne appeared as an exotic and culturally During the 1605 performance of dissimilar African. Moreover, she was Blackness , Anne may have expressed pregnant. Within the public context the reality of her marginalization of the masque, Anne’s actions can be through her appearance. In her interpreted as a symbol of feminine desire to appear in blackamoor, power, separating her from the patri - Queen Anne served a key role in archal domination of her marriage Jonson’s creation of the plot. Jonson and the court. Therefore, in Anne’s writes in Blackness ’s stage notes that visual appearance during Blackness , “because it was her majesty’s will to she does not display the conventional

32 Justin diFeliciantonio chaste, obedient, and quiet values could not be purely seen as defect, or that governed women’s behavior dur - in simple opposition to noble ing the Renaissance. Rather, she “blanched” skin. Insofar as historical shows her own religious, social, and circumstance and literary conven - marital poverty and, by doing so, tions converge, it is possible that her begins to subvert James’s image as black physical appearance did not the powerful, virtuous, and temper - symbolize an attempt to be “white” in ate monarch of “Britain.” agreement with the king. It was, instead, a message intended to sub - If we maintain this interpretation, vert James’s power and authority. If regarding her symbolic show of this is the case, the aristocrats in estrangement to the monarchy, we attendance undoubtedly realized may call into question all of early in the masque that they were to A

Blackness ’s earlier allegorical defer - witness a series of inverted and con - l ence to James. As an expression of fused English values. c power and temperance, the sun may h e

indeed “blanch an Ethiop” and refine Utilizing this interpretative lens, we m

“All things on which his radiance start to notice in Blackness further y shines,” bringing the non-white exot - monarchal subversion. Toward the ic into virtuous English beauty beginning of the play, Aethiopia 2 0

(Jonson l. 225, l. 235). However, states that Niger shall part from his 0

Queen Anne is herself the black exot - daughters, leaving the nymphs to 9 ic. Recall that the iconography of the reside in the waters outside of Queen, especially in Elizabeth I’s Britannia. She makes clear that if the court, was equated with chastity and nymphs wish to go through with the reserve. Appearing as an emblem of “blanching” process, they must first African fertility would certainly com - bath their bodies in the sea for the plicate this convention. It may be course of a year: interpreted that Anne’s appearance in the masque represented a desire to You shall, when all things else become “bleached” in the color of the do sleep, good Queen, who submitted to the Save your chaste thoughts, will of her husband. with reverence steep Your bodies in that purer brine But as we have seen, it is likely that [...] Anne historically maintained her So that, this night, the year identity apart from the King; she did gone round, not convert to Calvinism, nor did she You do again salute this cease in attempting to control to the ground fate of her children. As Queen, Anne And in the beams of yond’ had the ability to establish her own bright sun conventions and influence her social Your faces dry, and all is done. status’s respective iconography. (ll. 312-4, ll. 322-5) Additionally, black on the Queen As critic Molly Murray makes clear,

33 Jacobean Deference and Feminine Subversion in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Blackness

the monarchal beams of the “bright subversion, Blackness rescinds sun,” then, can not automatically much of its monarchal deference to whiten and beautify the skin of an James. Ethiop; the final alteration of color will result from “collaborative” efforts This motif of subversive bathing is (441). In short, there must be transi - continued in the nymphs of tional period between the nymph’s Oceaniae, the women masquers who first exposure to the sun and the represent in Blackness the water effects that exposure produces. itself. In one of the masque’s songs— Interestingly, this makes the sun’s a court convention in which women power dependent on the self-initiat - masquers chose male partners in the ed, and persistent, bathing by the audience to perform a dance—these women in the “purer brine” outside ladies of Oceaniae are referred to as the shores of England. As Murray “daughters of the subtle flood” (l. emphasizes, the nymph’s bathing can 279). Critic Hardin Aasand writes be interpreted as a private “womanly that the literary echoes following the rite” (441). call for the daughters to leave—“Let 9 earth longer entertain you”—repre - 0 Yet, it is also possible that the waters sent the mens’ efforts to persuade the 0

2 become pure about the Isle as a women to stay rooted to the English

result of their constant exposure to land and its men (Jonson l. 281; y the temperate, refining beams of the Aasand 282). Yet, these echoes go m sun. If so, the process of the Ethiops’ unheeded, as the women slowly e

h bathing can be seen as a literal retreat from the authority of their

c watered-down extension of the sun’s male partners in the guise of ever- l powers, necessary for that period shifting fluidity. If the Ethiopian A when “all things else do sleep” and princesses themselves reside with the sun’s light disappears. However, these ladies of Oceaniae at night—by as we saw earlier, Britannia’s temper - nature of their temperate bath—they ate sunbeams shine “day and night” too may adopt the water’s fluidity and (l. 224). This extra requirement, then, independent agency. Thus, the that the women “steep” their bodies Ethiopians’ act of bathing in the with “chaste thoughts” in the water waters surrounding England is not suggests either that: the sun does simply a step toward “blanching” def - indeed set, despite what is said by erence to the king. Rather, the waters Aethiopia, and the women must pro - may be interpreted as antagonistic cure its powers at night through the forces to patriarchal authority. water, or, the refining powers of the Insofar as we may doubt the finality sun are dependent on the effects of a of “all is done,” James’s monarchal year’s exposure to the briny English power and authority are called into waters. Either way, the sun still loses question (l. 325). its might to the “womanly rite” of the nymphs (Murray 441). When read in As seeds of doubt thrown into light of feminine agency, and possible Blackness ’ allegorical praise, the

34 Justin diFeliciantonio symbolism of Anne’s empowering will—or will not, as Murray points actions and Jonson’s poetics prob - out—complete the process of blanch - lematize political deference shown ing of their skin. The subsequent toward the Stuart court. If the sun Masque of Beauty , presented by cannot effect change throughout all Jonson to the court in 1608 as a of Britannia—due to the limitations of sequel to Blackness , may indeed its sunbeams and its dependence on resolve this issue by successfully the salty English waters—the King whitening the Ethiops. Yet, in will not be able to effectively govern a Blackness , competing gender and union between England and political ideologies render monarchal Scotland. Covered in black color and praise ineffectual. Jonson allegorical - playing out the duplicities of ly praises James’s court, yet also Jonson’s poetics, Queen Anne breaks destabilizes it, pitting Anne and her down James’s formerly affirmed sov - coterie against the King. Therefore, as A l ereignty. In revoking deference, Anne a Jacobean cultural product, I con - c simultaneously fractures Blackness ’ tend that Blackness echoes the tenu - h e

universal support for James’s politi - ous nature of James’s monarchy. m

cal ambitions, casting a shadow over Like Jonson’s and Anne’s own y its solidarity. unsteady deference, James I wavered in his power and authority over both 2 0

In our analysis of Ben Jonson’s his English subjects and the Queen. 0

Masque of Blackness , we have seen James once spoke metaphorically to 9 the patriarchal tapestry of monarchal Parliament: “I am the Husband, all deference—weaved in favor of the whole Isle is my lawfull Wife” (qtd. James’s wealth, power, and political in Aasand 280). As “Wife,” Anne does ideology—unravel due to Anne’s not submit wholeheartedly to expressions of femininity. Regarding James’s “sciential” and refining light the authority of the Stuart monarchy, (Jonson l. 226). Instead, Anne and we are left in a state of uncertainty. England yield unwillingly, leaving Even the last lines of the masque are doubts as to whether their white skin inconclusive. In Blackness ’s last is more than superficial. scene, the nymphs return to their shell and go back to sea, where they

References Aasand, Hardin. “To Blanch an Culture.” Ed. Garrett A. Sullivan, Ethiop, and Revive a Corse': Jr, et. al. Early Modern English Queen Anne and The Masque of Drama: A Critical Companion. Blackness.” SEL: Studies in New York: Oxford UP, 2006. 152- English Literature. 1500-1900. 163. 32.2 (1992): 271-85. Floyd-Wilson, Mary. “Temperature, Butler, Martin. “The Masque of Temperance, and Racial Difference Blackness and Stuart Court in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of

35 Jacobean Deference and Feminine Subversion in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Blackness

Blackness.” English Literary SEL: Studies in English Literature, Renaissance 28 (1998): 193-209. 1500-1900. 47.2 (2007): 427-49. Jonson, Ben. Ben Jonson: The Parry, Graham. “The Politics of the Complete Masques. Ed. Stephen Jacobean Masque.” Ed. J. R. Orgel. New Haven and London: Mulryne, et. al. Theatre and Yale UP, 1969. Government under the Early Murray, Molly. “Performing Devotion Stuarts. Cambridge: Cambridge in The Masque of Blacknesse.” UP, 1993. 87-117.

Justin diFeliciantonio is a junior honors English Literature major, Religion minor. He wrote this paper as a sophomore for Nora Johnson's “Literature of the English Renaissance.” Justin is particularly fascinated by the ethical implications of litera - ture. As a future literary critic, he hopes to find some meaning

9 in this existence, for himself and others. 0 0 2

y m e h c l A

36 Andrew Loh The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election Andrew Loh ’10

The March 8, 2008 Malaysian “hope” wrought by the election. In General Election results were both these four subsections of Malaysian groundbreaking and surprising. The society I examine the roles new media long-ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the internet played in inducing, coalition lost its customary two- catalyzing, disseminating, and per - thirds majority in Parliament, petuating these changes. Based on received only 51% of the popular the changes in mainstream media, vote, and lost five (out of thirteen) BN politicians, and the Malaysian state governments and the capital blogosphere, I argue that the Malay- A l

Kuala Lumpur to the opposition sian electorate has indeed become c

Pakatan Raykat (PR) coalition. In my more informed, critical, and political - h paper I propose that new media ly sophisticated. 1 e m

(internet sources i.e. online newspa - y pers and blogs, as opposed to main - History stream media i.e. print media and tel - 2 evision channels) had a significant The BN has ruled Malaysia since 0 0

influence on the results of the 2008 independence from Britain in 1957. 9 election. The evidence suggests that Malaysia is a highly multiethnic the 2008 election results are indica - (50.4% Malays, 23.7% Chinese, 11% tive of a more politically conscious Indigenous, 7.1% Indians, 7.8% oth - electorate. Firstly, new media has ers) and multi-religious country gained legitimacy, popularity, and (60.4% Muslim, 19.2% Buddhist, clout among the urban, educated 9.1% Christian, 6.3% Hindu, 4.9% middle-class and the youth. others) consisting of West (or Secondly, the Malaysian mainstream Peninsular) Malaysia and East media has become more critical of the Malaysia on Borneo Island. 2 In this BN in an effort to regain credibility possibly unwieldy situation, the BN from the more trusted new media. claims to be the only effective coali - Thirdly, while it was BN policy to tion that can represent all major belittle and denigrate new media, in races, religions, and regions through the aftermath of the 2008 election, its corporatist structure. The United significant BN leaders have belatedly Malays National Organization started their own websites. Some BN (UMNO) is the Malay voice within the politicians have even reviewed their BN and is its largest, dominant mem - political policies to better reflect this ber. Other parties include the change in society. Fourthly, the Malaysian Chinese Association Malaysian blogosphere has been (MCA), the Malaysian Indian inundated with personal stories and Congress (MIC), the United articles articulating the “change” and Traditional Bumiputera Party (PBB),

37 The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election

Gerakan, and other minor parties, all and draconian licensing severely of which are tasked with advancing handicaps mainstream media the interests of their specific commu - through the Printing Presses and nities in the BN. In the few years Publications Act, the Internal before 2008, however, the semi-hege - Security Act, and the Sedition Act. 7 monic UMNO had bulldozed many In 2000, the UN Special Rapporteur policies through Parliament and the on Freedom of Opinion and Cabinet without prior consultation or Expression issued a report stating input from other component parties. that freedom of opinion is curtailed Criticism of the “arrogance” and systematically in Malaysia: that the “racial stances” of UMNO culminated aforementioned acts “were used to with a former Gerakan president suppress or repress expression and exclaiming that non-UMNO BN par - curb peaceful assembly… [the laws] ties are effectively “beggars” within appear to be having a very chilling the coalition. 3 effect.” 8

The only other election fiasco faced The Opposition, on the other hand, 9 by the BN was in 1969, when the has almost always been fractured 0 Alliance (BN’s predecessor) lost the compared to the BN. Opposition 0

2 popular vote. The result of this was alliances in the past have been short-

communal strife. Ethnic riots broke lived, ideologically contradictory, and y out in what is now known as the politically ineffective. The Democratic m “May 13 incident” with 196 killed and Action Party (DAP), a secular, social- e

h 149 wounded (police figures), but democratic, mainly Chinese opposi -

c other estimates put the number dead tion party, is often at loggerheads l at ten times these numbers. 4 The with the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party A Alliance-led government then im- (PAS), an Islamist, Malay-based posed a state of emergency with opposition party with aspirations to diminished civil rights (which still turn Malaysia into an Islamic state. exists today); Parliament only recon - The BN’s electoral message is simple: vened in 1971. This violent episode there is no alternative. has framed Malaysian discourse and consciousness since. Come election One factor of the Opposition’s surge time, BN politicians (regardless of in 2008 is the genius of Anwar ethnicity) explicitly threaten Malay- Ibrahim, its charismatic leader and a sians not to vote for the Opposition, former Deputy Prime Minister who lest May 13 happen again. 5 was sacked and imprisoned on charges of corruption and sodomy. 9 Furthermore, BN political parties or Against all odds, Anwar elicited coop - by businessmen with connections to eration between the DAP, PAS, and the BN own almost all mainstream the multiethnic, centrist, populist media, ensuring strict, often pro-BN People’s Justice Party (PKR) to form a regulation of published and broad - coherent political alliance against the casted content. 6 Also, often arbitrary BN. The PR’s election manifesto

38 Andrew Loh emphasized universal values like social justice, equality, and anti-cor - The BN and the Opposition respond - ruption and the vast disconnect ed to this trend in very different between the BN and political realities ways. The Center for Independent on the ground – and this paid off Journalism said the BN was “very when significant, unprecedented complacent” in cyber campaigning numbers of Malaysians of all colors because its “biggest constituency is and creeds voted for the the rural Malay heartland, where Opposition. 10 there is low Internet penetration and a non-IT savvy populace, and the New Media pro-government mainstream media exerts greater influence.” 13 In con - The internet has broken the BN’s trast, the DAP publicized its election monopoly on information dissemina - manifesto and candidate information A l tion. Previously, the BN could easily and fundraised heavily via the inter - c ignore dissenting voices because of net. This was “borne out of sheer h e

mainstream media censorship; now, necessity,” since new media is “the m

they do so at high risk. Nationwide only way the Opposition could cir - y internet penetration has exploded in cumvent the [BN-imposed blackout] the last decade: 15% of Malaysians on opposition messages.” 14 Even 2 0

used the internet in 2000; 47.8% in before the March 2008 election, ana - 0 11 2007; 59% in 2008. Parallel to this lysts predicted that the “proliferation 9 is a mushrooming of blogs, alterna - of anti-government sites and blogs… tive media, and anti-BN websites that [had] created a chink in the armor of provided “scathing criticism of gov - the [BN] political behemoth.” 15 The ernment policy” in Malaysian cyber - voters of high-penetration areas like space. 12 This is reflective of a Penang, Perak, Selangor, and Kuala groundswell of emotion against the Lumpur (which altogether contribute high-handed and confining BN-regu - over 60% of Malaysia’s GDP) voted lation of information. The internet out the BN. 16 Cyber political cam - has presented an alternative, exten - paigning proved to be effective, espe - sive platform through which opposi - cially in urban constituencies, as tion ideologies can spread. The prolif - both opposition politicians-cum-blog - eration of online dissent is only pos - gers (Lim Kit Siang, Teresa Kok) and sible because non-censorship is bloggers-turned-politicians (Jeff Ooi, guaranteed in the Communications Tony Pua, Nik Nazmi, Elizabeth and Multimedia Act 1998. Violating Wong) were voted into Parliament this could discourage foreign invest - with significant majorities. ment in the burgeoning Information and Communications Technology Furthermore, more than 50% of the (ICT) sector (the government has Malaysian population is below 25 invested heavily in infrastructure to years old. 17 This more educated, position Malaysia as a regional ICT tech-savvy younger generation is sig - hub). nificantly likelier to prefer new media

39 The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election

as they gain the freedom to choose eration of anti-BN blogs and websites their sources of information. Some was caused by already existing have “lost faith in the local media’s undercurrents of discontent against coverage of political issues,” while the BN, and not vice versa. The inter - others allege that “mainstream news - net merely provided a neutral (but papers don’t provide fair coverage to viral and effective) medium of expres - the opposition.” 18 Voting patterns in sion. Secondly, anti-BN blogs and the aftermath of the Kuala websites would not be as popular if Terengganu by-election in January Malaysian mainstream media were 2009 support this general pattern: not censored. The political clout of the youth are leaning towards the new media derives from it being the opposition. 19 According to political only medium that provides critical analyst Ong Kian Ming, this trend is information that already resonates especially worrying for the BN, since with an informed electorate. Thirdly, 25 to 30 percent of the electorate is if the internet were inherently attrac - expected to be below 35 by the next tive as a medium of information, it general election in 2013. 20 would be just as popular even if it 9 Moreover, young people can also play were censored. I argue that this is 0 a role in shaping the voting patterns false: if the internet were censored, a 0

2 of their parents. PAS’ hold on rural politically conscious Malaysian popu -

states like Kelantan and Kedah has lace would search for alternative y strengthened as the youth expose mediums of information and treat m their parents to Opposition messages new media just as they already treat e

h when they return from working or mainstream media with distrust and

c studying in urban centers like Kuala cynicism. l Lumpur. 21 The failure of the BN to A engage with the online dialogue, jux - Mainstream Media taposed with the Opposition’s versa - tility and creativity in exploiting this Parallel to the development of new phenomenon, resulted in huge oppo - media is a growing general distrust of sition electoral gains. 22 mainstream media as a veritable source of news and information. An There are two possible hypotheses analysis of major newspapers show from this observation: firstly, that that for two weeks before the 2008 Malaysians trust cyber information election (February 25 – March 8), the because of the inherent attractive vast majority of articles were pro-BN nature of the internet as a medium of (Utusan Malaysia, 82%; Malaysia information; or secondly, that the Nanban, 70%; Makkal Osai, 66%; internet is important because it dis - The Star, 63%; The New Straits seminates critical messages (that Times, 60%; The Sun, 43%). 23 would otherwise be censored in Mainstream media did not cover large mainstream media) to a politically opposition rallies or demonstrations; informed electorate. I argue that the for instance, DAP’s election rally in latter case is true. Firstly, the prolif - Penang (attendance: 60,000), de facto

40 Andrew Loh

Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim’s the basics of good journalism… and rally in Lembah Pantai (attendance: behave like a true Fourth Estate,” or 10,000), or the BERSIH rally in Kuala “risk losing the last remaining shreds Lumpur (attendance: 30,000). 24 In of credibility and relevance that they contrast, every newspaper highlight - enjoy.” 29 ed Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi’s rally in Penang (attendance: 3,500) On the other hand, new media has and Deputy Prime Minister Najib gained ground as a legitimate, trust - Razak’s rally in Lembah Pantai worthy source of information. For a (attendance: less than 1000). 25 The week before the 2008 election, selectivity and partisanship in elec - Malaysiakini (an award-winning, tion coverage is reflective of a greater independent online news provider) BN-bias in ordinary reporting. provided free subscriptions – and a Mainstream news coverage for the whopping 500,000 visitors visited it A l opposition is minimal and mostly on election night. 30 In July 2008, c negative; on the other hand, BN arti - Malaysiakini was the most visited h e

cles are almost always positive and news site of the country (as a sub - m

take up the majority of news scription website it received more y space. 26 traffic than free news sites). 31 It now reaches over a million unique visitors 2 32 0

The dumbing down of news creates per month. Even the BN govern - 0

an information vacuum to the ment has found it hard to continue 9 informed Malaysian. As internet pen - ignoring popular dissenting voices – etration grows exponentially, the in July 2008 the Information average Malaysian is exposed to Ministry finally issued official press alternative, more critical sources of tags to Malaysiakini, after a wait of information, becoming more skepti - nine years. 33 Also, blogs of recently cal of the pro-BN narratives the elected Members of Parliament mainstream media churn out. receive large numbers of monthly Indicative of public opinion, one unique visitors: Jeff Ooi (835,388) 34 Malaysian wrote: “come election time, and Tony Pua (338,607). 35 The all [the mainstream media] do is spin cumulative power of the internet per - tales – how dare they take me for an haps is more accurately portrayed idiot!?” 27 A report by three media when the other few dozen influential watchdogs stated that “[the 2008 sites and the thousands of minor election] really showed how irrelevant blogs are included. In contrast to the the [pro-BN] coverage in these news - growing popularity of new media, cir - papers [was]” because Malaysian vot - culation for mainstream newspapers ers had not been “taken in by the has fallen from 4,608,211 (2004) to powerful pro-BN media machin - 4,435,558 (2006). 36 ery.” 28 To blogger Din Merican, the election result is a salient call for After the 2008 election, Malaysians mainstream media to “stop being lap - expressed a great outpouring of grat - dogs of the [BN] government, learn itude to new media for “election cov -

41 The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election

erage unmatched in Malaysian histo - Realizing that the political ry for its breadth and balance – environment had undergone a despite being outmatched in almost tectonic shift, many [newspa - every resource by the mainstream pers] gave more ink to opposi - media… the historic March 8 [elec - tion policies and politicians, tion] outcome could not have hap - and started to become more pened without the alternative media questioning of government poli - or the citizen journalists in the blo - cies. This new approach was gosphere.” 37 Others attributed the driven mainly by business con - BN’s dismal electoral performance to siderations and the concern their ignorance and arrogance that the mainstream media ran towards a more demanding citizenry, the risk of losing ground to the to their failure of recognizing this alternative media if it contin - major change in society. Welsh ued to ignore the [Opposition]. writes: “Gone are the days when And the newspapers have been resources and promises alone can vindicated. Latest circulation woo support… Malaysians want more figures indicate that all the 9 responsiveness and voices… They no English dailies and Chinese- 0 longer can be talked down to, but language newspapers have kept 0 38

2 need to be listened and heard.” their readers since Election

2008, with some even growing y All this suggests a shift in the politi - their base. 39 m cal intelligence of Malaysians: that e

h the popularity of new media stems Some BN Cabinet ministers, used to

c from its ability to disseminate alter - a docile press, were unhappy with the l native information, and not because new, more critical “tone and coverage A the internet is inherently attractive in mainstream newspapers.” 40 An as a medium of information. The lat - important caveat: the mainstream ter argument is further weakened press as a whole is still skewed because even mainstream newspa - towards the BN; also, only a subsec - pers have free online sites – but these tion of it (the English and Chinese sites are still viewed with suspicion press) is relatively more critical when and skepticism. New media merely compared with pre-election coverage. filled the informational supply gaps Anti-Opposition and pro-BN articles of mainstream media as demanded are also now less explicit to at least by Malaysian consumers of informa - preserve a veneer of legitimacy. Still, tion – which made new media popu - a significant number of scathing arti - lar and trustworthy. cles have been published since March 8 – something incomprehensi - It is telling that even some main - ble prior to the election. 41 stream media have become more crit - ical of the BN-government after the BN Politicians 2008 election. The Malaysian Insider writes: Before the election, the BN tone

42 Andrew Loh towards new media was one of conde - net. Ex-Terengganu Chief Minister scension, disdain, and outright Idris Jusoh concluded that “open - blackmail. Bloggers were called ness [is] key to changing public per - “monkeys,” 42 “liars,” “unemployed ception of BN… The advent of new women,” 43 and “snipers.” 44 There technologies forces everyone to was also a proposal to “register all embrace openness… the alternative bloggers” in the interests of national media will be the mainstream media security and to separate them into soon.” 51 “professional” and “non-professional” bloggers (Zainuddin Maidin, Parallel to the acceptance of new Information Minister). 45 These media, many BN politicians have also approaches are demonstrative of the been more outspoken in espousing BN’s failure to grapple with the new more progressive and liberal policies medium. Also, to intimidate the – even articulating Opposition posi - A l

Malaysian blogosphere, prominent tions on certain issues. 52 These c bloggers Ahirudin Attan and Jeff Ooi politicians see the writing on the wall h e

(now Member of Parliament) were and are reacting to it: they under - m

sued for defamation, libel, and sedi - stand that the power of new media y tion. 46 stems from its ability to disseminate information that Malaysians want to 2 0

The 2008 election taught the BN a know, and are becoming more 0

few lessons. Prime Minister Badawi responsive to the populace. The 9 said his “biggest mistake” was to Opposition had decimated the elec - ignore cyber-campaigning. 47 Smart- toral bases of these BN component ing from the electoral debacle, BN parties, and the only route to political politicians are scrambling to claim survival is for the parties to become territory in cyberspace. Khir Toyo, ex- more attentive and receptive to vot - Selangor Chief Minister, started his ers’ concerns. It is significant that blog 20 days after the election. many (previously subservient) BN Joining Toyo are Senator Muhammad component parties have spoken out Taib and Deputy Prime Minister in support of progressive policies ver - Najib, who launched their personal sus the more conservative UMNO – websites in April and September such a scenario was unthinkable 2008 respectively. 48 Suddenly, before new media and the 2008 elec - “everyone wanted to be a blogger.” 49 tion. There is more dissension in the Other BN politicians have even ranks: the Sabah Progressive Party turned to Facebook to reach political has pulled out of the BN, 53 the supporters and fend off damaging United Pasokmomogun Kadazand- allegations. 50 The enormity of this usun Murut Organization has threat - about-face reflects a belated under - ened to quit the BN if specific issues standing among BN politicians: those were not resolve, 54 and Gerakan has who previously expressed nothing reported similar large-scale under - but vitriol and derision for the blogos - currents in their grassroots. 55 Even phere now felt the power of the inter - a significant portion in UMNO

43 The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election

acknowledges the need to reinvent space it would still lose many seats itself and its policies if UMNO is to because the people are fed-up with continue assuming political leader - [their] lies and corruption.” 58 At the ship of the BN and the nation. 56 core, Malaysians “want – and deserve – a better government.” 59 All these On the other hand, some conserva - point to an increasingly politically tive elements of the BN are unwilling sophisticated Malaysian electorate. to change long-held policies. They think that just by flooding cyberspace The Malaysian Blogosphere with pro-BN messages, just like they did with newspapers and television The Malaysian blogosphere is a airspace, the coalition will emerge diverse group of individuals, victorious once again. Both the pro - activists, civil society organizations, gressive and conservative segments intellectuals, and enthusiasts united of the BN agree on the importance of perhaps only in the common belief new media; they disagree on whether that the internet should be a free, the election results portray a shift in uncensored medium of information. 9 the political intelligence of the During the 2008 election, its free - 0 Malaysian people. Either way, both dom-to-information interests were 0

2 subsets of the BN are not letting the aligned with those of the Opposition

Opposition dominate cyber dis - and were opposed to the BN’s info- y course. Leviathan. m e

h The BN is now at a threshold of sorts: The vast majority of Malaysian cyber -

c to follow the change or to claim it space rejoiced at the election results. l didn’t happen. Just as it did for It was called “a stunning moral victo - A mainstream media, the Malaysian ry against seemingly impossible blogosphere had harsh words for the odds... the outcome was more excit - BN politicians remaining in denial. ing and encouraging than even the One wrote that it was “not the cyber- most optimistic of [the blogosphere] campaign that led to BN’s disastrous could have dared hope for.” 60 results as the Internet [was] only an Amongst jubilation and celebration in avenue [of expression].” He and these online narratives, there were many others went on to quote the even greater themes of “hope” and rampant graft, racism, unjust poli - “change.” A telling indication of a cies, incompetency, mismanagement, political shift in the electorate is the arrogance, and insensitivity of the BN reframing of political dialogue from government as the root causes for the May 13, 1969 to March 8, 2008. BN’s electoral fiasco. Others claimed Before the election, the BN essential - that by “refusing to acknowledge that ly blackmailed voters to vote for the [populace] are no longer sheep them, or else racial riots would break [and] that the world has changed… out. The May 13 incident is the rai - [the BN is] missing the point… even if son d’être for many controversial BN the BN had campaigned in cyber - policies – it is perhaps the most

44 Andrew Loh entrenched historical benchmark in ing moment in Malaysian politics – the Malaysian psyche. That racial perhaps reflecting a shift in political riots did not occur even as the BN discourse from politics of fear to poli - suffered its worst electoral debacle in tics of hope. 39 years represents a significant break from this paradigm – and the To many of the bloggers, intellectu - blogosphere expressed this change als, activists, and normal Malaysians articulately. tired of the vast disconnect between the BN and the political realities on The 2008 election was the first time the ground, the 2008 election was a that significant numbers of wonderful, soaring story; a powerful, Malaysians from all ethnicities voted shared, coming-of-age experience of across racial and religious bound - Davids taking on a Goliath and win - aries for the Opposition – another sig - ning. The shared themes of jubila - A l nificant break from the stratified, tion, hope, and change are just too c identity-based politics of Malaysian eloquent, too poignant, too ubiqui - h 61 e electoral history. Historian Farish tous, and too dominant to be dis - m

Noor writes that this “reminded all missed as isolated cases. Rather, I y politicians from all parties that the argue that they reflect a major pro - Malaysian voters will no longer vote gressive shift in a significant, vocal, 2 0

along racial or religious-communitar - and numerous segment of the 0

ian lines” and interpreted it as a sign Malaysian populace. The internet 9 of “political maturity and responsibil - and new media provided the platform ity.” 62 Kee Thuan Chye writes: “By on which this communitas could be any name, March 8, 2008 will go built. To singer-songwriter Shanon down in history as a turning point in Shah, March 8 is “the victory of ordi - Malaysian politics… Malaysians woke nary Malaysians who dared to make up to the true meaning and practice a stand… because the story of a more of democracy. They now face the just, inclusive, and democratic present reasonably free from fear, Malaysia has only begun.” 66 free from the specter of May 13.” 63 In addition to these personal narra - Scores of other accounts expressed tives, many scholars agree that similar attitudes. One blogger called March 8 is reflective of a more critical it a “new dawn for Malaysia.” 64 Malaysian electorate. Bridget Welsh Another underscored the impact of writes that “the 2008 election illus - the internet by terming it an “e-volu - trated the strengthening of Malaysian tion” for “e-mancipation from crime, identity and growing sophistication of corruption and injustice; e-conomic the electorate… The leadership in openness and honesty; and e-quality both the opposition and the BN will of opportunity for all Malaysians.” 65 have to keep this in mind, as the ter - Indicative of the significance of March rain has fundamentally changed.” 67 8, even the mainstream media and Ong Kian Ming concurs: “[March 8] is BN politicians reference it as a defin - a clear sign that our electorate… [is]

45 The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election

becoming more politically mature; strongly suggests that the average marking Malaysia’s gradual move Malaysian is significantly more criti - towards a more mature and open cal than before. In addition to this, democracy.” 68 Still, Ong includes an analysis strongly suggests that the important observation: “One thing is internet has allowed new informa - for certain. If the opposition doesn’t tional and civil institutions (of new get its act together, look for the same media and the Malaysian blogos - voters who voted against the BN to phere) to interact with and perma - turn their backs on the opposition in nently transform the old institutions the next election.” 69 of mainstream media and the BN – reflecting, catalyzing, and perpetuat - Conclusion ing the growing sophistication and maturity of the electorate. Both new media and the Malaysian blogosphere had a similar objective: A limitation to new media is that it to challenge the information hegemo - only reaches urban, better-educated ny of the BN. These subsections of Malaysians with internet access. 9 society entrepreneurially exploited Firstly, the internet has had an indi - 0 the internet, its far-reaching access, rect impact on rural, less-educated, 0

2 and its uncensored nature, resulting non-internet users. Such voters are

in a proliferation of alternative, dis - exposed to opposition messages by y senting, anti-BN voices online and children and friends who work or m unprecedented opposition electoral study in urban centers. 70 Secondly, e 71 h gains. Conversely, both Malaysian internet users (59% in 2008) and

c mainstream media and the BN had urbanites (68% in 2006) 72 comprise l incentives diametrically opposed to significant majorities in the A new media and the blogosphere: to Malaysian populace. Thirdly, both preserve their domination of informa - internetization and urbanization are tion through their decades-old struc - projected to grow in the near and tural and financial behemoth. It is medium future. Thus, the political telling that after the March 8 elec - intelligence and maturity of internet tions, contrary to their prior dis - users and urban residents accurately course, significant elements from reflect that of a large and growing both institutions acknowledged the percentage of the Malaysian elec - importance of the internet and a torate. political shift in the populace, and consequently reacted to them. A possible occurrence is a total, BN- Without this shift in the electorate, engineered internet clampdown. there would be no reason for main - While this might be favorable to some stream media and the BN to change. conservative BN politicians, such an That both institutions have firstly, action would be disastrous for both become more open to criticism and the BN and Malaysia in the long run, more responsive to the grassroots, because a clampdown does not and and secondly, been rewarded for it, cannot address the fundamental

46 Andrew Loh political shift in Malaysian society. 73 criticism, depending on exact circum - As long as a BN-helmed government- stances. 76 Firstly, the BN has vastly in-denial does not address the cru - superior financial resources to out - cial, widespread, and wildly-resonat - play new media and the Opposition. ing issues of crime, corruption, mis - Secondly, mainstream media still management, and political racism reaches more Malaysians than new and arrogance, dissent will seethe no media. Thirdly, the BN can retard matter what. Farish Noor writes, elo - new media’s influence through quently: licensing – the government has repeatedly rejected Malaysiakini’s For the UMNO-led ruling coali - application for a print permit. tion to remain in denial and to Fourthly, the BN can charge bloggers deny the fact that the or online journalists with sedition, Malaysian political landscape libel, or slander, or arrest them under A l

has already shifted from under - the Internal Security or Sedition Acts. c neath its feet would be to com - Compounding this chilling effect are h e

pound the problem faced by frequent, intentionally vague threats m

themselves and the country. from the BN to the blogosphere to y

For this reason alone, the uphold “public security.” 77 responsibility now lies with the Altogether, the BN still has a plethora 2 0

leaders of this enfeebled gov - of means that it can use to preserve 0

ernment to admit to their mis - power and check the influence of new 9 takes and pave the way for media (although more constrained change, even if it means sacri - than before the 2008 election). ficing their long-held position of power and dominance over the Unfortunately, the internet is not country. For the question idiot-proof. In addition to critical remains: If and when change is news and information, it can also long overdue and can no longer spread ridiculous allegations and be resisted, would not the unfounded speculations. One chal - preservation of the status quo lenge for new media and the blogos - be the cause of tumult and phere is to ensure that the informa - chaos we have dreaded all tion they disseminate is truthful and along? 74 verifiable. The current giants of new media (Malaysiakini, The Malaysian The only way forward, both for the Insider) have proven relatively BN and Malaysia, as BN politician responsible in this aspect. Without Idris Jusoh has observed, is to this self-regulation, new media would “embrace openness. 75 be more vulnerable to BN legal charges of libel and slander. Despite this, I think that the BN will still attempt to regulate the internet A harder task, however, is for new in more subtle ways, in addition to media and the blogosphere to remain becoming more open and receptive to above politics. In the recent past,

47 The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election

lines were drawn based on themes media was for the BN. If such jour - like freedom of information and polit - nalistic ethos is not upheld, it is not ical change, with the BN on one unforeseeable that Malaysians will hand, and new media, civil society grow skeptical and suspicious of new organizations, activists, and the media as well. Ultimately, new media Opposition on the other. Such politi - must continue to have the Malaysian cal cleavages ensured clear align - electorate’s best interests at heart to ments in position. As the Opposition act as an effective Fourth Estate, and takes up governing roles, new media persist in transforming, for the bet - must be impartial both in critiquing ter, mainstream media, the BN, the and lauding BN and Opposition Malaysian blogosphere, Malaysian actions and policies. It cannot afford politics, and the Malaysian populace to be seen as lapdogs of the at large. Opposition, just like mainstream

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48 Andrew Loh

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49 The Impact of the Internet and New Media on Malaysian Politics and the 2008 General Election

36 The Malaysian Insider. 354) “Malaysiakini journalist shows the way 48 Bernama . “Malaysian DPM in standards.” October 21, 2008. Launches Personal Website.” Sept. 17, (http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/in 2008. (http://www.bernama.com/berna - dex.php/component/content/arti - ma/v5/newsgeneral.php?id=359612) cle/103-general/10898-malaysiakini- 49 Jasin, Abdul Kadir. “Putting the BN journalist-shows-the-way-in-standards) in an awkward position.” 37 Malaysiakini. “Thank you, AgendaDaily.com . May 1, 2008. Malaysiakini!” March 13, 2008 (http://www.agendadaily.com/cmspre - 38 Welsh, Bridget. view/content.jsp?id=com.tms.cms.arti - 39 The Malaysian Insider. “ Ministers cle.Article_e334fe09-3132372e- not happy with mainstream press.” 1e2e8cc0-beeaf88b) September 8, 2008. (http://www.the - 50 The Malaysian Insider. “ Politicians malaysianinsider.com/index.php/malays drawn by potential of Facebook.” Jan. ia/8667-ministers-not-happy-with-main - 24, 2009. (http://www.themalaysianin - stream-press) sider.com/index.php/malaysia/16712- 40 Ibid. politicians-drawn-by-potential-of-face - 41 Lee, John. “UMNO Reform: Does the book) New Straits Times herald change?” 51 The Malaysian Insider. “ The mes - 9 Infernalramblings.com. April 17, 2008. sage to BN is reform to survive.” October 0 (http://www.infernalramblings.com/arti - 16, 2008. (http://www.themalaysianin - 0 cles/Malaysian_Politics/731/) sider.com/index.php/malaysia/10625- 2 42 Bernama . “Bloggers Who Slander the-message-to-bn-is-reform-to-survive)

y Must Be Brought To Book, Says Khairy.” 52 Teoh, Shannon. “A more aggressive

m July 28, 2007. MCA emerges.” The Malaysian Insider. e (http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v3 November 9, 2008. (http://www.the - h /news.php?id=276105) malaysianinsider.com/index.php/malays c 43 l Marina Mahathir. “And just when ia/12055-a-more-aggressive-mca-

A we thought we were getting some - emerges) where…” Rantingsbymm.blogspot.com , 53 The Star. “SAPP’s withdrawal good March 9, 2007. for BN, says Pak Lah.” Sept. 18, 2008. (http://rantingsbymm.blogspot.com/200 (http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp? 7/03/and-just-when-we-thought-we- file=/2008/9/18/nation/2057084&sec= were.html) nation) 44 Ooi, Jeff. “Register the bloggers? 54 Bernama . “Will UPKO do as NAB & BUM.” Jeffooi.com. April 6, 2007. “SAPP”?” September 28, 2008. (http://www.jeffooi.com/2007/04/regis - (http://www.upko.org.my/berita/beri - ter_the_bloggers_nab_bum.php) ta2008/will_upko_do_as_sapp.html) 45 Al-Jazeera English. “Malaysia mulls 55 The Star. “Gerakan mulls quitting 'blogger register'.” April 5, 2007. Barisan, may join Pakatan.” September 46 Ooi, Jeff. “Bloggers sued in 28, 2008. Malaysia.” Jeffooi.com , January 18, (http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp? 2007. file=/2008/9/28/nation/200809281732 (http://www.jeffooi.com/2007/01/blog - 17&sec=nation) gers_sued_in_malaysia_2.php) 56 Ahmad, Zainon, and Yusop, Husna. 47 Malaysiakini. “Abdullah: Big mis - “The truth about Khairy.” The Sun. take to ignore cyber-campaign.” Mar. 25, October 23, 2008. 2008. (http://www.sun2surf.com/article.cfm?i (http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/80 d=26921)

50 Andrew Loh

57 Malaysiakini . “Pak Lah, you're miss - 68 Ong Kian Ming. ing the point.” March 26, 2008. 69 Ibid. (http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/80 70 The Malaysian Insider. “A pill for 393) KT’s ills.” January 18, 2009. 58 Ibid. 71 Internet World Stats. 59 Welsh, Bridget. 72 UNICEF. “Malaysia: Statistics.” 60 John, Deans. “Long live the e-volu - Retrieved November 26, 2008. tion!” Malaysiakini . March 12, 2008. (http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/m (http://www.malaysiakini.com/columns alaysia_statistics.html) /79667) 73 Malaysiavotes . “Making sense of the 61 Ong Kian Ming. “Making sense of 2008 general election results.” March 9, the political tsunami.” Malaysiakini . 2008. March 11, 2008. (http://www.malaysi - (http://malaysiavotes.com/wp/2008/03 akini.com/news/79604) /08/making-sense-of-the-2008-general-

62 Noor, Farish A. “Malaysia: Change is election-results/) A long overdue.” Limkitsiang.com , March 74 Noor, Farish A. l 26, 2008. 75 The Malaysian Insider. “The mes - c h

(http://blog.limkitsiang.com/2008/03/2 sage to BN is reform to survive.” October e

6/malaysia-change-is-long-overdue/) 16, 2008. m

63 Kee Thuan Chye. “8: The day 76 Yahp, Beth. “Teh, tosai and ‘Uncle, y

Malaysia woke up.” Marshall Cavendish. what’s your opinion?’.” 2008. Malaysiavotes.com , March 10, 2008. 2 64 Tan, Nathaniel. “Grace and humili - (http://malaysiavotes.com/wp/2008/03 0 0 ty.” Jelas.net , March 9, 2008. /10/teh-tosai-and-uncle-whats-your- 9 (http://jelas.info/2008/03/09/grace- opinion/) humility/) 77 The Star. “Ministry watching blogs 65 Johns, Dean. playing up controversies.” November 26, 66 Shah, Shanon. “A story of hope.” 2008. Malaysiavotes.com , March 12, 2008. (http://www.thestar.com.my/news/story (http://malaysiavotes.com/wp/2008/03 .asp?file=/2008/11/26/nation/2645115 /12/a-story-of-hope/) &sec=nation) 67 Welsh, Bridget.

Andrew Loh is a junior Political Science honors major and Islamic and Arabic Studies honors minor. He wrote this paper for a class called "American Elections: Ritual, Myth, and Substance", co-taught by Professors Carol Nackenoff and Keith Reeves. Andrew really enjoyed writing this paper because it marked a watershed period in Malaysian politics, and maybe the world: Malaysia is, perhaps, an unprecedented case of how the internet and new media can decisively influence elec - tion results and transitions to democracy. He was so excited about the March 8, 2008 election results that he skipped lunch in jubilation. Andrew is also a blogger and would like to think that he played a role in this movement.

51 Alchemy 2009 Criteria for Publication

The papers in this volume, and all papers considered for publication, came from a general call for submissions from the Swarthmore student body. We chose papers for publication according to the following guidelines.

The first and most important consideration was the quality of the paper itself. We expected the argument and topic of the paper to maintain its focus throughout the

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We wanted the papers to represent a range of subject areas; however, our evaluation m of the merit of the paper could and often did supervene on considerations of discipli - y nary diversity. 2 0

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