California State University, Northridge Haydn's English

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

HAYDN'S ENGLISH CANZONETTAS (1794).

MUSICAL STYLE VS. SOCIAL STRUCTURE

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in

Music

Efrat Stern

May 1987 The Thesis of Efrat Stern is approved:

California State University, Northridge

ii /

To Naftali:

My sternest critic,

My greatest helper.

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ABSTRACT • • • • • • • • • • . . . • • ...... v INTRODUCTION ...... • • • • • • • • 1 CHAPTER

1 • THE COURT PATRONAGE AND ITS DECLINE AT THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY • • • . . 6 2. J. HAYDN'S CAREER: FROM A COURT MUSICIAN TO AN INDEPENDENT COMPOSER 22

3. MUSICAL LIFE IN LATE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND • • • • • • . . . . 34 4. MUSICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ENGLISH CANZONETTAS (1794) •••••• . . . 55 The Mermaid's Song. • • • • • • • • 55 Recollection...... 64

A Pastoral Song • • • • ...... 72 Despair • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 80

Pleasing Pain . . • • . . . . • • • 89 Fidelity. • • • • • • • • • • • • • 96

5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. • • • • • • • • 1 07

NOTES •• . . • • • • • ...... • • 113

BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ••• 127

APPENDIX ••• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 144

iv ABSTRACT

HAYDN'S ENGLISH CANZONETTAS (1794). MUSICAL STYLE VS. SOCIAL STRUCTURE

by Efrat Stern Master of Arts in Music

The present paper analyzes Haydn's English

Canzonettas ( 1794) in the light of the social restruc turing which took place in Europe at the end of the eighteenth century. A combination of historical assess merit and musical analysis was employed for this purpose.

The decline of the court patronage following the French Revolution had a crucial impact on the social status of the European artist and his art. After many generations of servile position in the courtly household, he found himself, for the first time, working in the open market, sponsored by middle class amateurs. Thus, along with his greater personal and artistic liberty, the eman cipated artist was bound to appease a wider and less cul tivated audience.

J. Haydn was among the few artists who lived long enough to experience both court and public patronage.

v Shortly after his release from the court of Esterhaza, he traveled to London, where he composed the English Canzonettas, long overlooked by both performers and scholars. The musical analysis of these songs reveals an unusual blend of two inherently distinct styles: a folk like, undemanding writing, which clearly appeals to the amateur performer, combined with some innovative, uncon ventional "Romantic" traits. This study tests the hypothesis that the canzonettas comprise a unique musical testimony of the gradual emancipation of the European artist following the French Revolution.

vi INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this study is to examine Haydn's

English canzonettas dating from 1794, in the light of the social readjustments which took place in Europe following the French Revolution. As appears from available docu- mentation, music arts and letters were exercised ever since the Middle Ages almost exclusively within aristocratic or ecclesiastical circles. Employment on a free-

1 ance b as1s. was a rar1•t y. 1 Although the arts were considered prestigious social necessities, the artists themselves were viewed merely as skilled servants. Even as late as the eighteenth century artists were still treated by their noble patrons as lowly craftsmen, whose sole function was to glamourize the princely court. The declining wealth, however, of the aristocracy following the French Revolution inevitably resulted in a dwindling of its power for patronage. The artist who had lost his position in the courtly household found a new audience among the middle class, which was rapidly emerging as a culture consumer. This public, hitherto denied an education and access to the arts, obviously consisted mostly of amateurs rather than connoisseurs. This social restructuring cultivated the emergence of an

1 2

individualistic artistic self-conscience. Working in the open market allowed the artist to exercise a greater liberty without fearing for his livelihood. On the other hand, the loss of security provided by a single patron forced the artist to be alert to the demands and expecta tions of his new, less cultivated audience. The personal change which occurred in the life of J. Haydn is discussed in the light of this social upheaval. Haydn experienced both courtly and public patronage. At the age of fifty-nine, after serving for thirty years as a Kappelmeister at the court of the Esterhazys, he enjoyed, for the first time, personal and artistic liberty. Although he neither rebelled against his servile status, nor did he strive for greater independence~ his course of life became the embodiment of the emancipation of the arts and the artist following the French Revolution. While at Esterhaza, Haydn was obliged to compose exclusively for his prince who preserved the right not only to dictate the genres he preferred, but even to determine the medium and the style of the works composed at his court. Haydn yielded humbly and provided, for the most part, pleasant, unadventuresome operas and instru mental music. His instrumental works of the late 1760's and early 1770's (customarily referred to as his "Sturm and Drang" works), however, show a sudden intensifying of the emotional content. These works are characterized by 3 the preference for minor keys, increased contrapuntal textures, unexpected dynamic contrasts, syncopated rhythms, disjunct melodic curves, and unconventional harmonic progressions (e.g. symphonies nos. 26, 39, 44,

45, 47, 49, 52, 54). It is difficult to ascertain whether this expressive outburst stemmed from personal experiences or reflected the spirit of the time. How ever, the abrupt disappearance of this short lived

"Romantic style" is as inexplicable as its sudden appear ance. Robbins Landon has suggested that it was the prince himself who rebelled against this avant-garde experimentation. At any rate, Haydn's works written after 1774 are again remarkably genial. It is noteworthy that these experimental explorations are revived only in the 1790's, after Haydn's dismissal from Esterhaza. Among the works that resulted from this newly acquired freedom is the first set of the English canzonettas composed in London in 1794, long overlooked by both per formers and scholars. Except for some brief and sporadic references, these canzonettas have not been previously studied in detail. This study will test the hypothesis that the English canzonettas of 1794 reflect the transition in Haydn's status from a court musician to an independent artist. A combination of musical analysis and historical assessment of the social trends of Haydn's era will be used for this purpose. 4

The first chapter describes the social status of European artists and philosophers in the courtly service prior to the French Revolution. A special emphasis is placed on the court musician in the Germanic states of the eighteenth century. A discussion of the protracted dissolution of the court patronage and the emancipation of the arts follows. Chapter two first focuses on Haydn's status at Esterhaza. The abrupt change in his life following the death of his prince is then discussed, in light of the concurrent social reforms. Chapter three describes the musical climate in London of the late eighteenth century, which provided a favorable background for the composition of the English Canzonettas. Chapter four presents a poetic musical analysis of these songs. Each song was analyzed according to the following categories: Overall structure. The harmonic palette. The harmonic rhythm. Motivic construction. Unifying devices. The vocal melody. The piano accompaniment. Text-music relationship. 2 Finally, the fifth chapter summarizes the results of the musical analysis and presents conclusions regarding 5 the social and aesthetic significance of this set of can zonettas. CHAPTER ONE

