Sustaining Myanmar's Transition
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Reform in Myanmar: One Year On
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°136 Jakarta/Brussels, 11 April 2012 Reform in Myanmar: One Year On mar hosts the South East Asia Games in 2013 and takes I. OVERVIEW over the chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. One year into the new semi-civilian government, Myanmar has implemented a wide-ranging set of reforms as it em- Reforming the economy is another major issue. While vital barks on a remarkable top-down transition from five dec- and long overdue, there is a risk that making major policy ades of authoritarian rule. In an address to the nation on 1 changes in a context of unreliable data and weak econom- March 2012 marking his first year in office, President Thein ic institutions could create unintended economic shocks. Sein made clear that the goal was to introduce “genuine Given the high levels of impoverishment and vulnerabil- democracy” and that there was still much more to be done. ity, even a relatively minor shock has the potential to have This ambitious agenda includes further democratic reform, a major impact on livelihoods. At a time when expectations healing bitter wounds of the past, rebuilding the economy are running high, and authoritarian controls on the popu- and ensuring the rule of law, as well as respecting ethnic lation have been loosened, there would be a potential for diversity and equality. The changes are real, but the chal- unrest. lenges are complex and numerous. To consolidate and build on what has been achieved and increase the likeli- A third challenge is consolidating peace in ethnic areas. -
Mm-Ami-Conference2015-Chitwin-Passing the Mace
AUSTRALIA MYANMAR INSTITUTE Passing the mace from the Myanmar’s first to the second legislature Chit Win 1/29/2016 When the five year term of the first legislature “Hluttaw” in Myanmar ends in January 2016, it will be remembered as a robust legislature acting as an opposition to the executive. The second legislature of Myanmar is set to be totally different from the first one in every aspect. This paper looks at three key defining features of the first legislature namely non-partisanship, the role of the Speakers and the relationship with the executive and how much of these would be embedded or changed when the mace of the first term of the Hluttaw is passed to the second. Contents 1. Introduction .........................................................................................2 2. Highlights of the first legislature ................................................................2 3. Non-Partisanship ...................................................................................4 4. The role of the Speakers ..........................................................................5 5. Relationship with the executive .................................................................6 6. Conclusion ...........................................................................................8 Annex 1 ...................................................................................................9 Annex 2 .................................................................................................10 !1 Passing the mace from -
Old and New Competition in Myanmar's Electoral Politics
ISSUE: 2019 No. 104 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |17 December 2019 Old and New Competition in Myanmar’s Electoral Politics Nyi Nyi Kyaw* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Electoral politics in Myanmar has become more active and competitive since 2018. With polls set for next year, the country has seen mergers among ethnic political parties and the establishment of new national parties. • The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party faces more competition than in the run up to the 2015 polls. Then only the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) represented a serious possible electoral rival. • The NLD enjoys the dual advantage of the star power of its chair State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and its status as the incumbent ruling party. • The USDP, ethnic political parties, and new national parties are all potential contenders in the general elections due in late 2020. Among them, only ethnic political parties may pose a challenge to the ruling NLD. * Nyi Nyi Kyaw is Visiting Fellow in the Myanmar Studies Programme of ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. He was previously a postdoctoral fellow at the National University of Singapore and Visiting Fellow at the University of Melbourne. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 104 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION The National League for Democracy (NLD) party government under Presidents U Htin Kyaw and U Win Myint1 and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been in power since March 2016, after it won Myanmar’s November 2015 polls in a landslide. Four years later, the country eagerly awaits its next general elections, due in late 2020. -
