DOCSLIB.ORG

Youth Participation in Elections in Africa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

2016 Youth participation in elections in Africa An eight-country study FOREWORD The demographics of the African continent demonstrate clearly that the future of the continent will fundamentally depend on how young people are treated and what role, in the different facets of African life, they in turn choose to be involved. Different claims are made on the role that youth already play or do not play, but these claims are more often than not based on very scant if any information at all. Given how important it is to develop appropriate strategies for integrating the youth into current and future plans, it is imperative that the planning process be based on facts on the ground as opposed to being based on untested speculation about young people. On that basis, the Mandela Institute for Development Studies (MINDS), a pan African think tank, has commissioned this research to contribute to the body of knowledge about the current plight and attitudes of young people on the continent. This body of knowledge, we hope, will not only inform the formulation of appropriate strategies by current administrations, but will also help young people themselves figure out how to more proactively take on the role of agent in laying the path to creating a future that will serve their interests. At MINDS we hold a view that young people should be challenged to take advantage of their numbers and make both their current and future needs better known and taken into account in how things are done. This should include in particular, how they use their numbers to influence who is elected to lead their countries. Unsurprisingly, the research finds that young people are very frustrated with how the African continent is performing. Frustrated by lack of economic opportunities, young people have lost faith in political structures and processes. They have also lost faith in electoral processes in particular. Needless to say this last element could spell disaster as it implies that young people might, in their frustration, seek other ways of attempting to get the system to respond to their needs. If elections have lost their bite in so far as the youth do not believe that a non-performing government can be removed through the electoral process, it would follow that the superiority of their numbers cannot serve them through this channel. In some ways, this is what we have witnessed in South Africa with respect to the very disruptive and destructive behavior of students in the #feesmustfall movement. What should be clear to young people is that this kind of knowledge can be used to either facilitate for their productive participation in creating a more equitable and inclusive future, or to frustrate and exclude them. Knowledge is a neutral asset. The user’s agenda determines the end to which objective information or knowledge is employed. We hope there will be more parties that mean well and, therefore, choose to put this information to good use for the benefit of both society at large and the African youth in particular. Nkosana Moyo (Dr) Founder and Executive Chair Mandela Institute for Development Studies 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research study was conducted in 2016 by the Institute of Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) on behalf of the Mandela Institute for Development Studies (MINDS). MINDS wishes to thanks the IJR, the Royal Norwegian Embassy in South Africa, MINDS alumni, experts and all other parties that contributed towards the study. MINDS acknowledges the following individuals for their participation: TUNISIA Professor Alcinda Honwana, Visiting Professor in International Development at the Open University, and author of The Time of Youth: Work, Politics, and Social Change in Africa (Kumarian Press, 2012) and Youth and Revolution in Tunisia (Zed Books, 2013). Ms. Asma Abidi, MINDS Alumni and Journalist Ms. Imen Zaouem, MINDS Alumni, English Teacher and Masters Student EGYPT Professor Ziad Akl, Senior Researcher, Egyptian Studies Unit, Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, and part-time Professor at the American University in Cairo Mr. Mahmoud Salah, MINDS Alumni and Delegate at the International Committee of the Red Cross KENYA Mr. Omore C. Osendo, Governance Adviser, DFID Kenya Mr. John Omwamba, MINDS Alumni, Regional and Metropolitan Planning Officer at UN-Habitat, Environmental Planner and Youth Activist Ms. Nelly Kasina, MINDS Alumni and Youth Volunteer Mr. Samuel Karuita, MINDS Alumni and Executive Director at Peace Ambassadors Integration Organisation TANZANIA Mr. Stephen Mwombela, Researcher, REPOA Policy Research for Development Mr. Abdunuur Mwimi, MINDS Alumni and Founder of the Way Forward Foundation NIGERIA Ms. Safiya Bichi, Senior Research Officer at the Youth Initiative for Advocacy, Growth and Advancement (YIAGA) Mr. Abiodun Ajijola, MINDS Alumni, Consultant and former National Coordinator, Election Monitor Ms. Ify Ogo, MINDS Alumni and Doctoral Candidate BURKINA FASO Professor Augustin Loada, Professor, University of Ouagadougou and Director, Centre for Democratic Governance Mr. Boubakar Yougbare, MINDS Alumni, Partnerships Consultant, and former AU Youth Volunteer at the African Union Commission Ms. Chantal Naré, MINDS Alumni and Youth Activist ZAMBIA Mr. Mulima Nyambe Mubanga, National Investigator for Afrobarometer and Lead Consultant for Rural Business Development at RuralNet Associates Ltd Ms. Mweshi Ng’andu, MINDS Alumni, Event Consultant and Youth Activist Ms. Eness Mayondi, MINDS Alumni and Youth Activist MALAWI Mr. Jimmy Kainja, Blogger and Lecturer, at the University of Malawi Ms. Walhalha Saukila, MINDS Alumni and Lawyer Ms. Jessie Kalepa, MINDS Alumni and Political Scientist 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 Burkina Faso 52 7.1 National political context .............................................52 Youth sample and country comparisons 5 7.2 Civic engagement .........................................................53 7.3 Political engagement ....................................................54 ACRONYMS 8 7.4 Influences on youth participation ................................55 7.5 Encouraging future participation .................................56 Introduction 10 7.6 Key findings ...................................................................56 1.1 Purpose of the study .....................................................10 Nigeria 58 1.2 Selection of countries ...................................................10 8.1 National political context .............................................58 1.3 Methodology .................................................................10 8.2 Civic engagement .........................................................59 1.4 MINDS definition of youth ............................................ 11 8.3 Political engagement ...................................................60 1.5 Measuring youth voter turnout ................................... 11 8.4 Influences on youth participation ................................62 1.6 Key measures of participation ...................................... 11 8.5 Encouraging future participation .................................63 1.7 Report structure ............................................................. 11 8.6 Key findings ...................................................................64 Youth sample and country comparison 13 Zambia 66 2.1 Youth population ...........................................................13 9.1 National political context .............................................66 2.2 Afrobarometer youth sub-sample ...............................13 9.2 Civic engagement .........................................................67 2.3 Youth quality of life .......................................................14 9.3 Political engagement ....................................................68 2.4 Youth political and civic engagement .........................17 9.4 Influences on youth participation ................................70 2.5 Key factors influencing youth participation ................21 9.5 Encouraging future participation .................................71 Tunisia 23 9.6 Key findings ...................................................................72 3.1 National political context .............................................23 Malawi 74 3.2 Civic engagement .........................................................24 10.1 National political context .............................................74 3.3 Political engagement ....................................................25 10.2 Civic engagement .........................................................74 3.4 Influences on youth participation ................................28 10.3 Political engagement ....................................................76 3.5 Encouraging future participation .................................28 10.4 Influences on youth participation ................................79 3.6 Key findings ..................................................................29 10.5 Encouraging future participation .................................80 Egypt 31 10.6 Key findings ..................................................................80 4.1 National political context .............................................31 Key findings and strategies to 4.2 Civic engagement .........................................................32 4.3 Political engagement ....................................................33 increase participation 82 4.4 Influences on youth participation ................................35 11.1 Key findings ...................................................................82
Recommended publications
  • Zambia General Elections

    Zambia General Elections

    Report of the Commonwealth Observer Group ZAMBIA GENERAL ELECTIONS 20 September 2011 COMMONWEALTH SECRETARIAT Table of Contents Chapter 1 ................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 1 Terms of Reference ....................................................................................... 1 Activities ....................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 2 ................................................................................................... 3 POLITICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................... 3 Early History ................................................................................................. 3 Colonial History of Zambia ............................................................................. 3 Post-Independence Politics ............................................................................ 3 2001 General Elections .................................................................................. 4 2006 General Elections .................................................................................. 5 The 2008 Presidential By-Election ................................................................... 5 Other Developments ...................................................................................... 5 Constitutional Review ...................................................................................
  • Domestic Election Observers and Electoral Fraud in Malawi's 2014

    Domestic Election Observers and Electoral Fraud in Malawi's 2014

    Domestic Election Observers and Electoral Fraud in Malawi’s 2014 Elections George Ofosu Daniel N. Posner University of California, Los Angeles University of California, Los Angeles This version: 31 December 2015 We thank Omer Ali, Sarah Brierley, Chad Hazlett, and Mike Thies for their comments and suggestions on an earlier version of the paper. We gratefully acknowledge the collaboration of the Malawi Electoral Support Network (MESN) and the National Democratic Institute, especially MESN board director Steve Duwa. We also thank the Innovation for Poverty Action (IPA)—Malawi office for their support in the recruitment, training, and deployment of research assistants, and our 200 RAs for their help in data collection. We thank Kim Yi Dionne and Boniface Dulani for their support during our fieldwork. Pericles Kalande and Sammar Smesme provided research assistance. This research was made possible with support from the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID, the United States Government, or the Democracy Fellows and Grants Program implementer, Institute of International Education (IIE). The research was approved by the UCLA IRB (#14-000553) on May 13, 2014. Abstract We present findings from a field experiment that estimates the causal effect of domestic election observers on election day malfeasance and downstream aggregation fraud in Malawi’s 2014 general elections. Our analyses leverage the random assignment of election observers to 1,049 polling stations located in a nationally representative sample of 90 constituencies. Since these polling stations already had observers assigned by other domestic monitoring organizations, our results speak to the marginal impact on electoral fraud of having an additional observer.
  • Youth Engagement and Empowerment Report

    Youth Engagement and Empowerment Report

    Youth Engagement and Empowerment In Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia Agenda Youth Engagement and Empowerment In Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia November 2018 version TABLE OF CONTENTS │ 3 Table of contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 5 Notes .................................................................................................................................................... 6 Chapter 1. Towards national integrated youth strategies ................................................................. 7 Jordan ................................................................................................................................................... 7 Morocco ............................................................................................................................................... 9 Tunisia ............................................................................................................................................... 10 Good practices from OECD countries ............................................................................................... 11 Chapter 2. Strengthening the formal body responsible for co-ordinating youth policy and inter-ministerial co-ordination ........................................................................................................... 13 Jordan ................................................................................................................................................
  • Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya

    Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya

    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections.
  • 089688/EU XXIV. GP Eingelangt Am 08/08/12

    089688/EU XXIV. GP Eingelangt Am 08/08/12

    089688/EU XXIV. GP Eingelangt am 08/08/12 COUNCIL OF Brussels, 8 August 2012 THE EUROPEAN UNION 13107/12 ADD 1 DEVGEN 229 RELEX 745 ACP 157 COHAFA 106 WTO 285 ONU 106 OCDE 6 COVER NOTE from: Secretary-General of the European Commission, signed by Mr Jordi AYET PUIGARNAU, Director date of receipt: 6 August 2012 to: Mr Uwe CORSEPIUS, Secretary-General of the Council of the European Union No Cion doc.: SWD(2012) 242 final Subject: COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Annual Report 2012 on the European Union's Development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2011 Accompanying the document REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE COUNCIL AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Annual Report 2012 on the European Union's Development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2011 Delegations will find attached Commission document SWD(2012) 242 final. ________________________ Encl.: SWD(2012) 242 final 13107/12 ADD 1 GLF/lk 1 DG C 1 EN EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 6.8.2012 SWD(2012) 242 final COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Annual Report 2012 on the European Union's Development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2011 Accompanying the document REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE COUNCIL AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Annual Report 2012 on the European Union's Development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2011 {COM(2012) 444 final} EN EN Chapter 1 - Delivering on commitments.................................................................................... 5 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 5 1. EU response to world developments in 2011............................................................... 7 2 Leading the way in development policy ...................................................................... 9 2.1 A more strategic approach: the Agenda for Change & the reform of budget support ........
  • Democratic Trajectories in Africa: Unravelling the Impact of Foreign Aid 3

    Democratic Trajectories in Africa: Unravelling the Impact of Foreign Aid 3

    number 7, 2013 Overview When, why and how has foreign aid Democratic Trajectories in facilitated, or hindered, democracy in recipient countries? Focusing on sub- Saharan Africa, this policy brief examines Africa: Unravelling the Impact the impact of foreign aid on supporting transitions from one-party to multi- of Foreign Aid party regimes, preventing democratic breakdown and the erosion of civil liberties, enhancing vertical and horizon- ver the last decade, sub-saharan africa has tal accountability, and enabling competi- experienced impressive economic growth and witnessed the emergence of a tive political party systems. Particular O nascent middle class. Nevertheless, for a number of African governments, foreign attention is given to the trade-offs and aid continues to represent a vital source of finance to provide public goods and complementarities between different services. While aid certainly plays a role in shaping development outcomes in types of foreign aid, namely democracy Africa, this policy brief focuses on its impact on general political governance and assistance and economic development aid. Select policy recommendations are specifically democracy. As highlighted in a declaration at the conclusion of the offered to improve aid effectiveness at 2011 Fourth High-Level Forum of Aid Effectiveness, “promoting human rights, bolstering democratic trajectories democracy, and good governance” are viewed as integral to the efforts of the inter- 1 within the region. national donor community. The relationship between aid and democracy is especially relevant in Africa due to the region’s still high level of aid dependence and its relatively short experi- Written by Danielle Resnick ence with democracy. Official development assistance (ODA) to all of Africa as a © United Nations University, 2013 share of gross national income (GNI) has declined from 6.2 to 4.9 per cent over ISBN 978-92-808-3109-2 the period from 1990 to 2009.
  • Government & Politics Corr

    Government & Politics Corr

    1 CONCEPTUAL AND CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND Augustine Titani Magolowondo INTRODUCTION This book is about Government and politics in Malawi. The diversity of issues that are discussed in the subsequent chapters bears testimony to the complexity of this subject matter. The aim of this first chapter is twofold. First, as you may have probably experienced in our daily discourse, the terms Government and politics are often confused with other key terms such as state and nation. As a starting point, this chapter clarifies these related concepts, which are inherently connected but yet conceptually distinct. Second, the discussion in this chapter aims at providing the context within which politics and Government in Malawi operate. In this regard, I look at both the political history and key socio-economic characteristics of Malawi. Finally, I discuss challenges facing Malawi’s politics and Government today. WHAT IS POLITICS? The concept of politics is as old as Government itself. Aristotle, the Greek philosopher (384–322 BC) argued that ‘man is by nature a political animal’. What was meant is that politics is not only inevitable but also essential to human activity. In other words, wherever there are human beings, politics is unavoidable. However, much as Aristotle’s maxim has become almost indisputable among the students of politics, there is no consensus on what exactly is to be understood by politics. To appreciate the conceptual complexity of politics, let us consider for instance the 2000 constitutional amendment to Section 65 of the Malawi Constitution (popularly called the ‘crossing of the floor’ provision). This amendment was to result in any member of Parliament (MP) losing his/her seat should he/she join 1 GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS IN MALAWI any organisation whose objectives were deemed to be political in nature.
  • 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report

    2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report

    ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Map of Tunisia................................. 4 The Independent High Authority Executive Summary ............................ 5 for Audiovisual Communications .............. 40 Background ................................. 6 Conclusion ................................ 41 Legal Framework ............................ 7 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns ........... 42 Election Management ........................ 7 Campaigning in the First Round Voter Registration ........................... 8 of the Presidential Election .................. 42 Voter Education ............................. 8 Conclusion ................................ 44 Citizen Observation .......................... 8 Campaigning in the Parliamentary Election .... 44 Candidate Registration ....................... 8 Campaigning in the Second Round of the Campaign .................................. 9 Presidential Election ........................ 46 Voting and Counting ........................ 11 Campaign Finance ............................ 47 Tabulation ................................. 12 Social Media Monitoring ...................... 49 Electoral Dispute Resolution ................. 12 Legal Framework ........................... 49 Results .................................... 13 Methodology .............................
  • Panthera Pardus) Range Countries

    Panthera Pardus) Range Countries

    Profiles for Leopard (Panthera pardus) Range Countries Supplemental Document 1 to Jacobson et al. 2016 Profiles for Leopard Range Countries TABLE OF CONTENTS African Leopard (Panthera pardus pardus)...................................................... 4 North Africa .................................................................................................. 5 West Africa ................................................................................................... 6 Central Africa ............................................................................................. 15 East Africa .................................................................................................. 20 Southern Africa ........................................................................................... 26 Arabian Leopard (P. p. nimr) ......................................................................... 36 Persian Leopard (P. p. saxicolor) ................................................................... 42 Indian Leopard (P. p. fusca) ........................................................................... 53 Sri Lankan Leopard (P. p. kotiya) ................................................................... 58 Indochinese Leopard (P. p. delacouri) .......................................................... 60 North Chinese Leopard (P. p. japonensis) ..................................................... 65 Amur Leopard (P. p. orientalis) ..................................................................... 67 Javan Leopard
  • Beyond the Arab Spring: Will Economic and Security Challenges Further Test Tunisia’S Democracy?

    Beyond the Arab Spring: Will Economic and Security Challenges Further Test Tunisia’S Democracy?

    Beyond the Arab Spring: Will economic and security challenges further test Tunisia’s democracy? by Rorisang Lekalake Copyright © Afrobarometer 2017 0 Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 40 | May 2017 Introduction In contrast to sub-Saharan Africa, where many countries experienced political liberalization during the late 1980s and early 1990s (Bratton, 1997), the authoritarian regimes of North Africa were largely able to resist popular demands for transformation by introducing limited, top- down reforms. In Tunisia, there were some improvements to political freedoms after Zine El Abidine Ben Ali took office in 1988 and was elected as president the following year in the country’s first election since 1972 (Abushouk, 2016). This brief period of loosened restrictions was followed, however, by decades of authoritarian repression: “Even in a region that was notorious for its leaders’ disdain for honest government and civil liberties, Tunisia [under Ben Ali] long stood out for the thoroughness of its system of control and repression” (Freedom House, 2012, p. 4). Optimism about the prospects for democratization in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region emerged in 2011 in response to a series of mass anti-government protests known as the Arab Spring. The events led to the overthrow of four authoritarian regimes in rapid succession that year, including Ben Ali’s, but it was soon evident that most regimes would ultimately prove resistant to these demands for reform (Freedom House, 2012). The protest movements have resulted in divergent outcomes, from a full democratic transition in Tunisia to ongoing civil conflicts in Libya and Syria. Although widely considered to be the only unqualified success story of these uprisings, Tunisia’s progress has been accompanied by periods of severe political upheaval and insecurity.
  • Party Politics and the Prospects for Democracy in North Africa

    Party Politics and the Prospects for Democracy in North Africa

    EXCERPTED FROM Party Politics and the Prospects for Democracy in North Africa Lise Storm Copyright © 2014 ISBN: 978-1-58826-958-4 hc 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com Contents Acknowledgments ix 1 Introduction 1 2 Political Parties and Democracy 15 3 Party Politics in Morocco Before the Arab Spring 37 4 Prospects for Democracy in Morocco 63 5 Party Politics in Tunisia Before the Jasmine Revolution 85 6 Prospects for Democracy in Tunisia 111 7 Party Politics in Algeria Before the Arab Spring 133 8 Prospects for Democracy in Algeria 157 9 Prospects for Democracy in North Africa 177 Appendixes A: Legislative Elections in Morocco, 1963–2011 191 B: Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia, 1956–2012 197 C: Legislative and Presidential Elections in Algeria, 1962–2012 201 D: List of Acronyms 207 References 215 Index 235 About the Book 244 vii 1 Introduction This is a book about the Arab world: the Maghreb, to be precise. It is about dynamics of domestic politics and the prospects for democracy in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia—three countries bound together by his - tory and geographic location, yet with very different political experiences. This is also a book about the Arab Spring, of course. How can one talk about politics and democracy in the present day and age, particularly with reference to the Arab world, without discussing the events of the Arab Spring? One of the three cases at the center of my analysis, Tunisia, was the country in which the Arab Spring erupted in late 2010, before it subse - quently spread across the region.
  • The Angolan Revolution, Vol.2, Exile Politics and Guerrilla Warfare (1962-1976)

    The Angolan Revolution, Vol.2, Exile Politics and Guerrilla Warfare (1962-1976)

    The Angolan revolution, Vol.2, Exile Politics and Guerrilla Warfare (1962-1976) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp2b20034 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The Angolan revolution, Vol.2, Exile Politics and Guerrilla Warfare (1962-1976) Author/Creator Marcum, John Publisher Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press (Cambridge) Date 1978 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Angola, Portugal, Congo, Zambia, Congo, the Democratic Republic of the, North Africa (region), Cuba, South Africa, United States, U.S.S.R. Coverage (temporal) 1962 - 1976 Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, 967.3 M322a, v.