THE COURT PATRONAGE AND ITS DECLINE AT THE 18TH CENTURY

The Social Status of The European Artist In the Courtly Service

Court patronage flourished in a society which con- centrated wealth and power in the hands of privileged

individuals. This elitist minority, leading a life of

little but leisure and luxury, was separated by a deep chasm from the lower classes. The patron spent most of

the year at his courtly estates in the country, moving to the metropolis for the winter. Musical entertainment

helped to enliven the monotony of his life in the remote

castle, and to glamourize the winter season in the city. 3 Aristocratic musical events were, as a rule, inaccessible for the public until the late eighteenth century. 4

Although arts and letters were considered social necessities, serving as highly prestigious ornaments for

the nobility, their representatives enjoyed a very low social esteem. 5 Michelangelo' s servant and biographer

Condivi reports that his master's family regarded it as

shameful that one of them had chosen to become an artist, and that the boy was cruelly beaten by his father in a

6 7

vain attempt to break his spirit. 6 Even an enlightened writer such as Diderot claimed that only children of poor families were allowed to become artists. 7 "It was safer not to have ideas during the period of patronage" [says Charles Hughes] "unless they coincide exactly with those .,8 o f th e pa t ron ••• A typical example is the case of the German publicist and law scholar Johann Jacob Moser (1701-1785), who, following some differences of opinion with his duke, found himself in a dungeon for a period of five years. 9 Rarely did an artist, prior to the nineteenth century, deliberately step outside the pale of society and try to shock by an extravagant behavior, opinion or appearance, those on whose bounty he had to . 10 1 ~ve. Between the early Renaissance and the Romantic era, with only a few exceptions, 11 we find a long period of conformity. The "ivory tower" was built only in the nineteenth century, and was inhabited by an artist who could be 12 "either above or beneath society, but not part of it." Neither Haydn nor Mozart viewed themselves as a new kind of composer, a specialist working outside the traditional system of patronage. It was Beethoven who, rather late in his life, became the embodiment of the independent composer, subject to no law but that of his own inspira- tion, and determined to satisfy neither the church nor the noble patron, but himself. In a letter from November 8

1808 he presented what he believed were conditions opti- mal for artistic creativity: The aim and endeavor of every true artist must be to acquire a position in which he can occupy him self exclusively with the accomplishment of great works, undisturbed by other avocations or by consi derations of economy. A composer, therefore, can have no more ardent wish than to devote himself wholly to the creation of w~3ks of importance, to be produced before the public.

The Court Musician in the Germanic States14 of the Eighteenth Century

In his Verzeichnis Jetztlebender Komponisten in Deutschland, Johann Forkel15 reports of over three hundred and forty court composers employed in the Germanic states of 1784.16 The nature of the bond between the musician and the patron could range from a single performance to a lifetime of musical service. The account of Di tters von Di ttersdorf of his master's practice to hire new musicians for his court, can serve as an authen- tic testimony: Whenever any virtuoso, singer or player, came to Vienna, and deservedly succeeded in winning the applause of the public, Bonne [the Kapellmeister] was ordered to ffrange the terms, and to secure him for the prince. Many of the royal patrons were enthusiastic amateur musicians: Frederick the Great played the flute; Prince Paul Anton Esterhazy played the violin, the flute and the lute; Karl VI, Ferdinand III, Joseph I and Leopold I--all . 18 compose d sacre d mus1c. Naturally the musical climate in their courts was dependent entirely upon their per- 9

sonal taste and education. Frederick the Great, who "ruled musical life at the court with an iron hand and military discipline, .. 19 was known for his conservative musical taste and his intense love for Italian opera. He, therefore, staffed his opera house at Berlin almost exclusively with Italian singers, and insisted rigorously that his composers would write Italian music in the idiom of the past. 20 The King's favorite composer was Johann Joachim Quantz (1697-1773), whose music was described by Burney as reflecting "the taste of forty years ago. " 21 No wonder that while c. F. Graun was paid for his Ital- ianate music an annual salary of two thousand Thaler, C.P.E. Bach, whose expressive Empfindsamer Stil did not appeal to the ruler, earned only 300-500 Thaler yearly, 22 and eventually sought employment elsewhere. 23 Not only did the patron's taste dictate the style of a composer, but both genre and medium were often determined by his preferences or financial resources. Thus Mannheim had not cultivated any distinguished opera house, since the Elector Carl Theodore favored orchestral music. J. S. Bach in Weimar was expected to write nothing but church music, while in the Calvinist court at Coethen, he was asked to provide mainly chamber music. At the court of his first employer, Baron von Fuernberg, J. Haydn was ordered to write only string quartets, whereas at the wealthy court of Esterhaza he wrote twelve operas. 24 When questioned about the absence of quintets 10

in his output, he simply replied: "Nobody has ordered any."25

Nevertheless despite the variety of personal prefer ences, most German rulers in the eighteenth century maintained an opera house. 26 Aside from providing a fashionable social entertainment, this "emblem of exclus ive aristocratic art"27 was designed to nourish the elector's appetite for grandeur and lavishness. The opera houses of Hamburg, Stuttgart, Dresden and Berlin all com peted among themselves with the splendour of their build ings and the fame of their performers. 28 Carl Eugen, the Duke of Wuerttemberg, spent more than a third of his own income, and over a tenth of the entire revenue of the state on the theater he built in his palace at Ludwigsburg. This, however, did not prevent him from destroying the building immediately after its completion, simply because the acoustics were unsatisfactory. 29 The musician, who made all this extravagant musical happening possible, was considered no more than a skilled servant. In fact gardeners, gamekeepers, butlers and cooks were often hired for an aristocratic household 30 "with an eye to their musical abilities. n A typical advertisement in the Wiener Zeitung of 1789 stated: "Wanted by nobleman a servant who plays the violin well and is able to accompany difficult piano sonatas."31 In a letter from 1781, w. A. Mozart bitterly described the seat assigned to him at the table in the court of the 11

Archbishop of Salzburg, as reflecting his inferior status

II at this household: • • • the two valets sit at the top of the table, but at least • • my insignificant self 32 . . . have the honour of being placed above the cooks." Commissions came in large numbers, and composers responded with a voluminous output. A whole dozen commissioned concerti or sonatas was not unusual. The amazing prolificacy of some court composers can only be understood in light of these frequent commissions on a regular basis: G. Ph. Telemann (1681-1764) wrote, among other works, 181 concerti; 33 c. H. Graun (1703-1759) wrote ninety six symphonies; 34 Ignaz Holzhauer (1711- 1783) wrote some seventy symphonies and twenty two masses. 35 "The dignity of a noble house demanded a library well stocked with musical works of noted com posers."36