Southeast Asia from Scott Circle
Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Southeast Asia from Scott Circle Volume VI | Issue 17 | August 20, 2015 Endgame to Myanmar’s Cease-fire Deal Inside This Issue Tests President Thein Sein’s Resolve phuong nguyen biweekly update Phuong Nguyen is a research associate with the Sumitro Chair for • Shwe Mann ousted as Myanmar ruling party Southeast Asia Studies at the Center for Strategic and International leader Studies in Washington, D.C. • Bomb blast in central Bangkok kills 20 August 20, 2015 • Jokowi reshuffles cabinet looking ahead President Thein Sein urgently wants to sign a nationwide cease-fire • Promoting Nuclear Safety Cooperation in agreement before Myanmar’s November elections. Yet nearly five months Northeast Asia after his government reached a tentative draft nationwide cease-fire agreement with representatives of the Nationwide Cease-fire Coordinating • Cautious and Conflicted: Singapore, Malaysia, Team (NCCT), an alliance of 16 ethnic armed groups, major sticking points and the U.S. Rebalance to Asia between the two sides remain unresolved. • CSIS discussion on Managing Cyber Risk and the Role of Insurance Following a high-profile ethnic summit in Karen State in early June, senior ethnic leaders decided to return to the negotiating table in hopes of extracting more concessions from a government they know is racing against time to conclude a deal. Unless the two sides can finalize an agreement by September—after which point Myanmar will be in full election mode—the peace process that was started under Thein Sein will face a much more uncertain future. The biggest disagreement relates to which armed groups will be signatories to the nationwide peace agreement. -
Statement by His Excellency U Thein Sein President Of
YA A / I CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY STATEMENT BY HIS EXCELLENCY U THEIN SEIN PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE UNION OF MYANMAR AND CHAIRMAN OF THE MYANMAR DELEGATION AT THE GENERAL DEBATE OF THE SIXTY-SEVENTH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY (New York, 27 September 2012) PERMANENT MISSION OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE UNION OF MYANMAR TO THE UNITED NATIONS 10 E. 77TM STREET, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10075 * TEL. (212) 744-1271 • FAX (212) 744-!290 Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations, Distinguished Delegates, First and foremost, I would like to congratulate you on your well-deserved election as the President of the 67th session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your country, Serbia, and Myanmar has traditionally enjoyed the close friendship and cooperation. Under your able leadership, the General Assembly will make deliberations on measures to address the challenges being faced by the world today. I am confident that your vast wisdom, rich experiences and high diplomatic skills would guide our deliberations to produce desired outcomes. I would also like to take this opportunity to extend our sincere thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, H. E. Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz A1-Nasser, for his outstanding leadership at the 66th session. Mr. President, Myanmar consistently pursues an independent and active foreign policy. One of the basic tenets of our foreign policy is to actively contribute towards the maintenance of international peace and security. In so doing, we encourage efforts to settle differences among nations by peaceful and amicable means. This position of ours matches well with the essence of one of the high-level themes of the current session, namely, "Settlement of disputes by Peaceful Coordination or Means". -
Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) Has Been the Country's First Experience of a Functioning Legislature for Almost Four Decades
Burma’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: a young legislature in a changing state By Liam Allmark Beginning in 2011, the inaugural session of Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) has been the country's first experience of a functioning legislature for almost four decades. After General Ne Win's 1962 coup d'état abolished the post-independence parliamentary system, legislative power was exercised by the military through a succession of internal structures, appointed councils and single-party bodies. Tentative moves towards restoring an elected assembly in 1990 were quickly aborted by the ruling regime when the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a resounding majority of the vote. Consequently many of those who won seats spent the following years in prison or exile. This picture finally began to change with the adoption of a new constitution in 2008 establishing today's system of 'disciplined democracy'. Elections were held to the new Pyidaungsu Hluttaw in 2010 and since members took their seats at a purpose-built complex in Naypyidaw the following year, this young legislature has become a focal point of Burma's shifting political landscape. Parties and elections Whilst the military no longer exercises direct and complete control over Burma's legislative system, it nevertheless retains considerable influence: 25% of members in the 440 seat lower chamber (Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives) and the 224 seat upper chamber (Amyotha Hluttaw, or House of Nationalities) are Defence Service personnel directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. This is particularly significant given the requirement for any constitutional amendments to be approved by more than 75% of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, effectively creating a military veto. -
The Generals Loosen Their Grip
The Generals Loosen Their Grip Mary Callahan Journal of Democracy, Volume 23, Number 4, October 2012, pp. 120-131 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/jod.2012.0072 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v023/23.4.callahan.html Access provided by Stanford University (9 Jul 2013 18:03 GMT) The Opening in Burma the generals loosen their grip Mary Callahan Mary Callahan is associate professor in the Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies at the University of Washington. She is the author of Making Enemies: War and State Building in Burma (2003) and Political Authority in Burma’s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation and Coexistence (2007). Burma1 is in the midst of a political transition whose contours suggest that the country’s political future is “up for grabs” to a greater degree than has been so for at least the last half-century. Direct rule by the mili- tary as an institution is over, at least for now. Although there has been no major shift in the characteristics of those who hold top government posts (they remain male, ethnically Burman, retired or active-duty mili- tary officers), there exists a new political fluidity that has changed how they rule. Quite unexpectedly, the last eighteen months have seen the retrenchment of the military’s prerogatives under decades-old draconian “national-security” mandates as well as the emergence of a realm of open political life that is no longer considered ipso facto nation-threat- ening. Leaders of the Tatmadaw (Defense Services) have defined and con- trolled the process. -
Executive Summary
From: OECD Investment Policy Reviews: Myanmar 2014 Access the complete publication at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264206441-en Executive summary Please cite this chapter as: OECD (2014), “Executive summary”, in OECD Investment Policy Reviews: Myanmar 2014, OECD Publishing. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264206441-4-en This work is published on the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD. The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of the Organisation or of the governments of its member countries. This document and any map included herein are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. OECD Investment Policy Reviews: Myanmar 2014 © OECD 2014 Executive summary After years of economic isolation, the government of Myanmar has initiated a wide range of reforms to open its economy to foreign trade and investment. As set out in the Framework for Economic and Social Reform, the reform programme includes: budgetary and tax reforms; monetary and financial sector reforms; liberalisation of trade and investment; food security and agricultural growth; land issues; and improvements in infrastructure availability and quality. The country stands to benefit from greater global and regional economic integration, with its rich natural resources base, young labour force and strategic geographic location between India and China. Bringing about simultaneously a political and economic transition will not be an easy task. In the early 1960s, Myanmar was one of Asia’s leading economies but fell substantially behind many of its peers in ASEAN during the lost decades of military rule. -
28 of 35 Are on EU Sanction List)
BURMA: COMPARISON OF NEW GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS WITH THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION LIST OF SANCTIONED REGIME MEMBERS1 1. New Cabinet Members2 (28 of 35 are on EU Sanction List) Position in Code on Name on Position & Department on EU No Name New Department EU List EU list Sanction List Government 1 U Thein Sein President Republic of the Union of A4a Lt-Gen Thein Sein “Prime Minister” of SPDC Myanmar 2 Thiha Thura U Tin Vice President Republic of the Union of A5a Gen (Thiha Thura) “Secretary 1” of SPDC, Chairman, Myanmar Aung Myint Oo Myanmar Tin Aung Myint Oo Economic Corporation, President of Union Solidarity and Development Association K23a Chairman, Lt-Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo, Myanmar Economic Corporation 3 Dr. Sai Mao Kham Vice President Republic of the Union of @ Maung Ohn Myanmar 4 Major General Hla Minister Ministry of Defense B10a Major General Hla Chief of Bureau of Special Operation (3) Min Min 5 Lieutenant General Minister Ministry of Home Affairs A10a Maj-Gen Ko Ko Chief of Bureau of Special Operations 3 (Pegu, Ko Ko Irrawaddy, Arakan). 6 Major General Minister Ministry of Border Affairs and E28a Maj-Gen Thein Htay Deputy Minister for Defence Thein Htay Ministry of Myanmar Industrial Development 7 U Wunna Maung Minister Ministry of Foreign Affairs Lwin 8 U Kyaw Hsan Minister Ministry of Information and D17a Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan Ministry of Information Ministry of Culture 9 U Myint Hlaing Minister Ministry of Agriculture and 115a Lt-Gen Myint Hlaing Ministry of Defence and USDA Member Irrigation 10 U Win Tun Minister Ministry -
Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition
United Nations University Centre for Policy Research Crime-Conflict Nexus Series: No 9 April 2017 Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition Dr. Vanda Felbab-Brown Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution This material has been funded by UK aid from the UK government; however the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies. © 2017 United Nations University. All Rights Reserved. ISBN 978-92-808-9040-2 Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Myanmar case study analyzes the complex interactions between illegal economies -conflict and peace. Particular em- phasis is placed on understanding the effects of illegal economies on Myanmar’s political transitions since the early 1990s, including the current period, up through the first year of the administration of Aung San Suu Kyi. Described is the evolu- tion of illegal economies in drugs, logging, wildlife trafficking, and gems and minerals as well as land grabbing and crony capitalism, showing how they shaped and were shaped by various political transitions. Also examined was the impact of geopolitics and the regional environment, particularly the role of China, both in shaping domestic political developments in Myanmar and dynamics within illicit economies. For decades, Burma has been one of the world’s epicenters of opiate and methamphetamine production. Cultivation of poppy and production of opium have coincided with five decades of complex and fragmented civil war and counterinsur- gency policies. An early 1990s laissez-faire policy of allowing the insurgencies in designated semi-autonomous regions to trade any products – including drugs, timber, jade, and wildlife -- enabled conflict to subside. -
Burma's Union Parliament Selects New President
CRS INSIGHT Burma's Union Parliament Selects New President March 18, 2016 (IN10464) | Related Policy Issue Southeast Asia, Australasia, and the Pacific Islands Related Author Michael F. Martin | Michael F. Martin, Specialist in Asian Affairs ([email protected], 7-2199) On March 15, 2016, Burma's Union Parliament selected Htin Kyaw, childhood friend and close advisor to Aung San Suu Kyi, to serve as the nation's first President since 1962 who has not served in the military. His selection as President-Elect completes another step in the nation's five-month-long transition from a largely military-controlled government to one led by the National League for Democracy (NLD). In addition, it also marks at least a temporary end to Aung San Suu Kyi's efforts to become Burma's President and may reveal signs of growing tensions between the NLD and the Burmese military. Htin Kyaw received the support of 360 of the 652 Members of Parliament (MPs), defeating retired Lt. General Myint Swe (who received 213 votes, of which 166 were from military MPs) and Henry Na Thio (who received 79 votes). The 69-year-old President-Elect is expected to be sworn into office on March 30, 2016. Myint Swe and Henry Van Thio will serve as 1st and 2nd Vice President, respectively. On November 8, 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory in nationwide parliamentary elections (see CRS Insight IN10397, Burma's Parliamentary Elections, by Michael F. Martin) that gave the party a majority of the seats in both chambers of Burma's Union Parliament. -
Promoting Peace in Myanmar U.S
Promoting Peace in Myanmar U.S. Interests and Role 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW | Washington, DC 20036 t. 202.887.0200 | f. 202.775.3199 | www.csis.org ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Lanham, MD 20706 t. 800.462.6420 | f. 301.429.5749 | www.rowman.com Cover photo: Photo by Blue Sky Studio, Shutterstock.com. AUTHOR ISBN 978-1-4422-2845-0 Lynn Kuok Ë|xHSLEOCy228450z v*:+:!:+:! MAY 2014 A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Blank Promoting Peace in Myanmar U.S. Interests and Role AUTHOR Lynn Kuok A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies May 2014 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. Today, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofi t or ga ni za tion headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affi liated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to fi nding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration.