The Fifth Monarchy Men's Millenarian Vision
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The Ultimate Intervention: Revitalising the UN Trusteeship Council for the 21St Century
Centre for European and Asian Studies at Norwegian School of Management Elias Smiths vei 15 PO Box 580 N-1302 Sandvika Norway 3/2003 ISSN 1500-2683 The Ultimate Intervention: Revitalising the UN Trusteeship Council for the 21st Century Tom Parker 0 The Ultimate Intervention: Revitalising the UN Trusteeship Council for the 21st Century Tom Parker April 2003 Tom Parker is a graduate of the London School of Economics (LSE) and Leiden University in The Netherlands. He has degrees in Government and Public International Law. He served for six years as an intelligence officer in the British Security Service (MI5) and four years as a war crimes investigator at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague. He is currently a research affiliate at the Executive Session for Domestic Preparedness at the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, working on the Long-Term Strategy Project For Preserving Security and Democratic Norms in the War on Terrorism. Tom Parker can be contacted at: 54 William Street, New Haven, Connecticut 06511, USA E-mail: [email protected]. A publication from: Centre for European and Asian Studies at Norwegian School of Management Elias Smiths vei 15 PO Box 580 N-1302 Sandvika Norway http://www.bi.no/dep2/ceas/ 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................3 PART I: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT....................................................................3 A) THE ORIGINS OF THE IDEA OF TRUSTEESHIP .................................................................................. -
Oliver Cromwell and the Regicides
OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE REGICIDES By Dr Patrick Little The revengers’ tragedy known as the Restoration can be seen as a drama in four acts. The first, third and fourth acts were in the form of executions of those held responsible for the ‘regicide’ – the killing of King Charles I on 30 January 1649. Through October 1660 ten regicides were hanged, drawn and quartered, including Charles I’s prosecutor, John Cooke, republicans such as Thomas Scot, and religious radicals such as Thomas Harrison. In April 1662 three more regicides, recently kidnapped in the Low Countries, were also dragged to Tower Hill: John Okey, Miles Corbett and John Barkstead. And in June 1662 parliament finally got its way when the arch-republican (but not strictly a regicide, as he refused to be involved in the trial of the king) Sir Henry Vane the younger was also executed. In this paper I shall consider the careers of three of these regicides, one each from these three sets of executions: Thomas Harrison, John Okey and Sir Henry Vane. What united these men was not their political views – as we shall see, they differed greatly in that respect – but their close association with the concept of the ‘Good Old Cause’ and their close friendship with the most controversial regicide of them all: Oliver Cromwell. The Good Old Cause was a rallying cry rather than a political theory, embodying the idea that the civil wars and the revolution were in pursuit of religious and civil liberty, and that they had been sanctioned – and victory obtained – by God. -
WORKING PAPER Legitimizing Autocracy: Re-Framing the Analysis of Corporate Relations to Undemocratic Regimes
WP 2020/1 ISSN: 2464-4005 www.nhh.no WORKING PAPER Legitimizing autocracy: Re-framing the analysis of corporate relations to undemocratic regimes Ivar Kolstad Department of Accounting, Auditing and Law Institutt for regnskap, revisjon og rettsvitenskap Legitimizing autocracy: Re-framing the analysis of corporate relations to undemocratic regimes Ivar Kolstad Abstract Recent work in political economy suggests that autocratic regimes have been moving from an approach of mass repression based on violence, towards one of manipulation of information, where highlighting regime performance is a strategy used to boost regime popularity and maintain control. This presents a challenge to normative analyses of the role of corporations in undemocratic countries, which have tended to focus on the concept of complicity. This paper introduces the concept of legitimization, defined as adding to the authority of an agent, and traces out the implications of adopting this concept as a central element of the analysis of corporate relations to autocratic regimes. Corporations confer legitimacy on autocratic governments through a number of material and symbolic activities, including by praising their economic performance. We identify the ethically problematic aspects of legitimization, argue that praise for autocratic regime performance lacks empirical support, and outline a research agenda on legitimization. Keywords: Complicity, legitimization, legitimacy, corporate political activity, democracy Associate Professor, Department of Accounting, Auditing and Law, Norwegian School of Economics, Helleveien 30, N-5045 Bergen, Norway. Tel: +47 55 95 93 24. E-mail: [email protected]. 1 1. Introduction «China’s done an unbelievable job of lifting people out of poverty. They’ve done an incredible job – far beyond what any country has done – we were talking about mid-90s to today – the biggest change is the number of people that have been pulled out of poverty, by far. -
English Society 1660±1832
ENGLISH SOCIETY 1660±1832 Religion, ideology and politics during the ancien regime J. C. D. CLARK published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, UK www.cup.cam.ac.uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011±4211, USA www.cup.org 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia Ruiz de AlarcoÂn 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain # Cambridge University Press 2000 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published as English Society 1688±1832,1985. Second edition, published as English Society 1660±1832 ®rst published 2000. Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeface Baskerville 11/12.5 pt. System 3b2[ce] A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data Clark, J. C. D. English society, 1660±1832 : religion, ideology, and politics during the ancien regime/J.C.D.Clark. p. cm. Rev. edn of: English society, 1688±1832. 1985. Includes index. isbn 0 521 66180 3 (hbk) ± isbn 0 521 66627 9 (pbk) 1. Great Britain ± Politics and government ± 1660±1714. 2. Great Britain ± Politics and government ± 18th century. 3. Great Britain ± Politics and government ± 1800±1837. 4. Great Britain ± Social conditions. i.Title. ii.Clark,J.C.D.Englishsociety,1688±1832. -
Oblivion and Vengeance: Charles II Stuart's Policy Towards The
ARTICLES Paweł Kaptur 10.15290/cr.2016.14.3.04 Jan Kochanowski University, Kielce Oblivion and vengeance: Charles II Stuart’s policy towards the republicans at the Restoration of 1660 Abstract. The Restoration of Charles II Stuart in 1660 was reckoned in post-revolutionary England both in terms of a long-awaited relief and an inevitable menace. The return of the exiled prince, whose father’s disgraceful decapitation in the name of law eleven years earlier marked the end of the British monarchy, must have been looked forward to by those who expected rewards for their loyalty, inflexibility and royal affiliation in the turbulent times of the Inter- regnum. It must have been, however, feared by those who directly contributed to issuing the death warrant on the legally ruling king and to violating the irrefutable divine right of kings. Even though Charles II’s mercy was widely known, hardly anyone expected that the restored monarch’s inborn mildness would win over his well-grounded will to revenge his father’s death and the collapse of the British monarchy. It seems that Charles II was not exception- ally vindictive and was eager to show mercy and oblivion understood as an act of amnesty to those who sided with Cromwell and Parliament but did not contribute directly to the executioner raising his axe over the royal neck. On the other hand, the country’s unstable situation and the King’s newly-built reputation required some firm-handed actions taken by the sovereign in order to prevent further rebellions or plots in the future, and to strengthen the posi- tion of the monarchy so shattered by the Civil War and the Interregnum. -
University of Birmingham the Minister, the Millenarian, and The
University of Birmingham The Minister, the Millenarian, and the Madman: The Puritan Lives of William Sedgwick, ca. 1609–1664 Bell, Richard License: None: All rights reserved Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (Harvard): Bell, R 2018, 'The Minister, the Millenarian, and the Madman: The Puritan Lives of William Sedgwick, ca. 1609–1664', Huntington Library Quarterly, vol. 81, no. 1, pp. 29-61. <https://muse.jhu.edu/article/688845> Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: Published as detailed above General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive. -
Presidential Or Parliamentary Does It Make a Difference? Juan J. Linz
VrA Democracy: Presidential or Parliamentary Does it Make a Difference? Juan J. Linz Pelatiah Pert Professor of Political and Social Sciences Yale University July 1985 Paper prepared for the project, "The Role of Political Parties in the Return to Democracy in the Southern Cone," sponsored by the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and the World Peace Foundation Copyright © 1985 by Juan J. Linz / INTRODUCTION In recent decades renewed efforts have been made to study and understand the variety of political democracies, but most of those analyses have focused on the patterns of political conflict and more specifically on party systems and coalition formation, in contrast to the attention of many classical writers on the institutional arrangements. With the exception of the large literature on the impact of electorul systems on the shaping of party systems generated by the early writings of Ferdinand Hermens and the classic work by Maurice Duverger, as well as the writings of Douglas Rae and Giovanni Sartori, there has been little attention paid by political scientists to the role of political institutions except in the study of particular countries. Debates about monarchy and republic, parliamentary and presidential regimes, the unitary state and federalism have receded into oblivion and not entered the current debates about the functioning of democra-ic and political institutions and practices, including their effect on the party systems. At a time when a number of countries initiate the process of writing or rewriting constitu tions, some of those issues should regain salience and become part of what Sartori has called "political engineering" in an effort to set the basis of democratic consolidation and stability. -
Trump, American Hegemony and the Future of the Liberal International Order
Trump, American hegemony and the future of the liberal international order DOUG STOKES* The postwar liberal international order (LIO) has been a largely US creation. Washington’s consensus, geopolitically bound to the western ‘core’ during the Cold War, went global with the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the advent of systemic unipolarity. Many criticisms can be levelled at US leadership of the LIO, not least in respect of its claim to moral superiority, albeit based on laudable norms such as human rights and democracy. For often cynical reasons the US backed authoritarian regimes throughout the Cold War, pursued disastrous forms of regime change after its end, and has been deeply hostile to alternative (and often non-western) civilizational orders that reject its dogmas. Its successes, however, are manifold. Its ‘empire by invitation’ has helped secure a durable European peace, soften east Asian security dilemmas, and underwrite the strategic preconditions for complex and pacifying forms of global interdependence. Despite tactical differences between global political elites, a postwar commit- ment to maintain the LIO, even in the context of deep structural shifts in interna- tional relations, has remained resolute—until today. The British vote to leave the EU (arguably as much a creation of the United States as of its European members), has weakened one of the most important institutions of the broader US-led LIO. More destabilizing to the foundations of the LIO has been the election of President Trump. His administration has actively -
Read Middle East Brief 140 (Pdf)
Crown Family Director Professor of the Practice in Politics Gary Samore Director for Research Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor The Great Thaw in Arab Domestic Politics of Middle East History Naghmeh Sohrabi David Siddhartha Patel Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Associate Director for Research t has been a tumultuous decade in the Middle East since David Siddhartha Patel Ithe beginning of the Arab uprisings in 2010–2011. Bouts Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics of popular mobilization recur and echo across borders. Six Eva Bellin long-standing Arab rulers have fallen. Civil wars erupted Founding Director and continue in Libya, Syria, and Yemen. Regional and global Professor of Politics Shai Feldman powers jockey for influence, and, throughout the region, Henry J. Leir Professor of the states interfere in one another’s internal affairs. All this is Economics of the Middle East typically described as part of a regionwide revolutionary Nader Habibi hangover—the “post–Arab Spring period”—that will Renée and Lester Crown Professor of Modern Middle East Studies inevitably subside as the dust settles. Pascal Menoret This Brief argues that, on the contrary, the unrest of the past decade seems like Founding Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly an aberration only because, in several important ways, domestic political life Khalil Shikaki in Arab states was frozen from the late 1970s until the 2000s. It is that period Goldman Faculty Leave Fellow of authoritarian stability—when Arab leaders almost never fell—that was the Andrew March real anomaly. Before a huge increase in oil rents from 1973 to 1986 dramatically strengthened states and regimes, the domestic politics of the Arab Middle East Harold Grinspoon Junior Research Fellow Alex Boodrookas were just as tumultuous as they have been since 2011. -
THE RUMP OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 1918–1923 Hasan Kayalı Politica
CHAPTER EIGHT LIBERAL PRACTICES IN THE TRANSFORMATION FROM EMPIRE TO NATION-STATE: THE RUMP OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 1918–1923 Hasan Kayalı Political history, with its emphasis on reigns, regimes, and real or imag- ined landmarks that point to the beginning and end of sequentially constructed eras, does not serve well the study of transition periods. Transitions are only occasionally recognized as periods intrinsically worthy of the historian’s attention, namely as more than preludes or epilogues tagged to other—and in retrospect clearly identifiable—his- torical eras. Positing a transition as an interregnum tends to legitimate its examination in its own right, as in the case of some interregna in the literal sense of the word, namely periods of prolonged conflict or uncertainty about dynastic succession,1 or interludes between two iden- tifiably distinct political regimes.2 Embedded in the notion of an inter- regnum is a degree of “freedom from customary authority.”3 This chapter addresses such an interlude in the rump Ottoman Empire4 between 1918 and 1923, a half-decade of ruptures and flux that followed the end of World War I and marked the transition from the empire to a Turkish 1 As in Britain between the rule of Charles I and Charles II (1649–60) or in the Ottoman Empire between Bayezid and Mehmed I (1402–13). 2 Thus, E. H. Carr devoted in hisHistory of Soviet Russia, New York: Macmillan 1954, a volume to the “Interregnum” of 1923–24, the power struggle that ensued from Lenin’s demise. The editors of a more recent compilation focusing on the Soviet collapse and its aftermath use the rubric of “interregnum” which “capture[s] something about the ill-defined and almost-impossible-to-define character” of the era from 1989 to 1999, suggesting that an interregnum is recognizable, even when it is not at all clear when and how it will end: Michael Cox, Ken Booth, and Tim Dunne, eds., The Interregnum, Review of International Studies 25 (December 1999), special issue. -
Restoration, Religion, and Revenge Heather Thornton Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2005 Restoration, religion, and revenge Heather Thornton Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Thornton, Heather, "Restoration, religion, and revenge" (2005). LSU Master's Theses. 558. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/558 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RESTORATION, RELIGION AND REVENGE A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of History By Heather D. Thornton B.A., Lousiana State University, 1999 M. Div., Golden Gate Baptist Theological Seminary, 2002 December 2005 In Memory of Laura Fay Thornton, 1937-2003, Who always believed in me ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank many people who both encouraged and supported me in this process. My advisor, Dr. Victor Stater, offered sound criticism and advice throughout the writing process. Dr. Christine Kooi and Dr. Maribel Dietz who served on my committee and offered critical outside readings. I owe thanks to my parents Kevin and Jorenda Thornton who listened without knowing what I was talking about as well as my grandparents Denzil and Jo Cantley for prayers and encouragement. -
1 the Unnecessary Referendum: Popular Sovereignty in The
The Unnecessary Referendum: Popular Sovereignty in the Constitutional Interregnum Richard Stacey October 2017 v.2 We are the Egyptian people, sovereigns in a sovereign homeland. This is our will and this is the Constitution of our revolution. Preamble to the Constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt, 2014 We, the people of Kenya … adopt, enact and give this Constitution to ourselves and to our future generations. Preamble to the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 We, the people of South Africa … adopt this Constitution as the supreme law of the Republic. Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 We, the representatives of the Tunisian people, members of the National Constituent Assembly … in the name of the Tunisian people, with the help of God, draft this Constitution. Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of Tunisia, 2014 We the People of the United States … do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. Preamble to the US Constitution, 1787 I Introduction The relationship between constitutions and popular sovereignty is a close one, at least textually. Many of the world’s constitutions make the preambular claim to having been adopted and enacted by the people themselves in an exercise of sovereign self-government. The constitution claims to be the voice of the people and, the people having spoken, is the authoritative statement of sovereign power and popular will in the nation.1 And once in place, the constitution is 1 Stephen Tierney, ‘Constitutional Referendums: A Theoretical Inquiry’ (2009) 72(3) Modern Law Review 360, at 365-66; Stephen Tierney, Constitutional Referendums (Oxford, Oxford University Press 2012), at 133; Stephen Gardbaum, ‘Revolutionary Constitutionalism’ (2017) 15 International Journal of Constitutional Law 173, at 182; Martin Loughlin, The Idea of Public Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), at 84; Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, Edwin Curley (ed) (Indianapolis and Cambridge, Mass: Hackett, 1994), ch XVII at para 13; ch XVIII at paras 6-7.