The Kapellmeister was ranked somewhat higher than the court musician, although the conditions of his service had not changed since the Renaissance. Routine duties often constituted a treadmill of stale and sterile conventions. Not only was he expected to compose and supervise the music of the Kapelle, but also to see to the good disposition of his subordinates: their moral conduct, physical appearance, good manners and profes sional devotion. 37 Although his social status was, for the conditions of the time, not particularly lowly, "he could never rank with Italian Prima Donnas or Castrati 12 singers."38 J. s. Bach's position at Coethen was salaried not higher than that of the Hofmarschall. 39 The annual wage of his son c. P. Emanuel ranged between 300 to 500 Thaler, while Italian singers at that time were paid up to 4750 Thaler. 40 While the rulers were reluctant to deny themselves any worldly pleasure, the payment of their musicians was almost customarily delayed, sometimes for years. The court violinist Augustin Uhling wrote in November 1733 that he had performed sacred music with the Catholic Church Orchestra of Weimar for fifteen years, the first 41 four without pay. Not infrequently did the ruler rid himself of the accumulated debts to the court musicians by abruptly and arbitrarily dismissing them, obviously without any pension. The heirs of the court Kapell- meister Johann Philipp Krieger who died in Weissenfels in 1725, were still owed no less than 2,885 Thaler in back pay, belonging to their deceased father. 42 The pitiful conditions of German musicians in these days are clearly documented in a letter written in November 1733 by Jan Dismas Zelenka to the Elector of Krakow. The composer requested that the post of a Kapellmeister, vacated by the death of Johann David Heinrich, be given to him, and that the salary would be awarded "in one installment." This letter, ending with the plea: "At the feet of your most revered Royal Majesty bows your most humble servant in deepest submission, because he is in dire need" - was 13

answered, three months later, in the words: "Should be patient. Krakow, February 12, 1734." 43 This phrase -

"should be patient" - and similar, such as - "to be set aside because funds already disposed of" - occurred with tiresome regularity in response to composers' requests for their promised financial rewards. The helplessness of the middle class and their exclusion from any kind of political activity led to a passive mentality which affected the whole cultural life of the time. Hauser comments: "Out of their lack of external freedom and their involuntary passivity, they developed the idea of inward freedom and of sovereignty of the spirit over the common empirical reality."44 However the financial insecurity and the notion that the feudal system had become shaky, led a growing number of composers to consider exchanging court service for municipal position. G. F. Telemann's departure from the court of Eisenach in 1739, heading to the free imperial 45 city of Frankfurt, can serve as a typical example. "He who wishes to live in all security" [he declared] "should live in a Republic."46 In his Musicalischen Vortrage from 1719, the com poser Johann Beer (1665-1710) bluntly describes "the advantages Republic offers over Court, in Holding on to Good Musicians": While it is easier to adjust to one master than to many, so, on the other hand, it is easier to fall out of favor with one than many •••• 14

• • • With the court it is one day here, the next day off someplace else. There is no difference between day and night. Today one must perform at church, tomorrow at dinner, in the next day at the theater. In comparison to this, things are a little calmer in the cities ••••

[At court] ••• the better he [the musician] is, the more he is required to remain in the post which he was originally hired. They pluck the feather~ from his wings, so that he may not soar higher. 7

The Rise Of The Middle Class As Culture Consumers

The social agitation which preceded the French

Revolution was not restricted to France itself. The humanistic ideas voiced by Montesquieu, Voltaire and

Rousseau infiltrated the intellectual life of the late eighteenth century throcighout the entire Continent, and became the backbone of the Enlightenment. The belief in the dignity of the individual regardless of birth; the ideas of moral responsibility of both ruler and ruled, and the outspoken demands for secularization of the educational system, all became increasingly reflected not only in the European literature but in the art and music 48 of that time as we11. Some examples are: Mozart's Die

Entfuehrung aus dem Serail (1782), Le Nozze di Figaro

(1786), and Die Zauberfloete ( 1 791 ) ; the satirical writings of John Gay, e.g., The Shepherd's Week (1714) and The Art of Walking the Streets of London (1716) as well as his Beggar's Opera (1728); Jonathan Swift's The

Travels of Lemuel Gulliver (1726); the comedies of Caron 15

de Beaumarchais: The Barber of Seville ( 1775) and The Marriage of Figaro (1783). These newly proclaimed beliefs were wholeheartedly endorsed by some fraternal organizations, notably the Freemasons, which counted among its most ardent members rulers, artists, philosophers and men of letters such as: Frederick the Great, Goethe, Lessing, Leopold and Wolfgang Mozart and J. Haydn. 49 While the philosophers stressed the importance of liberty, asserting that the government depends on the consent of the governed, Europe was still ruled by absolute rulers who believed in their divine rights. There were all-powerful kings in France, Spain, Portugal, Prussia, Sweden and Denmark; there were emperors in Austria and · Turkey, and petty, but equally absolutist rulers in the little Germanic and Italian states. 50 In spite of the pleas for equality, a rigid class distinction still prevailed. The political system of the time seemed to lag a full generation behind the prophetic thinkers. Nevertheless, alarmed by the turbulent events in France, some rulers tended to show greater sensitivity to the needs of the middle class. 51 Frederick the Great in Prussia and Empress Maria Theresa and her son Joseph II in Austria, were among the most liberal of the benevo- lent despots. They endeavored to decrease religious oppression, to improve the school system, and, to an 16

extent, to endow the middle class with increasing freedom of inquiry and creativity. 52 Thus, while the imperial courts were still setting the social standards, the middle class started claiming an increasing influence in the formation of cultural life. We may call the enlightenment the political elementary school of the modern middle class, with out which, the part it has played in the cultural history of the last t!~ centuries would be incon ceivable [says Hauser]. Propagation of knowledge, dominated so far almost exclusively by the clergy, was regarded by the leaders of the Enlightenment as an essential means for man's better ment.54 The discoveries of Newton in physics, Leibniz in engineering, Volta in electricity and many others, were not only exchanged among scientific academies, but also reached the educated middle class through newly founded . 55 journals, museums and o b serva t or1es. The great Encyclopedie, published by Diderot and d'Alembert in 1751-1777 aimed at acquainting the public with the . 56 resu lt s o f mo d ern sc1ence. In his essay "The Uses of The Spectator," Joseph Addison (1672-1719) expressed his intention to bring philosophy and culture to the reading public in an understandable and applicable manner: • • I have brought philosophy out of the closets, libraries, schools and colleges, to dwell in clubs and asse~~lies, at tea-tables and in coffee-houses •••• 17

This flow of knowledge "from the closet to the club," obviously resulted in the emergence of a growing number of culture consumers. An acquaintance with the treasures of culture had, thus, spread far beyond a limited circle of fastidious connoisseurs. An enormous, newly educated public, eager to experience what art and artists had to offer, was being formed. 58

The starting point of the modern literary world is exemplified by the regular appearance of newspapers, books and periodicals. 59 The public concert on a pro fitable basis was another eighteenth century invention.

Sporadic attempts to establish such concerts had already been made in England of the seventeenth century by John Banister ( 1630-1679} and others. 60 However the first extensive organization of public concerts was founded in Paris in 1725 under the name Concerts Spirituels. Following the French model, Austria and Germany witnessed during the next decades the establishment of the

Tonkuenstler Societaet in Vienna (1775} and the Liebhaberkonzerte in Leipzig (1763}. 61 Increasingly large theaters were built to accommodate an increasing audience for spectacles and concerts. 62 Towards the middle of the century almost every town, castle, univer sity and church had its own orchestra. 63 The production of music intended for domestic amateur performance became a veritable industry. 64 Composers who formerly addressed themselves almost exclusively to noble or ecclesiastical 18

patrons, turned now to the Kenner und Liebhaber. A per iodical named der Musikalische Dilettante appeared in Vienna in 1769. 65 With the rapidly increasing influence of the dilettante and the dissemination of music among the middle class homes, piano playing became a social requisite, similar to the popularity of the lute during the Renaissance. The extensive printing of piano reduc tions of operas, oratorios and Singspiele, as well as the immense output of songs with simple accompaniment or no accompaniment at all (e.g., the sentimental ballade and romance), were all destined for amateur circles.66 Music was no longer conceived as the privilege of an isolated elite. 67

. The Composer In The Open Market

The social reforms in European society following the

French Revolution inevitably provided the thus-far sub dued middle class with increasing wealth, and conse quently increasing political and cultural strength. The aristocratic patron who had just lost the feudal taxes, was no longer capable of supporting a musical establishment. Thus the nouveaux riches bankers and merchants gradually substituted the courts as sponsors of the arts and the public, through the institution of public con certs with paid admission, became the most important patron. The decline of the court patronage is clearly exemplified by the fate of Prince Lobkowitz: while in 19

1803 he supported the orchestra which played Beethoven's

Eroica, nine years later he found himself merely as an active member of the Viennese Gesellschaft fuer Musikfreunde. 68 Evidently aristocratic patronage did not vanish completely during Beethoven's lifetime. Only the lesser aristocracy lost its power of patronage whereas the greater nobility continued to employ composers throughout the nineteenth century. Weber, Spohr, Wagner, Brahms, R. Straus and Reger, all continued to write for court com missions, at least in part, though none of them was exclusively committed to a single royal patron. 69

However freedom, when attained, proved to be only an ambiguous blessing, and the market was often more capri cious and demanding than some art-loving patrons. The political readjustments at the turn of the eighteenth century and the declining wealth of the aristocracy, forced the composer to search for a different social function. The concert organizations no longer sought the all-embracing-Kapellmeister-type musician, who would be able to provide music in every required genre, style or medium. Since most music at that time was addressed to the general public, gathered in large concert halls with large orchestras, a need evolved for an efficient admini strator and executant musician, whose creative abilities seemed to be of a secondary significance. Many composers, such as Spohr, Weber, Chopin and others, 20

responded to the new demands by developing careers as instrumental soloists or conductors. Those who failed to develop a performer's virtuosity, relying solely on composition (e.g., F. Schubert), faced extreme difficulties earn1ng. the1r . 1'1v1ng. . 70 Whereas court sponsorship employed musicians on a regular and continual basist the well-to-do citizens com missioned only single works occasionally. 71 Moreover, the newly emancipated composer was no longer writing for performers whose limitations he knew, or for patrons with familiar expectations. Publicity, thus, became a vital means for survival in an open market. Increased ease of travel, improved mail facilities, a prodigious progress of music printing and the enhanced speed of international communication, all facilitated the composer's readjust ment to the growing demands of the new market. 72 Musicians diversified the functions of their profession in many areas, such as management and promotion of concerts, publication, teaching and control of performing halls. They became independent operators in the open commercial market, functioning similarly to industrial entrepreneurs in the manufacturing field. 73 Left without the security of a stable audience or a committed patron, the newly liberated composer most probably longed, at times, for the sheltering boundaries of the Old Regime. "It is very much to be doubted" [says

Cuthbert Hadden] "whether a careful investigation would 21

show that man's best work was done with the wolf at the door."74 Franz Liszt's letter from 1857 seemed to con- firm this assumption: The pressure of custom and the bonds of the artist who is dependent upon the applause of the multitudes for his existence, advancement and repu tation, are so strong, that even the most courageous and well-intentioned, among whom I am proud to include myself, have a most difficult time preserv ing the individual self befo~ the confused, unpre dictable and prurient masses. The public proved to be no more grateful than the royal patron; however while servitude was often reward- ing, freedom was always risky. CHAPTER TWO

J. HAYDN'S CAREER: FROM A COURT MUSICIAN TO AN INDEPENDENT COMPOSER

Haydn experienced both court and public patronage. After a decade as a free-lance musician76 he spent thirty years in the Esterhazy court. It was only towards the end of his life that he witnessed the gradual decline of the political and cultural absolutism. After his master's death, at the age of fifty nine, he was dismissed from Esterhaza and was for the first time free to travel and compose at his own pace, and for patrons of his own choice. 77 Mozart died two years after the French monarchy was overthrown, and hardly enjoyed the new advantages slowly becoming available to creative artists. Haydn, luckily, could still profit from the new social order in Europe at the turn of the century. Thus, although he had neither striven nor struggled for greater independence, his course of life became the example of the emancipation of the arts and the artist after the French Revolution. 78 The Esterhazys stood at the top of a powerful Hungarian nobility. They were the oldest and the wealthiest rulers of the country, and held the longest

22 23

record of zeal in the promotion of music and the fine arts. Haydn's first employer was Prince Paul Anton, who held a veritable court in Eisenstadt, like a small-scale sovere1.gn.. 79 On May 1, 1761 he signed a contract appointing "Er, der Haydn" (an expression used to address socially inferior persons) 80 as a Vice Kapellmeister. 81 Some excerpts from this document shed light on the servile status of the eighteenth-century composer in the princely household. The said Joseph Heyden [sic] shall be considered and treated as a house officer. There fore His Serene Highness is graciously pleased to place confidence in his conducting himself as becomes an honorable officer of a princely court. He must be temperate, not showing himself over bearing toward his musicians, but mild and lenient, straightforward and composed. • When the orchestra shall be summoned to perform before company, the Vice-Kapellmeister and all the musi cians shall appear in uniform, • and • • • in white stockings, white linen, powdered, and either with pigtail or hairbag •••• • The said Vice-Kapellmeister shall be under obligation to compose such music as His Serene Highness may command, and neither to communicate such compositions to any other person, nor to allow them to be copied, but he shall retain them for the exclusive use of His Highness, and not compose for any other persons without the knowledge and gracious permission of His Highness. • • The said Vice-Kapellmeister shall take careful charge of all music and musical instruments, and be responsible for any injury that may occur to them from carelessness or neglect. • • • as the said Vice-Kapellmeister is profi cient on various instruments, he shall take care himself to practice on all those with which he is 'acquainted. 24

• • • if at the conclusion of this term the said Joseph Heyden shall desire to leave the service, he shall give His Highness six months' previous notice of his intention •

• • • This, however, must not be understood to deprive His Serene Highness of the right S~ dismiss the said Joseph Heyden at all times ••••

It would be entirely erroneous to judge such regulations by the standards of our time. What might seem intoler- ably offensive for a twentieth-century artist was probably considered by Haydn himself--at least at that time--a matter of course. To await the commands of such a noble patron and to be rewarded by an assured income and a comfortable house, was by no means humiliating for a young composer who had previously known years of ceaseless toil, homelessness and poverty. His family probably felt much the same, as evidenced by Griesinger's comment:

Haydn's father ••• had the pleasure of seeing his son in the uniform of that family, blue, trimmed with gold, and of hearing from afhe Prince many eulogies of the talent of his son.

Haydn's brother, Michael, who served as a musical director and concert master for the Archbishop of

Salzburg, often expressed jealousy of Joseph's prestigious position: "Give me an encouraging hand like that lent to my brother," [he said] "and I will not fail behind him."84

In March 1762, one year after the contract had been signed, Prince Paul Anton died, and Haydn "was handed [to his brother] as though he had been a favorite horse • .,as

Prince Nikolaus Esterhazy (who was nicknamed "the magni- 25

ficent," due to his love for splendor and display), sur- passed his predecessor in his passion for music and his Medicean dream of cultivating a cultural center in his court. In a deliberate attempt to rival the palace of Versailles on Hungarian soil, he converted his modest hunting lodge at Esterhaza, "the unhealthiest locality in 86 • • his domain, " into an astonishingly luxurious 1vory. pa 1 ace. 87 Although originally planned as a summer resort, Esterhaza soon became the Prince's residence for the greater part of the year. Surrounded by an army of servants and artists, he became increasingly attached to his new palace, and gradually lost his habit of dividing the year between Vienna and Esterhaza. According to Dies, the story of Haydn's Farewell Symphony (in which one instrument after the other ceases to play), is the musical proof of these long seasons, which became intolerable to the musicians. 88 Haydn's writings from this period reveal no sign of bitterness; they are rather saturated with a spirit of gratefulness and appreciation: My Prince was content with all my works [he told Griesinger], I received approval; I could, as head of an orchestra make experiments, observe what enhanced an effect, and what weakened it, thus improving, adding to, cutting away, and running risks. I was set apart from the world, there was nobody in my vicinity to confuse an

Although he was not allowed to leave the castle without the consent of the Prince, and could hardly keep pace with the frequent commissions, Haydn seemed to be entirely aware of the tremendous advantages offered to him as a young and relatively unexperienced musician. Unlike Mozart, who rebelled against his inferior status, Haydn, at that time, was willing to endure the monotony, isolation, heavy work and petty personal frictions, as inescapable. In his autobiographical sketch from 1776 he wrote: "[I serve as] Kapellmeister of his highness Prince Esterhazy, in whose service I wish to live and die."90 However his stay at Esterhaza did not completely isolate him from external influences. Troupes of Viennese performers, as well as Haydn's own travels to Vienna during the winters, exposed him to the prevailing social and artistic tendencies. We do not have any documents that reflect Haydn's reaction to the political events in France. 91 Presumably a growing awareness of contemporary humanitarian ideologies led to his decision to join the Freemasons in Vienna in December 1784. 92 Some of Haydn's songs, e.g. Zur wahren Eintracht, were dedicated for Masonic rituals. 93 Whereas the reason for Haydn's diminishing Masonic activity remains unknown, 94 still some of his later works, notably The Creation (1798) and The Seasons (1801), reflect a search for 27

musical symbolism, based on the Masonic idea of a man- . 95 cen t ered un1verse. Traces of the spirit of time are also evident in Haydn's instrumental works of the late 1760's and early 1770's. A tendency towards intensifying the emotional content, already noticeable in his earlier pieces, became even more prominent in these later works. These compositions, customarily referred to as Haydn's Sturm und Drang works, are characterized by several technical devices, reflecting this trend, such as: the preference for minor keys (e.g., Symphonies nos. 26, 39, 44, 45, 49 and 52) ; increased use of contrapuntal textures (e.g. , Symphonies nos. 44/II, 47/III and Quartets op. 20, nos. 2/III, 5/III, 6/III); 96 unexpected dynamic contrasts (e.g., Trauer Symphony - no. 44/I); syncopated rhythmic schemes (e.g., Symphonies nos. 26/I, 45/I); disjunct melodic motion (e.g., Symphonies nos. 52/I, 39/IV, 49/II, 52/I); and unconventional harmonic progressions (e.g., Symphonies nos. 45/II, 52/I, 54/II). 97 This nervous forcefulness collided violently with the joyous vitality of Haydn's previous style. 98 His music at [that] time [says Landon], often reached an acid bitterness and a depth of despair, only approached by certain songs of Schubert and later pieces by Mozart •••• [This] music gives the impression of being driven by a force which 99 considers beauty per se a secondary feature. If this experimental phase was affected by the literary Sturm und Orang movement, which culminated in Europe 28

around 1772, it was probably an entirely unconscious attunement to the spirit of the times, since as far as we know Haydn seldom read a book and his library consisted mainly of technical musical treatises. Carpani, the Italian translator of the Creation, who knew Haydn in person, called him an "illustrious idiot" regarding any knowledge other than music. 100 Moreover, there is nothing in Haydn's known biography to explain this sudden upsurge of tragic feeling. II • it seems more likely that the compositions of this time are the reflection of some inner disturbances, of which we can only perceive . • 1 01 the result and not the cause,' says Landon.

~~According to Larsen, Haydn was "on the way of becom 1 ing a sort of Beethoven. " 02 However the works written after 1774 display an abrupt change of mood and means:~~

-they become remarkably unadventurous harmonically, restricted in the range of tonalities they explore, and generally lacking the energy and the drive of the Sturm und Drang compositions. For example the piano sonatas nos. 21-26, printed in 1774 with a dedication to Prince Nicolaus, are again genially pleasing and seem to appeal to the Liebhaber rather than to the Kenner. 103 The disappearance of this short-lived passionate outburst is no less enigmatic than its sudden appearance. Haydn's personal writings are completely silent in this respect. Robbins Landon suggests that it was Prince

~~Nicolaus Esterhazy, reluctant to be disturbed by Haydn's 29~~

growing modernity, who rebelled, and simply put an end to this artistic adventure.104 Not all patrons were tyrants, and it was pos sible to find room for maneuver within the system of patronage [says Peter Gay] •••• A patron with good taste and sufficient funds could initiate an aesthe tic revolution; 55 could, quite literally, afford to be adventurous. 1 If Landon's suspicions are correct, Nicolaus Esterhazy, just like Frederick the Great in his time, was not flex- ible enough to allow such avant-garde explorations in his very own court.

Presumably Haydn yielded humbly to his patron's pressure, and was once again providing cheerful and restrained music. However many comments in his letters reflect a growing sense of restlessness and dissatisfac- tion. In a letter to Mrs. Genzinger he wrote:

• • Again I find that I am forced to remain here. Your Grace can imagine how much I lose by having to do so. It really is sad always to be a slave, but Providence wills it so. I'm a poor creature! always plagued by hard wofl) very few hours of recreation, and friends? • • • 6 In another outburst of misery he said, • • • Here I sit in my wilderness--forsaken- like a poor waif--almost without any human society ••• melancholy! ••• I found everything at home in confusion, and for three days I didn't know if I was Kapell-master or Kapell-servant. Nothing could console me, my whole house was in confusion, my pianoforte which I usually love so much was perverse and disobedient, it irritated rather than calmed me, I could only slTO~ very little, even my dream perse cuted me •••• Behind the delicate Rococo facade of Esterhaza [says Landon] were starving peasants and roving wolves. Behind the facade of Haydn' fo~legant and wiry music, lay another kind of demon. 30

We do not know whether the Prince was aware of his composer's growing bitterness; however in 1779 a second contract, under greatly improved terms, was offered to Haydn. Not only the rather offensive wording of the old contract, but also some of the old provisions were omitted or modified: The original salary of 400 florins was increased to 732; the fourteen stipulations were reduced to six; the Prince could no longer dismiss Haydn unilaterally, and a mutual obligation to give three months notice was established. Most significant, however, was the omission of the old clause assigning all of Haydn's rights of authorship over to his employer. 109 Whether the new contract reflected personal differences between the two royal brothers, or a growing appreciation of Haydn's professional achievements, is unresolved. It certainly demonstrates the Prince's awareness of the impending change in the social status of the composer. As soon as Haydn was released from the obligation to compose solely for the Prince, writing for publishers and other. patrons became a decisive factor in his creative activity. From the early 1780's most of his works were composed for publishers in Vienna, Paris and London. Many of these pieces were undoubtedly performed at Esterhaza too, but they were no longer the prince's exclusive property. It is noteworthy that among those foreign commissions we find two of Haydn's most irregular works of this period; the six Paris Symphonies and 31

Seven Last Words Of Our Saviour On The Cross, which demonstrate a remarkable diversion of form and expres . 110 Sl.On. In the 1780's, Haydn's reputation was secured throughout the entire Continent, from Spain to Scandi navia,111 and was called the "Gellert of Music."112 Haydn was quite aware of his steadily growing popularity outside Esterhaza: "I have been fortunate enough to please almost all nations," he proudly wrote in his autobiographical sketch. 113 However notwithstanding his growing fame, he was still dependent on every whim of his employer. After thirty years, toiling monotonously for the same performers and the same narrowly restricted audience became gradually less challenging. "He, who takes up the study of art, should flee the company of men," said Vasari. 114 However Haydn's seclusion from the world, which initially led to a flow of productivity and originality, seemed to induce a deep melancholy in his later years. The enforced isolation and the uneventful life at the court proved to have a paralyzing effect on his creative power. Haydn outgrew Esterhaza. On September 28, 1790 Prince Nicolaus Esterhazy died. Fortunately for Haydn and the history of music, his successor, Prince Anton, did not share his father's interest in the arts, and was quick to dismiss his court 115 musicians. Haydn embraced the opportunity to rush to Vienna, where he was almost immediately showered with 32 offers: the first invitation came from Prince Anton Grassalkovics who offered him a position as court com poser. An even more tempting offer came from Ferdinand IV, King of Naples, who invi ted Haydn to join him in Italy. 116 Although Haydn had cherished for many years the dream of traveling to Italy, 11 7 he was unable to resist the third invitation which came from a stranger, who appeared unexpectedly in his office, introducing himself as "Salomon of London."118 Johann Peter Salomon ( 1745-1815) immigrated to England from Bonn in 1781. He became celebrated in London as a violinist, composer, and later, as a successful impresario of subscription concerts. In 1790 he visited the Continent, intending to hire Italian singers for his concerts. The news about the death of Prince Nicolaus Esterhazy reached him on his way to Italy. Being an ardent admirer of Haydn, Salomon promptly reversed his route and went straight to Vienna. 119 Salomon was not the first Englishman who tried to hire Haydn. Ever since 1782, when Lord Abingdon endeav oured to persuade Haydn to direct the Professional Con certs,120 English impresarios had been unsuccessfully trying to get the composer to London. 121 The arrival or non-arrival of Haydn had become an annual topic in the English press since the early 1780's. The Morning Herald of November 1782 announced: "The Shakespeare of musical 33

composition is hourly expected."122 It was Salomon who finally succeeded to bring Haydn to the country "for which his music seemed to be made.•~ 123 This was generally considered to be Salomon's greatest achievement, as the remark on his tomb at Westminster Abbey can testify: "He brought Haydn to England in 1791 and 1794," it says. 124 Despite his utter ignorance of English,125 and the enormous effort such a long trip meant in those days, Haydn followed Salomon to England. Apparently service at a court of a Viennese Prince or an Italian King seemed much less attractive for a composer who had just been freed from thirty years of courtly servitude. Prospects of liberty seemed to outweigh the obvious hazards of the trip. On December 15, 1790, Haydn and Salomon set forth on their journey to London. English society, as Haydn was about to find out, was, nevertheless, utterly different from that of the Austro-Hungarian countries, in which his position as a renowned composer had first been established. It is doubtful [says Charles Hughes] whether a musician ever made a more abrupt transition from the past to the present. It is doubtful, too, whether Haydn fully realized the width of th~~p which he crossed, when he set sail for England. CHAPTER THREE

~~MUSICAL LIFE IN LATE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND~~

~~London - The Musical Center of Northwestern Europe~~

The period following Purcell's death has long been regarded as the "Dark Ages" of English music. 127 His- torians often referred to England of the eighteenth century as a musical wasteland, or, as the Germans 128 contemptuously named it, "Das Land ohne Musik." Although Britain took a long time to produce her next great native composer, musical life in England of the eighteenth century, nevertheless, exhibited an almost unparalleled variety and vitality. Social, political and economical factors contributed to the position of London as a major musical metropolis of the late eighteenth century. England's social structure played an important role in the development of concert life in this period. William Weber has pointed out some differences in the development of class structure in London, Paris and Vienna that affected the musical life in the three cities.129 Formal concerts developed in Vienna only toward the 1780's since the city emerged as a major capital only in the middle of the

~~34 35~~

century. Consequently, the eighteenth century nobility had not yet built up the same large capital city social life that the English and French aristocracies had maintained since the late seventeenth century. Addition- ally, the Viennese middle class was not as wealthy and sophisticated as that of the other two cities. Musical life for both the aristocracy and the middle class in Vienna centered, therefore, around informal private gath- erings of amateur performances. In pre-revolutionary Paris, on the other hand, the Royal House maintained tight control over all artistic institutions as a means of limiting the power of the aristocracy. Musical activities were severely restricted and censored, in an attempt to prevent an independent musical world from emerging. 130 By contrast, in England, the state and the aristocracy succeeded in establishing a mutually respectful working relationship. Although revolutionary thoughts from France penetrated gradually, ••• there was never a serious doubt in man's mind that the monarchy and the system would sur vive. • • • Though possessing almost unlimited power, the English aristocracy never attempted to make itself a rigid caste; • • • they enjoyed life and seldom stood deliberately in the way of others doing the same; they were popular, they took part in the nation's amusements and mixed freely with their neighbours. • • • They governed England without a police force, without a Bastille, and virtually without a C?ffl Service, by sheer assurance and personality. The nobility acknowledged the central authority of the state, and the Crown, in return, allowed it to develop 36

autonomic cultural life. Consequently this class shifted its main social life from its estates to London during the spring, where it developed wide-ranging artistic activities. The rich London middle class, though not directly involved in organizing concerts, exercised a significant indirect influence, by simply buying the 132 t l.C. k e t s an d the mus1.c.. No wonder that many French employed musicians, who were forced to flee their country during the revolutionary period (being closely connected to the Royal establishment), found in London a favourable atmosphere for an active musical life. These included the pianist J. L. Dussek, the violinist G. B. Viotti, and others. England's position as the leader in the Indus- trial Revolution had also made her enormously prosper- 133 ous. The formation of wealthy social strata enabled London to buy the services of popular virtuosos from the entire Continent. It also made it possible for these artists to demand substantial fees for their services, as performers, teachers, or managers of musical events. During his four concert seasons in London, Haydn is reported to have earned a total of 24,000 Gulden--about , 134 four times his annual income from Prince Esterhazy. Oxford's weekly newspaper of 1 791 expressed the atmosphere in these words: "Italian Singers - German Music - French Dancers - Swiss Servants - and Spanish Painters - are the fashionable things this winter."135 37

~~Foreign Musicians in Eighteenth Century London~~

Thus, London, "the paradise of musicians,"136 was a gathering place for many Continental composers and performers. Some of the more prominent among these were John Christopher Pepusch (who arrived about 1770), George Friedrich Handel (1710), Carl Friedrich Abel (1759), Johann Christian Bach (1762), Wilhelm Cramer (1772), Muzio Clementi ( 1773), John Peter Salomon ( 1781), Jan Ladislav Dussek (1789), G. B. Vietti (1792), and, for two brief periods, Joseph Haydn (1791-2, 1794-5). Not unexpectedly, the presence of so many foreign musicians in town raised a pronounced antagonism from the native composers, who seemed to feel that imported forces were favoured, regardless of their personal or professional qualities. This preference of the Continental artist is exemplified by a critique to the performance of one English violinist, published in a London newspaper: Hindmarsh performed a concerto on the violin in a very capital style, exhibiting great taste and execution. If this performer had been imported from Italy instead of being mere English breed, his talents. wo~1~ have procured him a distinguished reputatJ.on.

~~A similar bitterness about what was considered the exal- tation of foreigners was expressed by the composer Charles Dibdin in 1791: 38~~

The private productions of Englishmen, whose labours would do infinite credit to the cause of music, are treated with contempt, and suffered to remain unpublished, while the kingdom is inundated with German compositions, which I will be bold to pronounce, is the very innovation that has gone so f~r t~~ards the destruction of musical simpli CJ.ty.

~~Musical Activities in London~~

Concerts Four major types of concerts prevailed in London in the late eighteenth century: subscription concerts, benefit concerts, oratorio performances, and garden con certs at Vauxhall and Ranelagh. 139 The first three types took place during February through May. The garden concerts took place during the summer. The first subscription concerts in London appeared in the early eighteenth century. However not until the foundation of the Bach-Abel concerts (1765-1782) was this type of musical undertaking firmly established. 140 During this period the pattern of the London subscription concert began to emerge. When the Bach-Abel series came to an end a group of professional musicians formed a similar association named the Professional Concert which functioned from 1783 to 1793 under the leadership of the violinist Wilhelm Cramer. 141 The violinist John Peter Salomon directed several subscription series in the 1780's. Having brought Haydn to London in 1791, Salomon found himself in direct competition with the Professional 39

Concerts which hired one of Haydn's students, Pleyel, attempting unsuccessfully to jeopardise the growing success of Salomon's series. The concerts of both organizations were held in the Hanover Square Rooms, which had been built in 1774-5 for the Bach-Abel concerts. Most series consisted of twelve concerts, and their programs exhibited a balanced intermingling of vocal and instrumental music. A second important type of musical performance was the benefit concert. These were normally sponsored and managed by a single musician attempting to make a personal profit. "I made four thousand Gulden this even- ing," Haydn wrote after his benefit concert in 1795, and he adds, "Such things can be done only in England." 142 Not rarely, however, were benefit concerts intended to 143 support a charitable institute or event. Their programs also included a mixture of instrumental and vocal works. Oratorio performances took place on Wednesdays and Fridays during Lent, when opera performances were pro hibited. London supported several oratorio series which were held in the Covent Garden, Haymarket, Drury Lane and Barthelemon theatres. Some performances consisted of favorite excerpts from various oratorios, with instrumental concerti and Baroque secular vocal music inserted between the acts. 40

Obviously all these concerts were attended almost exclusively by the upper classes, thus endowing concert- going a prestigious flavour. Although the lower classes could not afford to purchase concert tickets, they were not totally deprived of music. The popular pleasure gardens of Vauxhall and Ranelagh offered music often just as well rehearsed as that to be heard in the concert halls. Consequently, the audience at this leisured entertainment consisted of an unusual mixture of the middle class with nob l.'l't 1. y. 144 The programs in the garden concerts also consisted of a combination of vocal and instrumental p1.eces.. 145

The London Concert's Repertoire The repertoire most commonly performed in London's concerts during the eighteenth century consisted of compositions of Purcell, Carelli, Geminiani, and the most highly esteemed Handel. Not until 1808 did the works of J. s. Bach reach wide public attention in London due to the promotion of Samuel Wesley. 146 The growing interest in older music found expression in the founding in 1 71 0 of the Academy of Ancient Music which lasted until 1792, and the Concert of Ancient Music (1776-1848), at which no work less than twenty years old was performed. 147 Less frequently heard was the music of the Classic era. The - practice in these days was to separate Baroque concerts from contemporary performances, or, in the terminology of 41

the time, the "ancient" from the "modern." Each repertoire had its own devoted supporters, and was attended by different audiences. This loyalty, however, was not shared by the performers, who frequently offered their services to patrons of both sides. In 1792 Wilhelm Cramer, a reputable violinist, was involved in a unique experiment to defy this rigid polarization. He thus presented the following concert program which included works of "ancient" and "modern" composers as well: Part I Grand Overture . . . . • • .Pleyel Quartet to...... •• Pleyel Song ••••• ...... • .J. Cramer New Concerto for Piano Forte •• J. Cramer Song •••• ...... ••• J. Cramer Concertante for 2 Violins •••• Pleyel

~~Part II Overture, Esther • . . . • • • .Handel Song •• . . • • • • • • .Handel~~

~~Concerto for Violin. • • • .Geminiani~~

~~Scene, Mad Bess •• • • • • • • .Purcell Overture • • ...... • • .Handel 148~~

~~The way this concert was received by the general public remains unknown, but it certainly succeeded in drawing some cynical criticism in the contemporary press. 42~~

Cramer has planned his approaching Benefit Concert with all the sagacity of an experienced veteran--there are many admirers of the immortal HANDEL and GEMINIANI, from whose peaceful retreats all the efforts of modern harmonists have been ineffectual to emancipate. On this occasion it would be a fair trial to divide the House, and observT whether PLEYEL or HANDEL had the most votes. 49 The relative position of the ancient and modern music in London society is alluded to in the following paragraph, written by the composer John Marsh in 1806: From the great change, which took place in the style of instrumental music about forty years ago (i.e., the 1760's), so as to produce a perfect contrast to the music before that period, by the mixture of wind and string instruments, introduced in the modern symphony, and from this happening at once, and without any regular gradation, it has been ever since too much the fashion for musical amateurs to attach themselves to one of the two styles, and to reprobate the other. Elderly people in general prefer, as is natural enough, the style they have been used to, and complain of the inferiority of the present.basses to those of the ancient composers, as well as of the want of fugue and labored contrivance in modern pieces; whilst others, admiring the brilliancy of the modern symphony, think that the ancient music is dull, and that what contrivance there is in it - is intelligibl; ~nly to professors and some few amateur performers. 5

Opera in Eighteenth Century London London's musical life during the century was dominated not only by foreign musicians but by foreign genres as well. Van Brugh's Theatre in the Haymarket, later known as the King's Theatre, was opened as a play- house in 1705, and was soon devoting itself exclusively to Italian operas. Handel was not only employed by this theatre as a composer and conductor, but also as a mana- 43

~~ger and impresario. His thirty six operas written in~~

London belonged to the Italian opera seria genre, and consisted mostly of alternations of arias and recita- . 151 t 1ves. As opera buff a became increasingly popular, the King's Theatre employed two companies, one of famous sopranos and castrati for serious operas, and the other of less famous singers with better acting ability, for comic operas. Among the most successful of the latter genre were Galuppi's Il filosofo di Campagna (1761) and

Piccini' s Cecchina ( 1 776). As audiences .were becoming increasingly fascinated with Italian operas, English composers did no more than follow the trend. Attempts made in the 1730's by Th. Arne, J. C. Smith and J. Lampe to compose full-length Italianate operas gained neither 152 popularity nor respect. Londoners thus discarded their own operas in favour of Italian ones, sung in a language hardly anybody understood. "Purcell's death in

~~1 695 put an end to all hope for the future of English 1 53 musical drama," says Grout.~~

~~However not everybody in London appeared pleased with this state of operatic affairs. The writer Joseph~~

~~Addison frequently complained of the absurdities of~~

~~Italian opera in England in the early eighteenth century. 44~~

The Tone or • • • the Accent of every Nation in their ordinary Speech is altogether different from that of every other people; By the Tone or Accent I do not mean the Pronunciation of each particular Word, but the sound of the whole Sentence. For this Reason, the Recitative Musick, in every language, should be as different as the Tone or Accent of each Language. • • • I am therefore humbly of Opinion, that an English Composer should not s~llow the Italian Recitative too seriously •••• 1 Our great-grand-children will be very curious to know the Reason why their Forefathers used to sit together like an Audience of Foreigners in their own Country, and to hear whole Plays acted before them in a Tongue which they did not understand. • • • "Arisone"155 was the first that gave us a Taste of Italian Musick. The great Success which this Opera met with, produced some Attempt of forming Pieces upon Italian Plans. We immediately fell to translating the Italian Operas. • • • Soft Notes that were adapted to Pity in Italian, fell upon the Word Rage in English, and the Sounds that were turn' d to Rage in the Original, were made to express . Pity in the Translation. It oftentimes happen' d likewise that the finest Note in the Air fell upon the most insignificant Word in the Sen tence •• The next Step to our Refinement, was the intro ducing of Italian Actors into our Operas, who sang their Parts in their own Language, at the same Time that our Countrymen perform'd theirs in our native Tongue. The King or Hero of the Play generally spoke in Italian and his Slaves answered him in English. • • • At length the Audience grew tir' d of under standing Half the Opera and therefore to ease them selves intirely of the Fatigue of Thinking, have so ordered it at Present that the whole Opera is per form' d in an unknown Tongue. We no longer under stand the Language of our own Stage ••••

• • • In general, we are transported with any thing that is not English: so if it be Italian, French, or High-Dutch, it is the same Thing. In short, our English Musick is quits rooted out, and nothing yet planted in its stead. 6 45

Nevertheless the phenomenal success of John Gay's and J. c. