Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION

NOTE: This paper is a draft submitted for ISA Annual Convention 2021. The paper cannot be circulated, cited, or referenced without the permission of the author.

Nuclear Taboo and Gendered Politics: A Case of in the Nuclear Decision-Making

Sannia Abdullah1

Pakistan represents a puzzling case of women’s empowerment in politics and national security. On the one hand, women are the worst victims of humanity's horrors like acid attacks, gang rapes, and the Taliban's shooting of a schoolgirl (Malala Yousafzai). On the other, Pakistan is the first Muslim-majority country in modern history to elect a woman prime minister ( elected on December 02, 1988). Pakistani women regularly make headlines in Forbes' 30 under 30 lists as activists, firefighters, entrepreneurs, and Oscar winner for film-making. Despite such inspiring stories, Pakistan is ranked 151 out of 153 in the Global Gender Gap Index Report (2020). The Human Rights Watch (HRW) reports that “almost 1,000 women are murdered in Pakistan in the name of honor each year — killed on the grounds of 'unacceptable' amorous relationships, defiance of physical or cyber-gendered spaces, brazenness in dressing and language or perceived immorality.”2 This is not strange for any patriarchal and semi-tribal society like Pakistan, where social injustice begins from childhood education, choice of professions, and political appointments. Women have to make tough decisions between their careers and raising families at various stages of their lives. At present, thirty-two percent (32%) of primary-school-age girls in Pakistan are out of school compared to twenty-one percent (21%) of boys. “By ninth grade, only thirteen (13%) percent of girls are still in school.”3

Advocates of gender equality argue that women are under-represented at all political leadership levels that ultimately affect political discourses and foreign policy choices. Proponents of Feminist Foreign Policy (FPP) are making in-roads in the U.S. after serious discussions, research, and “consultations with more than 100 feminist activists in over 40 countries, which began in August 2018.”4 Lyric Thompson, senior director of policy and advocacy, International

1 Sannia Abdullah is currently an affiliate at the Center for International Security and Cooperation, Stanford University. She was a Stanton Postdoc fellow at CISAC, and visiting scholar at CMC, Sandia National Labs (NM). She was a faculty member at the Department of Defense and Strategic Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University (Pakistan) for six years teaching undergraduate and graduate students. She is currently writing her book manuscript and also hosts her podcast show ‘Women with Ambition.’

2 Sahar Bandial, “The ‘Honour’ in Murder,” Dawn, September 13, 2020 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1579389; Also see “Pakistan: Events of 2019” Human Rights Watch, May 03, 2019 at https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2020/ country-chapters/pakistan#

3 “Pakistan: Girls Deprived of Education,” Human Rights Watch, November 12, 2018, at https://www.hrw.org/news/ 2018/11/12/pakistan-girls-deprived-education#

4 Adva Saldinger, “Advocates Propose Blueprint for US Feminist Foreign Policy,” May 22, 2020 at https:// www.devex.com/news/advocates-propose-blueprint-for-us-feminist-foreign-policy-97308

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Center for Research on Women, said, “We need to make sure the foreign policy apparatus looks more like us and represents the views of women in the global south.”5 Countries like Sweden, Canada, Iceland, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom have made considerable developments in adopting FFP approaches; however, some like France, Luxembourg, and Mexico have announced adopting the feminist foreign policy. Scholars have used the FFP approach in various academic disciplines; however, it would be novel to assess 'nuclear taboo' in patriarchal societies. Pakistan's case is critical because nuclear policy and debates remain confined to male- dominating/militaristic decision-making circles. The article analyzes the academic debate and questions if women's empowerment and gender equality would strengthen the fragile nuclear taboo’ in Pakistan? The study also challenges the commonly held perception that women are less hawkish than men and answers two major questions: First, why is Pakistan a suitable case for the debate of ‘nuclear taboo’? Second, if gender equality would alter Pakistan's strategic preferences in national security affairs? Third, if the feminist foreign policy could strengthen the fragile ‘nuclear taboo’ in a patriarchal society like Pakistan?

Any democratic country cannot ignore women’s inclusion and influence at the decision-making table for three major reasons: First, demographically, women make up nearly half of the population. According to the 2017 census, women make up 48% of men, with 51%6 of the total population. Any democratic society with such demographics cannot ignore or suppress the active role of its women population. Second, Pakistan’s economic picture is very bleak with an increasing trade deficit, blooming national debt, and high inflation rate (it is 10.74% for 2020 compared to 6.74% for the year 2019). It is an agrarian economy with low exports and low urbanization rates. About 87 million people living below the poverty line,7 most Pakistani men are the breadwinners, and women are homemakers. According to World Economic Forum, “It is estimated that only 18 percent of Pakistan’s labor income goes to women (148th), one of the lowest shares among countries studied.”8 Thus, nearly half of Pakistan’s human capital is not contributing to national development due to gender inequality. Third, the intermittent takeovers of government by the martial law regimes nurtured Pakistan's nuclear program under military leaders’ wings, who are the de facto authority to manage, control, deploy, and employ nuclear weapons. “Over the years, the military as an institution considered itself responsible and trustworthy to develop and strategize nuclear policy.”9 The nuclear decision-making, policies, narratives, and debates are directly or indirectly controlled by the army-dominated nuclear secretariat - Strategic Plans Division (SPD). The nuclear discourse largely comes from a tightly

5 Ibid.

6 “Population Census 2017: Men Outnumber ,” Samaa TV, August 25, 2017, at https:// www.samaa.tv/news/2017/08/population-census-2017-men-outnumber-women-pakistan/

7 Shahbaz Rana, “In Pakistan, Millions More to Fall Below Poverty Line,” The Express Tribune, December 11, 2019 at https://tribune.com.pk/story/2115274/millions-fall-poverty-line

8 “Pakistan ranks 151 on Global Gender Gap Index: WEF Report,” The Express Tribune, December 17, 2019 at https://tribune.com.pk/story/2119793/1-pakistan-ranks-151-global-gender-gap-index-wef-report

9 Sannia Abdullah, “Nuclear Ethics: Why Pakistan Has Not Used Nuclear Weapons…Yet,” The Washington Quarterly vol. 41, no. 4 (Winter 2019), p. 163.

Page 2 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION knit strategic community of serving and former military officials and few senior bureaucrats many of whom are leading think-tanks in Pakistan. Civil society and subject experts make up a small community; the majority of them reverberate the official diktat of ‘befitting response, denying Indian coercion, and reserving the nuclear First-Use option.’ The civilian representation in the National Command Authority (NCA) of Pakistan includes the prime minister, foreign minister, interior minister, finance minister, defense and defense production ministers. Since the creation of NCA (February 2000), only two women represented in the NCA: 1) Hina Rabbani Khar, as the minister of foreign affairs (February 11, 2011-March 16, 2013), 2) Zubaida Jalal Khan, as the minister of defense production (August 20, 2018-present). In 23 years of nuclear deterrence, nearly half of the population’s voice on nuclear decision-making is not present in Pakistan’s policymaking rooms. It is, therefore, important to assess the women’s perspectives on peace, anti-militarism, and evolutionary ‘nuclear taboo.’

Evolution of Anti-Nuclear Debate from Feminism

Since WWII, scholars, activists, and journalists have widely debated whether women's inclusion in national security affairs would balance off the militaristic and warmongering state tendencies. Most of the scholarship combined feminist international relations, sociology, and organization theory to illustrate gender equality in the military. This debate started in response to the feminists’ movement that criticized the organizational hierarchies and bureaucratic structures designed as masculine, undemocratic, non-inclusive, and male-dominating. The women's movement argued that men “monopolized the leading positions, even in radical organizations, excluding women from positions of power and infuence.”10 In her famous book Men and Women of the Corporation (1977), Prof. Rosabeth Moss Kanter shared an interesting account of women in the 1970s when corporations hired women as managers, executives, and professionals regarding power distribution. Her fndings challenged the conventional narratives as 'Nobody wants a woman boss' or 'Women do not get along with other women' and found that key variables existed in society's structure. According to Rosabeth Kanter, women's role in society infuenced their appointment and work performance in corporations. For instance, the designation of secretaries back then tied with women’s supportive role in society and a vast majority of women employed to the lower organizational hierarchies. The organizations offered no opportunities to women for managerial or executive positions. The absence of opportunities deprived some women of their ambitions. In the 1980s and 90s, Cynthia Cockburn, a British academic, feminist journalist, and peace activist, explored the themes of masculinity, war, gender, and technology. Cynthia Cockburn's widely cited book In the Way of Women: Men's Resistance to Sex Equality in Organizations (1991) explained interacting systems of race, class, and sex and highlighted men's role in the equality process as many organizations in the 1980s took actions to women's inclusion. Cynthia Cockburn writes, "We inherit from history complex structures - the power of the state, the legal system, the pattern of ownership, the mode of production, the operation of labor markets - all of which sustain class, sex and race

10 Joan Acker, “Gender and Organizations,” in Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research (Boston, MA: Springer, 2006), p. 177.

Page 3 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION inequalities.”11 She concluded organizations were expressions of society. If the society defned women in domestication, then men represented women as a problem in the workplace12 and “women's imputed temperament is sometimes hauled into question, particularly regarding their handling of authority roles.”13 Cynthia Cockburn's argument well explains glass ceiling obstacles of women's empowerment in countries like Pakistan where ambitious women are exploited for because society conceives women's role as 'homemakers' and 'caregivers'. While the entire debate is about recognizing being equal with men in society, women in Pakistan, even if they share the fnancial responsibility with their husbands, face unequal treatment. For instance, a small percentage of working women in Pakistan who are married to rich families have the liberty to control their earned income, but many work to 'serve' their families and in-laws. Nadia Rizwan surveyed working women. She found that most women like “Rehana [working woman] pays for entire household expenses because her husband believes that she earns a lot more than him. Thus, she must spend all of her earnings on household expenditures.”14 Some women are like Ayesha [working woman] “who believes it is her moral duty to take care of her two children. To compensate for her absence…she takes care of all the housework. She makes sure that there is not a spot on her 'ideal housewife' reputation,”15 and a small percentage of couples share equal responsibility in managing rents, bills, and groceries.

The waves of feminism echoed social justice and gender equality created ripple effects worldwide with varying degrees. In some countries, women voiced the 'right to fght,' emphasizing women's equality with men; others continued fghting for equal pay, reproductive rights, and against sexual harassment and domestic violence. Then came the anti-militarist feminism perspective from Micaela di Leonardo, Professor of Anthropology and Gender & Sexuality Studies, in her intriguing article on “Morals, Mothers, and Militarism: Antimilitarism and Feminist Theory” (1985), described women as social agents. The principles of pacifsm and feminism inspired her work that linked feminism with nonviolence. Micaela di Leonardo questioned “what women have to do with war,”16 particularly when men decide wars. In a similar vein, Sara Ruddick, another feminist philosopher and author of Maternal Thinking: Toward a Politics of Peace, used the concept of 'preservative love' and created an alternative theory of feminist pacifsm.17 She writes, “we are committed to fnding nonviolent ways to protect what we love and to get what we need… Yet as feminists, we are committed to eliminating all restrictions of power, pleasure, and mastery that arise from biological sex or social constructions of

11 Cynthia Cockburn, In the Way of Women: Men's Resistance to Sex Equality in Organizations (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), p. 220.

12 Ibid, pp. 76-104.

13 Ibid.

14 Nadia Rizwan, “Husband and Wife: Who Pays What?” The Express Tribune, June 28, 2012 at https:// tribune.com.pk/article/12004/husband-and-wife-who-pays-what

15 Ibid.

16 Micaela di Leonardo, “Morals, Mothers, and Militarism: Antimilitarism and Feminist Theory” Feminist Studies 11, no. 3 (Fall 1985), p. 599.

17 See Sara Ruddick, “Pacifying the Forces: Drafting Women in the Interests of Peace,” Women and Violence Vol. 8, No. 3 (Spring, 1983), pp. 471-489.

Page 4 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION gender.”18 Parallel to these arguments, Jean Elshtain writes women reserve the right to be both homemakers and fght in the military. However, a large majority of feminists supported the anti- militarist argument calling for the eradication of militaries and violence from societies “rather than the legitimization of military institutions through power and female participation.”19 The gender equality argument supports women's participation in combat roles and regards exclusion as congruent to inferiority in social status. Helen Caldicott, the author of Nuclear Madness, was a physician by profession moved by the Three Mile Island accident in Pennsylvania that changed her life. Helen Caldicott later joined anti-nuclear movements. She also believed that women are nurturers responsible for human production and are a natural antidote to warring males. In her work, she combined feminism and maternal sentiments with anti-nuclear movements. These initiatives eventually paved the way for the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on ‘women and peace and security adopted on 31 October 2000 that reaffrms “the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conficts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-confict reconstruction and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.”20 The UNSC Resolution 1325 urges the Member States to “ensure increased representation of women at all decision-making levels in national, regional and international institutions” and “incorporate gender perspectives” in peace and security efforts.

Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP)

The UNSC resolution resonated with several western democracies who envisioned to liberalizing economies and democratized national security. Decades of women’s activism gave rise to the notion of Feminist Foreign Policy (FPP), defined as: “a multidimensional policy framework that aims to elevate women's and marginalized groups' experiences and agency to scrutinize the destructive forces of patriarchy, colonization, heteronormativity, capitalism, racism, imperialism, and militarism.”21 FPP gives an alternate perspective of national security to interrogate the norms of violence in the hierarchical structure of decision-making dominated by militaristic and patriarchal thoughts. The key pillars of this approach include actionable policies to make foreign policy more democratic, challenge dominant neoliberal political discourse, restructuring the hierarchical patterns of suppression and discrimination, empower the voices that suffered from militarized oppression, and updating while eliminating the domestic and foreign policy decisions for a more just global order.' The vision gained more power when New Zealand’s incumbent prime minister Jacinda Ardern made a proud history by taking on challenging issues of domestic terrorism, a deadly volcano eruption, and a global pandemic. On all three accounts, “she has won

18 See Jean Elshtain, Women and War (New York, 1987).

19 Claire Duncanson and Rachel Woodward, “Regendering the Military: Theorizing Women’s Military Participation,” Security Dialogue Vol. 47, No. 1 (February 2016), p. 6.

20 S/RES/1325 (2000), United Nations Security Council 4213th Meeting, October 31, 2000, at https://documents- dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement

21 “The Buzz Around Feminist Foreign Policy is Growing, But What Does It Mean, Really?,” Center for Feminist Foreign Policy, at https://centreforfeministforeignpolicy.org/feminist-foreign-policy

Page 5 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION plaudits on the international stage, and admiration from many at home.”22 New Zealand is a remarkable case of FPP where Jacinda’s parliament includes 46 women out of 120 members living by the slogan of ‘be strong, be kind’ to promote women’s education and gender equality.

Scholars and critics questioned feminists' arguments that linked women with peace or moral superiority. Adam Jones, in his famous article “Does 'Gender' Make the World Go Around” that “if woman's equal peace and men war, then we are again looking at a project to feminize politics. But if these associations are more construed than innate, then the dichotomy (men-as-militarist, women-as-care-giver) reflects stereotypical patterning of the kind that has always inhibited the expression of women's full potential and personality.”23 Adam Jones' description offers a realistic perspective on democratizing politics that should not be linked with hopes of anti-militarist policies. Recent research conducted by William Bendix and Gyung-Ho Jeong analyzing several decades of US House and Senate votes reached some interesting findings. According to Bendix and Jeong, “Whether male or female, those who represent liberal voters tend to be doves, and those who represent conservative voters tend to be hawks.”24 The study is skeptical of the link between increasing female representation and decreasing militarism, and affecting legislative behavior. The study questions the existing literature for not showing any correlation between female lawmakers pushing for cuts in defense budgets. Therefore, the argument of women as doves and men as hawks “offers suggestive correlations, but no direct evidence.”25 However, the key takeaway of Bendix and Jeong’s research remains that “gender plays, a small role in shaping the [U.S.] foreign policy preferences of legislators. Members appear to take on national security positions that are largely in line with what their voters want.”26 As per the above poll, it is therefore, important to question if U.S. politics qualifies women’s inclusion/democratization and/ or gender equality?

To contradict women’s anti-militaristic role in national security comes from another article by Prof. Scott D. Sagan and Benjamin Valentino on "Revisiting Hiroshima in Iran." The authors surveyed a hypothetical scenario replicating the 1945 decision by the U.S. administration to use nuclear weapons against Iran to end the war in response to imposing U.S. economic sanctions. The sample is the American public that approved U.S. atomic bombings “killing 2 million

22 “Jacinda Ardern: New Zealand's Prime Minister,” BBC News, October 17, 2020 at https://www.bbc.com/news/ world-asia-54565381

23 Adam Jones, “Does ‘Gender’ Make the World Go Around,” International Studies, Vol. 22, No. 4 (October, 1996), p. 418.

24 William Bendix and Gyung-Ho Jeong, “Gender and Foreign Policy: Are Female Members of Congress More Dovish than Their Male Colleagues?” Political Research Quarterly Vol. 73(1) (2020), pp. 126–140; Also see “New Evidence Suggests that for Legislators, Dovishness or Hawkishness Has Little To Do with Gender,” LSE-US Center (December 2019) at https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/usappblog/2019/12/10/new-evidence-suggests-that-for-legislators- dovishness-or-hawkishness-has-little-to-do-with-gender/

25 Ibid.

26 Ibid.

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Iranian civilians if they believed that such use would save the lives of 20,000 U.S. soldiers.”27 Another important finding from this research is that American women supported “nuclear weapons use and violations of noncombatant immunity no less (and sometimes more) than male respondents.”28 While Scott Sagan and Benjamin Valentino recorded public opinion and found that American women are equally hawkish as American men when it comes to self-defense or patriotism, I try to push the debate further and analyze how women in power have responded to nationalist and pro-war policies.

Skimming through history reveals that although men have ruled the world for more years than women yet, the trends of hegemony, nationalism, and passion for victory are more innate than gender-biased. Within the limited dataset of women in power who also led wars, the results reveal that queens were as aggressive and warmongers as kings in the past. For instance, in the 9th century BC, Queen Gwendolen of Britain gathered an army and fought her ex-husband, King Locrinus, at River Stour. She led the war, killed Locrinus, assumed the throne, and ruled independently as Queen.29 Likewise, Cleopatra II was a queen of Ptolemaic Egypt who rules from 175 to 116 BC who also led a rebellion against her husband Ptolemy VIII in 131 BC and drove him Cleopatra III out of Egypt. Zenobia was the Palmyrene Empire’s queen, known for her warrior and wisest skills who challenged Rome's authority during the Imperial Crisis marked by constant civil war when different Roman generals fought to take control of power. In economic depression and social unrest, unlike her fellow rebellions who engaged in military conflict, Zenobia's rebellion differed from others. “She conducted trade agreements and added territories to her Empire without consulting Rome or even considering Rome's interest.”30 In 267 CE, after the assassination of Odaenathus (husband), Zenobia stepped into a regent and executed Maeonius and became effective ruler of Palmyra. Queen Mavia defeated the Roman army in several battles and finally ended with a truce on her conditions. Queen Isabella I, was a warrior princess adept in military campaigns and tactics of the battlefield. In fifteenth-century Europe, princesses were 'assets' of fathers and brothers interested in political and economic affairs; Isabella was Castile's command-in-general, who brilliantly combined political savvy and military aggression. Queen Isabella I, married monarch Ferdinand II of Aragon and shared two kingdoms with her husband. She strategized the war that drove Muslim rulers, the "Moors' out of Spain and finally conquered Granada.31 Tang Sai'er led an army against the Ming Dynasty in China (1420); Nzinga of Ndongo and Matamba from the Kingdom of Matamba led a series of revolts against

27 Scott. D. Sagan and Benjamin A. Valentino, “Revisiting Hiroshima in Iran,” International Security, Vol. 42, No. 1 (Summer 2017), p. 45.

28 Ibid.

29 See Katherine Olson, “Gwendolyn and Estrildis: Invading Queens in British Historiography,” Medieval Feminist Forum: A Journal of Gender and Sexuality 44.1 (2008), pp. 36-52, at https://ir.uiowa.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi? referer=https://en.wikipedia.org/&httpsredir=1&article=1708&context=mff

30 Joshua J. Mark, “Zenobia” World History Encyclopedia, September 14, 2014 at https://www.ancient.eu/zenobia/

31 Joan-Lluis Palos, “To seize power in Spain, Queen Isabella Had to Play it Smart,” History Magazine - National Geographic, March 28, 2019 at https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/world-history-magazine/article/queen- isabellas-rise-to-spanish-throne

Page 7 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION the Portuguese (1630); Rani Velu Nachiyar, the Indian queen from Tamil Nadu was the first queen to fight against the East India Company in India from 1760 to 1790. Some historians also argue that women were adept at organizing financial resources and alliance building that positively contributed to territorial gains and winning more wars. This additional skill set contributed to queens’ victories.

In modern history (1982), Margaret Thatcher, Britain's first female prime minister, is a good example. Margaret Thatcher was facing severe criticism from her cabinet and the public on domestic policies, including government spending cuts, declining manufacturing, and high unemployment. When Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands - one of the British territories in the Atlantic Ocean, Thatcher's members of the Parliament, close friends, and allies, including U.S. President Ronald Reagan, advised her for peace talks instead of war. However, Margaret Thatcher chose war and, on April 05, 1982, sent British naval task force 8,000 miles in South Atlantic to fight Argentina. After 74 days of the war, the conflict ended with the Argentine surrender on June 14, 1982. History magazine writes that Margaret Thatcher's “quick response to the South Atlantic conflict and swift victory led to a surge in her popularity and subsequent reelection in 1983.”32 Undeterred from domestic criticism from her cabinet and media and strong will personality earned Margaret Thatcher the title of ‘Iron Lady.’ She was the first woman to lead the country to war since queen Elizabeth I. Historian Chris Collins of Margaret Thatcher Foundation writes, “She was decisive, effective…I don't think any other British leader would have handled things quite as clearly.”33 Thus, the argument of military judiciousness, political and strategic preferences of war/armament, and probably nuclear-use had less to do with gender and more so with rational judgment. Apart from historical analysis of the western democracies, let’s see if gender role affects militarism in a patriarchal society like Pakistan.

Can Women in Power Enforce ‘Nuclear Taboo’?

In Pakistan's seventy-four years' history, a few women have held political positions, yet their role in politics and diplomacy has always been prominent. In 1988, the daughter of former prime minister Z.A. Bhutto, Ms. Benazir Bhutto, won the elections and became the first female leader of Pakistan. Ms. Bhutto, soon after taking the Office of the Prime Minister, realized that she was ‘not involved’ in the nuclear policy issues of the country even though her late father formally started the country's nuclear program. After Z.A. Bhutto, General Zia-ul-Haq handled nuclear management under his direct control to keep the program secret. President Ishaq Khan, who deprived the newly elected prime minister of the necessary information, controlled the management matters. By 1986, Pakistan had enough fissile material for nuclear weapons. According to Benazir Bhutto, “she had been kept in the dark about these issues,” and when “she

32 Lesley Kennedy, “How the Falklands War Cemented Margaret Thatcher's Reputation as the ‘Iron Lady’,” History Stories, Nov 13, 2020, at https://www.history.com/news/margaret-thatcher-falklands-war

33 Milan Molli, “A Brief History of the Falklands War,” Smithsonian Magazine, November 23, 2020 at https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/brief-history-falklands-war-180976349/

Page 8 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION asked for briefings and was told they would be given but never were.”34 After seeing reluctance, Ms. Bhutto “called a meeting with Munir Ahmad Khan (the chairperson of the PAEC) and A.Q. Khan (head of the Kahuta enrichment project), the latter of whom was supposed to report to her, anyway. Then army chief General Aslam Beg found out after the meeting was called and telephoned her in panic.”35 According to skeptics, “it seemed that civilian involvement was not welcome in the secretive programme by the military.”36 She also made funds available for several national security and defense projects”37 Benazir Bhutto's views did not differ from the military on national security. In 1993, she clearly mentioned that “Rolling back the nuclear program is not feasible. It will not serve the purpose of nuclear nonproliferation in the region… The nuclear program is linked with the Jammu and Kashmir issue.”38

Douglas Frantz and Catherine Collins in Foreign Policy write that Benazir Bhutto did not like when Iranian president Hashemi Rafsanjani asked her about the military-to-military deal about sharing the equipment and knowledge to enrich the uranium. According to Bhutto, “she was furious to find out from Rafsanjani that Pakistan provided its nuclear technology to Iran. She said she responded by ordering that no nuclear scientist be permitted to travel outside Pakistan without her approval.”39 However, when A.Q. Khan shared with prime minister Benazir Bhutto to ask Kim Il Sung about No Dong missiles' designs. Interestingly, this time when Bhutto returned from her trip, she was not furious but “handed over the designs for the missile to Khan.”40 Shyam Bhatia, an Indian-born British investigative journalist, cites his controversial interview with Benazir Bhutto (2004), in his book Goodbye Shahzadi: A Political Biography of Benazir Bhutto claims Benazir’s involvement in nuclear smuggling. According to Bhatia, Benazir Bhutto confided in him with the secret that in 1993, “Before leaving she shopped for an overcoat with the 'deepest possible pockets' into which she transferred CDs containing the scientific data about uranium enrichment that the North Korean wanted.”41 Even though Bhatia has no proof of his off-the-record conversation;42 however, some experts like

34 Shuja Nawaz, Crossed Swords: Pakistan, Its Army, and the Wars Within, p. 422.

35 Ibid.

36 Shaikh Aziz, “A Leaf From History: Pakistan’s Nuclear Cat On a Hot Tin Roof,” Dawn, September 04, 2016 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1281386

37 Ibid.

38 Zahid Hussain, “Benazir Bhutto Says Pakistan Unwilling to Give Up Nuclear Program,” Associated Press, November 20, 1993 at https://apnews.com/article/8e08a6a37bf38bb83dceafea2f3f5c7c

39 Douglas Frantz and Catherine Collins, “A Tale of Two Bhuttos,” Foreign Policy November 19, 2007 at https:// foreignpolicy.com/2007/11/19/a-tale-of-two-bhuttos/

40 Ibid.

41 Shyam Bhatia, Goodbye Shahzadi: A Political Biography of Benazir Bhutto (New Delhi: Lustre Press & Roli Books, 2010), p.

42 Karan Thapar, “Wish I had Said No,” Hindustan Times, June 14, 2008 at https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/ wish-i-had-said-no/story-me3gaTWQ4aIjuPORh2an7O.html

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David Albright believes that the story ‘makes sense’ because of “the timing of the data transfer would correspond to other information suggesting North Korean interest in acquiring uranium enrichment technology.”43

In her early years of the premiership, Benazir Bhutto rationalized her power tussle with the military and sailed in the same boat of nuclear nationalism. In her offcial trip to Washington, Benazir Bhutto’s tried to convince American leadership that Pakistan’s was not pursuing the nuclear weapons path, so the U.S. released Pakistan’s paid-for but confscated weapons, including F-16 aircraft. Although she was not successful in her diplomatic stunt, “But she had shown her generals that she still carried clout enough in Washington to resist nuclear concessions and yet bring some military hardware home.”44 Mona Eltahawy, in her book The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls, shares interesting research by Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES) conducted in 2017. The study explores voters’ trends in Germany, France, Greece, Poland, Sweden, and Hungary and found that “women are increasingly drawn to right-wing populist parties.”45 According to Elisa Gutsche, the FES study editor, “These women are there to give these parties a more open, modern guise and to appeal to female voters… These are not progressive parties; there is no real gender equality.”46 Pakistan’s case of gender equality in national security is not less different from Europe’s.

Thus, the commonly held perception of Benazir Bhutto as a peacenik is perhaps exaggerated. She was an ambitious and eloquent politician born with a silver spoon in a Pakistani feudal family. Emily MacFarquha describes Benazir Bhutto as “a product of the anti-war years at Harvard, was seen to be the real anti-nuclear thing. She was everyone's best hope for a democratic, bomb-free Pakistan”47; however, she was as hawkish as any of her counterparts. She believed that Pakistan’s nuclear program was her father’s legacy and supported nuclear armament. After India’s nuclear tests in May 1998, Benazir Bhutto writes in Los Angeles Times, “If a preemptive military strike is possible to neutralize India's nuclear capability, that is the response that is necessary.”48 Many Indian critics blame Benazir Bhutto for ‘supporting terrorism’ in Indian held Kashmir. Ajai Sinha, the New Delhi-based Institute for Conflict Management executive director, told ABC News, “I would find it very difficult to find a single element with her relationship to India that is positive and for the betterment of her country or the

43 “Bhutto Took Nuclear Data to North Korea, Book Says,” NTI, June 02, 2008 at https://www.nti.org/gsn/article/ bhutto-took-nuclear-data-to-north-korea-book-says/

44 Emily MacFarquhar, “Benazir and the Bomb,” op cit.

45 Mona Eltahawy, The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls (Boston: Beacon Press, 2019), p. 106.

46 Ibid.

47 Emily MacFarquhar, “Benazir and the Bomb,” The Alicia Patterson Foundation, May 04, 2011 at https:// aliciapatterson.org/stories/benazir-and-bomb

48 Benazir Bhutto, “Punishment: Make it Swift, Severe…,” Los Angeles Times, May 17, 1998 at https:// www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1998-may-17-op-50669-story.html

Page 10 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION region.”49 India’s leading newspaper Hindustan Times describes Benazir’s second term as: “She was also hawkish on India and Kashmir, giving New Delhi sleepless nights by raising the human rights issue in Geneva…It was a period of virtual non-contact between India and Pakistan.”50

Shireen Mazari, Pakistan’s Federal Human Rights Minister, former director of a think tank, feudal, and author of The Kargil Conflict 1999: Separating Fact from Fiction is known for her hawkish views. Before coming into politics, Shireen Mazari vehemently suggested that Pakistan should target India's urban cities. In the Defense Journal (October 1999), she wrote, “Targeting should be primarily counter-value focusing on Indian urban and industrial centers… There cannot be a distinction between strategic and tactical in terms of nuclear weapons.”51 Relatively fewer women in Pakistan write on nuclear issues as compared to men. The narrative is male- dominated. Maria Sultan, Chairperson and President of the South Asian Strategic Stability Institute (SASSI) University, and an advisor to the Ministry of Defense of Pakistan, in an interview, stated, “This [Indo-U.S.] deal will also lead to more collaboration between India and US on strategic and military front. The modernization of Indian Military because of any such cooperation will have serious implications on strategic balance of this region and will encourage India to pursue more offensive doctrines like Cold Start Doctrine (CSD) etc.”52 Rizwana Abbasi, author of Pakistan and the Nuclear Taboo, argues that “Pakistan’s strategic shift from land, air to sea-based deterrence in the form of Babur-III and MIRV technology will have stabilizing effect as admitted by many international observers that Pakistan is moving towards stability.”53 Sitara Noor, a senior research associate at the Center for Aerospace and Security Studies, writes, in case of India escalates border tensions at the Line of Control (LoC) or at the international border, “Pakistan will have to show resolve to carry out its stated policy of Quid Pro Quo Plus if it becomes a target of India’s misplaced anger.”54 Rabia Akhtar, assistant professor at the University of Lahore, supports Pakistan’s testing of MIRV missile [Ababeel] and believes that such a system provides Pakistan with “an expansion of its targeting capabilities increasing both counter-force and counter-value targeting options.” According to her, “Babur 3 and Ababeel are such minimal yet qualitative measures that will provide Pakistan a robust strategic deterrence

49 Nick Schifrin, “Bhutto's Mixed Legacy in India,” ABC News, February 09 2009 at https://abcnews.go.com/ International/story?id=4061053&page=1

50 Amit Baruah, “Benazir and India: Lessons for the Future in the Past,” Hindustan Times, January 02, 2008 at https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/benazir-and-india-lessons-for-the-future-in-the-past/story- C8ZzdTTJcQottOUeGTV08H.html

51 Imtiaz Ahmad, “Shireen Mazari Tipped to be Pakistan’s Defence Minister,” Hindustan Times, August 08, 2018 at https://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/shireen-mazari-tipped-to-be-pakistan-s-defence-minister/story- dH849vD0i5E5eYJstqH1yI.html

52 Asif Jehangir Raja, “Interview Dr Maria Sultan,” Hilal at https://www.hilal.gov.pk/eng-article/interview-dr-maria- sultan/MTQyNw==.html

53 Seminar Report on ‘South Asian Nuclear Doctrines: Deterrence Equilibrium and Strategic Stability,’ Strategic Vision Institute, April 17, 2017 at https://thesvi.org/report-on-south-asian-nuclear-doctrines-deterrence-equillibrium- and-strategic-stability/

54 Sitara Noor, “Standoff in the Himalayas,” The News, June 02, 2020 at https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/666407-

Page 11 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION and restore strategic balance in the region.”55 Another research scholar at Islamabad based think- tank, Siama Sial writes, “With the US encouraging India to go down the dangerous path of asymmetric escalation and minimal chances of third-party mediation, the new template for the crisis in South Asia is one in which Pakistan would have to employ its own conventional, and nuclear deterrent means to counter Indian ambitions for war.”56 Despite few female scholars who are writing on the national security debates, nearly all support the argument that nuclear armament reinforces South Asia’s strategic stability. Even though women in Pakistan have more political representation that shows progressiveness, women in such positions confirm military- led nuclear chauvinism. According to the Gallup Pakistan survey, the respondents were asked 'whether men are better politicians as compared to women or not'. The results showed that 67% agree men are better politicians, while 33% think otherwise. “Surprisingly, more women agree with this statement as compared to men.”57

The Shadow of Women Empowerment in Pakistan

In Pakistan, different governments took measures to empower women and improve women's education and elevate their economic status. In the interim 1956 Constitution, women in Pakistan affirmed the right to vote in national elections and were allotted several seats in the Parliament that continued until 1973. In 1961, General Ayub Khan introduced the Muslim Family Ordinance Laws (MFOL) that introduced Arbitration Councils. “These councils protected women from men who had previously used Islamic text as a tool to engage in polygamy against the wishes of their wives.”58 Article 8 of MFOL gives “the right to divorce has been duly delegated to the wife, and she wishes to exercise that right,” and Article 6 requires “the consent of existing wife or wives” in case of polygamy.59 Article 9 demands if the husband cannot treat his wife/wives adequately, the wife may seek legal remedy specifying the amount to be paid by the husband.60 's (1971-1977) tenure is important in Pakistan's history for women's empowerment. Z.A. Bhutto's political party vision was ‘Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, socialism is our economy. All power to the people.’ He was also the chief architect of Pakistan's 1973 constitution that merged women's legal positions. Article 25 of the fundamental rights promised all citizens are equivalent under the rule and prohibit prejudice based on sex. Article 27 of the

55 Rabia Akhtar, “Hot Takes: Pakistan’s MIRV Capable Ababeel Missile,” South Asian Voices, January 27, 2017 at https://southasianvoices.org/hot-takes-pakistans-mirv-capable-ababeel-missile/

56 Siama Sial, “Worrisome Nuclear Signaling: Recent Trends,” Strategic Foresight for Asia, June 13, 2019 at https:// ciss.org.pk/worrisome-nuclear-signaling-recent-trends/

57 “Perspective on Gender Roles,” Gallup Pakistan, April 27, 2009, https://gallup.com.pk/bb_old_site/Polls/ 27-4-09.pdf

58 Minah Ali Rathore, “Women’s Rights in Pakistan: The Zina Ordinance & the Need for Reform,” Center for public Policy and Administration, April 27, 2015, at https://scholarworks.umass.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi? article=1040&context=cppa_capstones

59 National Legislative Bodies National Authorities, Pakistan: VIII of 1961, Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961, http://www.refworld.org/docid/4c3f1e1c2.html

60 Ibid.

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1973 constitution prohibits prejudice based on gender, creed, and class in the service. He democratized Civil Service that opened opportunities for women in foreign service and district management groups. The constitution reserved the seat for women in the national assembly to contest in the election.

After Bhutto's tenure, General Zia-ul-Haq's martial law regime (1977-1986) introduced mixed policies that facilitated women's development and curtailed women's freedom. For instance, General Zia's Islamization policies created the Hadood Ordinances covering five areas: Zina (non-marital sex) and rape; theft and armed robbery, qazf (i.e., false accusation of Zina); prohibited use of alcohol and narcotics. The Hudood Ordinance defined 'Zina' as willful sexual intercourse between a man and a woman not validly married to each other, criminalized all non- marital sex and conflated rape with sex between consenting adults. According to Abira Ashfaq, an immigration attorney, “In 1979, there were seventy women in prison all over Pakistan. By 1988, this figure was six thousand… Under Hudood's Zina laws, anyone, including the state, could file such a case and women, too, were now punishable. The jails filled up fast with poor women, migrants from rural areas to urban centers.”61 The Ordinance required proof of rape as “at least four Muslim adult male witnesses, about whom the Court is satisfied, having regard to the requirements of tazkiyah al-shuhood, that they are truthful persons and abstain from major sins, give evidence as eye-witnesses of the act of penetration necessary to the offense.”62 Such proof provided enough loophole to the perpetrators to set free deprived women from justice and placed victims in a vulnerable situation to even report such cases.

In 2003, the National Commission on the Status of Women in Pakistan, a statutory body created by the government, reviewed the laws and found them inconsistent with Islam. For instance, Qurani verses on Zina law do not mandate jail time for adultery at all. There is a punishment of hundred lashes when a case of adultery is proven or confession. It also requires four witnesses, as written in Quran, “If any of your women are guilty of lewdness, take the evidence of four (Reliable) witnesses from amongst you against them; and if they testify, confine them to houses until death do claim them, or Allah ordain for them some (other) way.”63 Therefore, in 2006, National Assembly under General Musharraf's government passed The Protection of Women Act Bill. The bill amended two of the five Hadood Ordinances. It brought it under the Criminal Law legislature that converted rape punishment to 10-25 years' imprisonment and life imprisonment in terms of gang rape. Reports of forensic and circumstantial evidence replaced the proof of four

61 Abira Ashfaq, “Voices from Prison and a Call for Repeal: The Hudood Laws of Pakistan,” New Politics, Vol. X, No. 4, Whole Number 40 (Winter 2006) at https://newpol.org/issue_post/voices-prison-and-call-repeal-hudood- laws-pakistan/

62 “The Offence of Zina (Enforcement Of Hudood) Ordinance, 1979,” February 19, 1979 at https:// www.refworld.org/pdfid/4db999952.pdf

63 Surah An-Nisa, Verse 15, Quran.

Page 13 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION male-witnesses. Hadood Ordinance did not acknowledge marital rape that declared 'offense' with additional charges.64

Thus, the mix of the constitution, Pakistan Penal Code (comes from British Penal Code), and Islamic laws present a complicated picture for women in Pakistan to seek justice. Pakistan's former prime minister Benazir Bhutto in her interview with The Guardian (1980), rightly said, “Today in Pakistan there are three laws: martial law, common law, and Islamic law. We have three laws, yet no one can fnd any justice.”65 Interestingly, in 1988, when Benazir Bhutto became the frst female prime minister, she could not uphold women voters' expectations. For instance, she could not repeal the Hadood Ordinances. The women’s study centers created in different universities of Pakistan could not function due to insuffcient government funding. In her second term, B. Bhutto's government signed the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms OF Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1996 to keep her commitment. It was again a political gesture of little signifcance. Any accession to the international convention is subject to domestic laws of the signatory state. In Pakistan's case, it is subject to the Constitution that clearly stipulates that all laws are subservient to Sharia. In case of any conficting situation, Islamic law supersedes the common law. In two short tenures (1988-1990 & 1993-1996), Ms. Bhutto's government did not recommend any legislation for women's development. In 1989, she created First Women Bank Ltd to provide women economic stability by providing small-scale credit schemes for underprivileged women. The bank has 38 branches all across the country; however, now Govt. of Pakistan holds 80% of its shareholding. On March 09, 2010, President Zardari signed the Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act Bill 2010,' after years' long battle from NGOs; however, the political will to ensure effective enforcement is still lacking. Women and their families face social stigma for bringing up such complaints. “The irony of the situation in Pakistan is that women who speak up against sexual harassment are more shamed than the harasser is. By fling a complaint, women risk jobs, family criticism, expulsion, and taunts. Usually, when women fle complaints, their testimonies are discredited by questioning the character of the complainant.”66 According to Dawn newspaper's survey on workplace harassment, 59% of respondents reported their workplace does not take harassment complaints seriously.67 In certain cases, local police departments are reluctant to register the case against culprits with infuential/feudal/political backgrounds. Senior police offcer Maria Taimur admits, “women in the force won't talk about harassment as much as they should.”68

64 See The Gazette of Pakistan 3578(2006)/Ex.Gaz, December 02, 2006 at http://www.na.gov.pk/uploads/ documents/1321341579_812.pdf

65 “From the Archive, 25 September 1980: Bhuttos Urge Army to Help Restore Democracy,” The Guardian, September 25, 2013 at https://www.theguardian.com/theguardian/2013/sep/25/pakistan-benazir-bhutto-military- democracy

66 Hatun Gul, “Sexual Harassment at Workplaces in Pakistan,” Voice of Balochistan, April 30, 2019 at https:// voiceofbalochistan.pk/opinions-and-articles/social-development/sexual-harassment-at-workplaces-in-pakistan/

67 Razeshta Sethna, Tooba Masood, Ramsha Jahangir, “Special Report: Sexual Harassment in Workplaces in Pakistan,” Dawn, April 19, 2018 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1395215/special-report-sexual-harassment-in- workplaces-in-pakistan

68 Ibid.

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In 2020, Prime minister 's government introduced Election Act 2017 that encouraged increased women participation in areas where women turnout was less than 10 percent. The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) “mandated that each province have at least one woman district election commissioner.”69 ECP also took a series of other measures, including barring women from voting as 'criminalized,' political parties to nominate at least 5% on reserved seats, and setting up only women polling stations to offset conservatives' resistance in rural areas.70 Even if more women take their place in the local, provincial or central government, they are harassed at all levels. A case in point, PML-F's Nusrat Sehar Abbasi from assembly in January 2017 filed a complaint to the speaker when the ruling party's male legislatures frequently heckled and jeered. The tension escalated when the ruling party's Imdad Pitafi invited her to his chamber for 'a satisfactory response.' Ms. Abbasi wanted to give a befitting response, but PPP's deputy speaker Ms. Shehla Raza did not give her the chance to respond and switched off her mike. Ms. Abbasi says, the deputy speaker “didn't stand in my defense. I was fed up with the constant whistling and bad language used by male legislators.”71 The norms of silence for women are so strong that any attempt to break them brings more dishonor on victims. The women's protection bill and anti-harassment laws are positive developments, but gender equality is a slow process for patriarchal societies.

What Can be Done?

There are two common factors among the Pakistani women in power and their pro-military stance. First, they belong to feudal families that are rich and influential in Pakistan. Second, the other tier is civil society directly or indirectly linked with the armed forces of Pakistan. Some work in the military-funded think-tanks while others’ have members of the families served/ serving in the military. Either feudal or familial, such voices are not the common masses and cannot facilitate in strengthening Pakistan’s ‘nuclear taboo’ debate. However, the rest of the women’s capital that has no stakes in power or privilege, if harnessed, can support the anti- nuclear narrative. The first step would be to improve women’s education, quality of life through resources, and protect their status as equal citizens. Empiricism suggests that low literacy rate, gender discrimination, and social and legal injustice are the root causes women's unemployment as workers and professionals.

1. Increase Female Literacy Rate

Women in Pakistan are taking huge strides in increasing their educational and professional competence; few women pursue careers and jobs despite many enrolled and graduated from universities. Several institutions such as police, military, narcotics/drugs, intelligence, secret services, nuclear, space sciences, and engineering observe fewer women's recruitments. In other

69 Siobha´n Mullally, “Women, Peace and Security in Contemporary Pakistan: Meeting the Challenge of Security Council Resolution 1325?” Irish Studies in International Affairs (January 2011), p. 64.

70 Women and the Vote, Dawn, July 06, 2020 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1567280

71 Razeshta Sethna, Tooba Masood and Ramsha Jahangir, op cit.

Page 15 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION organizations, women are recruited for administrative positions like secretaries or accountants or assistant roles instead of managerial positions or executives. In a patriarchal/tribal society like Pakistan, girls' education is less because women are not the primary breadwinners, and the gender role defined for women is of caregivers and service providers. Education in Pakistan shows a bleak picture, especially in Balochistan, where education is grim. 70% of girls are dropped out of schools in Balochistan. The overall female literacy rate is 25% which is not satisfying.72 As of 2018, “Nearly 22.6 million children (ages 5 through 16) are not in school in Pakistan. In fact, 44 percent of boys and 56 percent of girls in Pakistan do not go to school.”73 Secondary schools are in shorter supply than primary schools, and colleges have even less capacity, especially for girls.74 In Pakistan, “32% of girls in primary school age are out of school, compared with 21% of boys. By sixth grade, 59% of girls are out of school, compared to 49% of boys. Just 13 percent of girls in ninth grade are still in school.”75 Article 25-A of the Constitution of Pakistan states, “The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of five to sixteen years in such a manner as may be determined by law.”76 However, the government funding for the education sector has always been low. In 2010, the government granted reportedly 10 percent of its funds to the education system. Comparably, “the government spends seven times as much money on military purposes.”77 As of 2017, “Pakistan was spending less than 2.8 percent of its gross domestic product on education–far below the recommended 4 to 6 percent–leaving the government's education system severely under-funded.”78 Due to limited funds, teachers are often unqualified; the school infrastructure is poorly managed. In the Kachhi District of Balochistan, a twelve-year-old and fourth-grade student described her school conditions as: “I stopped going to school last year as there was no washroom, water or electricity in the one I used to attend.”79 In 2012-13, only 3.8 percent of women received degree-level education, which is “one of the most crucial causes for the low job opportunities for women and

72 Fida Zaman, “Female Literacy Rate,” The Nation, July 27, 2016 at https://nation.com.pk/05-Aug-2016/female- literacy-rate

73 “22.6 Million Children Are Out of School in Pakistan: Report,” Daily Times, July 10, 2018 at https:// dailytimes.com.pk/265179/22-6-million-children-are-out-of-school-in-pakistan-report/

74 Ibid.

75 Misbah Imtiaz, “Girls’ Education,” The Nation, December 09, 2019 at https://nation.com.pk/09-Dec-2019/girls- education

76 Article: 25A Right to Education, Constitution of Pakistan, Section 9 of the Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act, 2010 (10 of 2010), inserted a new Art. 25A, after Art. 25 of the Constitution, (w.e.f. April 19, 2010) at https:// pakistanconstitutionlaw.com/article-25a-right-to-education/ #:~:text=%5B25A.,may%20be%20determined%20by%20law.%5D

77 “Top 10 Facts About Girls’ Education in Pakistan,” Borgen, April 06, 2019, at https://www.borgenmagazine.com/ top-10-facts-about-girls-education-in-pakistan/

78 “Pakistan: Girls Deprived of Education,” Human Rights Watch, November 12, 2018, at https://www.hrw.org/ news/2018/11/12/pakistan-girls-deprived-education#

79 “UNICEF & EU supported Balochistan Basic Education Program Brings Girls Back to School,” UNICEF, February 15, 2018 at https://www.unicef.org/pakistan/stories/unicef-eu-supported-balochistan-basic-education- program-brings-girls-back-school

Page 16 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION of low-status jobs for them.”80 According to UNESCO's database, the percentage of women graduating in medical sciences and humanities is closer to men. However, there are huge gender gaps in Ph.D., research and academia, science and technology, agriculture, and public sector jobs in Pakistan.

Education Gender Gap in Pakistan

Education/Career Women Men

Bachelors 47% 53%

Doctoral Students 36% 64%

Researchers 34% 66%

Public Sector jobs 9% 91%

Academic Institutions 36% 64%

Natural Sciences 40% 60%

Engineering and Technology 21% 79%

Medical Sciences 45% 55%

Agricultural Sciences 12% 88%

Social Sciences 36% 64%

Humanities 46% 54%

Source: UNESCO.org

2. Dismantle Social Discrimination

Social discrimination in Pakistan runs through all classes, ethnicities, and regions of the country. Despite being half the population, Pakistani women are often treated “as second-class citizens because of harmful and pervasive cultural norms that impact every facet of their life: from the quality of their health and education to income and life expectancy.”81 Studies suggest that women in Pakistan “receive low wages and are denied legal protection and social security.”82 Zartaj Waseem, CEO of Pakistan space education center (), describes the work environment as “Unequal status in the workplace as men.”83 According to her, unequal opportunities are among the major reasons women are not pursuing careers in the STEM discipline. Orthodox religious and extremist groups' resistance poses more challenges to women

80 Shazia Mirza, “Women’s Employment,” Pakistan Gender News, August 18, 2014 at https:// www.pakistangendernews.org/womens-employment/

81 “Women and the Vote,” Dawn, July 06, 2020 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1567280

82 Syeda Tuba Aamir, “Gender Parity and Pakistan,” The Express Tribune, March 08, 2020 at https://tribune.com.pk/ story/2171393/gender-parity-pakistan-2

83 Adeel Akmal, “Bridging the Stem Gap,” The News, https://www.thenews.com.pk/magazine/you/611861-bridging- the-stem-gap?fbclid=IwAR1CXaaem04vZ6v0gHInKYFThSMTAHsnF8xqFc-PFYpU2qxzM9W-dfDRqJ0

Page 17 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION and those supporting women's activism and emancipation. In 2012, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) shot education activist Malala Yousafzai - the youngest Noble Price laureate. On July 04, 2012, the Society for Appraisal and Women Empowerment in Rural Areas (SAWERA), co- founder Ms. Farida Afrida - 26-year-old activist, was assassinated the day she was holding a conference with women journalists in Peshawar. Recently, on February 21, 2021, militants ambushed the car in North Waziristan, killing four social workers.84 The lives of human and woman's rights activists in Pakistan are under threat perhaps because “the locals, particularly men, fear the changes that NGOs will bring to their villages: women, enlightened about their rights, will eventually assert themselves. This is not acceptable in a predominantly patriarchal society.”85

3. Eliminate Conflicting Laws

The argument supporting women’s empowerment becomes less powerful when rights are given by one hand and taken away from the other. In Pakistan’s recent history, many laws are enacted to protect and empower women; such as the National Policy for Development and Empowerment of Women, Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, Criminal Law (Amendment) (Offenses in the name or pretext of Honor) Act, Criminal Law (Amendment) (Offenses Relating to Rape) and a National Plan of Action on Human Rights.86 Also, the 1973 Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Article 25 (2), states, “There shall be no discrimination based on sex alone,”87 yet Pakistan is confronted with social discrimination at all levels of society contributing to “poverty, illiteracy, prejudice, joblessness, and human rights violence and gender chauvinism.”88 The laws are in place, but they are less implemented because of conflicting status with Islam and social norms. For instance, the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929, declares that marriage can take over 18 years of age for males and over 16 years for females.89 The law rarely applies because it conflicts with Sharia (Islamic law), which interprets that girls who reached puberty are eligible to marry.90 Pakistan has reported incidents of child

84 Riaz Khan, “Police Say Militants Kill 4 Women Instructors in NW Pakistan,” Associated Press, February 22, 2012 at https://apnews.com/article/world-news-pakistan-police-peshawar-afghanistan- a1441284110faf45e79ced46e93e0d9b; Also see, Shweta Sharma, “Pakistan Shocked by Slaughter of Women’s Rights Activists in Ambush Attack on their Vehicle,” Independent, February 21, 2021 at https:// www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/pakistan-women-activists-attack-taliban-b1805525.html

85 Hiba Mahamadi, “Women’s Rights Activists Under Attack in Pakistan,” Newsline Magazine (September 2012) at https://newslinemagazine.com/magazine/womens-rights-activists-under-attack-in-pakistan/

86 “Pakistan: Girls Deprived of Education,” Human Rights Watch, November 12, 2018, at https://www.hrw.org/ news/2018/11/12/pakistan-girls-deprived-education#

87 Muhammad Ahmad Pansota, “Confused Laws,” Dawn, January 29, 2018 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1385839

88 Hamid Iqbal, Saima Afzal, Mavara Inayat, “Gender Discrimination: Implications for Pakistan Security,” Journal of Humanities and Social Science, Volume 1, Issue 4 (Sep.-Oct. 2012), p. 17.

89 Muhammad Ahmad Pansota, op cit.

90 Feisal Naqvi, “The Age of Consent,” The News, Mat 17, 2017 at https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/204817-The- age-of-consent

Page 18 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION marriages where parents contract the marriage on behalf of the minor girl.91 Nearly “18% of girls in Pakistan are married before their 18th birthday, and 4% are married before the age of 15.”92 The trend of child marriages is more prevalent in rural parts of the country and among feudal communities. Moreover, there is a widespread social belief that “the younger the girl, the easier it is to condition her to obey and serve her husband and in-laws. Girls who marry late are often shamed for "deviating" from tradition.”93 Such beliefs are revered because these are part of family traditions practiced for generations. Honor killing is another brutal and conflicting practice in Pakistan. The extra-judicial killing of a female is justified on the offense's thesis that dishonored the name of the family or tribe. Honor killing is not part of Islam; its origins lie in tribal history. “Sadly, honor killing has become an honorable institution in Pakistan.”94 Likewise, women are victims of acid attacks every year because of the refusal of sexual interactions or proposals for marriages. According to the Acid Survivors Foundation (ASF), “between 2007 and 2018, there were 1,485 reported cases of acid attacks in Pakistan.”95 Although, the number of cases declined considerably after the legislation enacted in 2011 where “offenders face between 14 years and life imprisonment, as well as a fine of 1 million rupees.”96 However, many cases remain unreported when perpetrators have the support of influential people. Pakistan, like India, has several cases of forced marriages where parents decide the marriage based on clan, ethnic, or material preferences against the bride or groom's wishes. “In the feudal families of Pakistan, they marry the daughters to the paternal cousin to prevent the distribution of lands outside the family by inheritance.”97 Again, Islam allows a woman to marry a man of her choice; however, the family traditions and customs supersede women’s freedom in most cases.

Conclusion

Pakistan’s case is not different from other patriarchal societies. The fundamental issue with gendered politics and discrimination is not about the legislation but inclusion, influence, and impact at the decision-making table. In terms of political representation, Pakistani women held high offices like Prime Minister, Speaker of the National Assembly, Leader of the Opposition, Federal Ministers, Judges, and recruited in the Air Force's combat missions but do they have

91 See Saroop Ijaz, “Time to End Child Marriage in Pakistan,” Human Rights Watch, November 09, 2018 at https:// www.hrw.org/news/2018/11/09/time-end-child-marriage-pakistan ; Also see Chata Malé and Quentin Wodon, “Basic Profile of Child Marriage in Pakistan,” Knowledge Brief, March 2016 at https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/ bitstream/handle/10986/24548/Basic0profile00marriage0in0Pakistan.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y;

92 What’s the Child Marriage Rate? How Big of an Issue is Child Marriage?” Girls not Bride: Pakistan at https:// www.girlsnotbrides.org/child-marriage/pakistan/

93 Ibid.

94 Hamid Iqbal, Saima Afzal, Mavara Inayat, op cit. p. 18.

95 Shah Meer Baloch, “'Now I'm Independent': The Pakistan Beauty Salons Employing Acid Attack Survivors,” The Guardian, July 14, 2020.

96 Ibid.

97 Hamid Iqbal, Saima Afzal, Mavara Inayat, op cit. p. 19.

Page 19 of 20 Draft ISA 2021 ANNUAL CONVENTION equal influence and impact at these positions, is contestable. Pakistan faces gender inequality even though women constitute nearly half of the country’s population. For any democratic government, Pakistani women need equal opportunities in education, employment, Parliament and national security to represent their voice at the decision-making table. Most men lead the debates and head organizations as directors and executives, and a few women get to the top positions. Those who lead think-tanks or strategic dialogues are equally hawkish like their male counterparts. Will Englund describes women’s hawkish political stance as a social condition where women are blinded by this thought that “they're tough enough to protect American interests and American citizens.”98 Therefore, the proposition that the feminist foreign policy approach could strengthen a fragile ‘nuclear taboo' is less likely in patriarchal societies. The poor track record of women's empowerment by women in power discourages other women who eventually believe more in patriarchy's power. Prof. Rosabeth Moss described similar trends of gender inequality in the West in the 1970s that “Few women who reach upper organizational levels are tokens who are stereotyped and exposed to criticisms not inflicted on men, who are seen as the 'natural' occupants of higher positions.”99 Those women despite position lose the power of their voice while sitting at top. Therefore, representation and inclusion at the decision- making table do not equate to influence and impact. Unless women in power exercise their influence and power, they cannot be 'empowered' and 'equal.' From education to entrepreneurship, all 'leaking pipelines' of legal and social discrimination must be closed to prevent women drop out in different stages of life. The impact will come from the population that will encourage women at positions to support democratic opinions. Thus, ‘nuclear taboo’ like any taboo in Pakistan can strength when majority of the population are aware of the nuclear hazards and they hold the power to elect women or men in power who confirm to uphold those taboos that society deems detrimental to their existence. So far, the nuclear narrative is a defense narrative that makes the ‘nuclear taboo’ more fragile in Pakistan.

98 Will Englund, “How Stereotypes of Women as Weak Push Female Politicians to be Hawkish,” The Washington Post, October 18, 2016 at https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/how-stereotypes-of-women-as-weak-push- female-politicians-to-be-hawkish/2016/10/27/036b233a-8977-11e6-875e-2c1bfe943b66_story.html

99 Joan Acker, “Gender and Organizations,” in Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research (Boston, MA: Springer, 2006), p. 178.

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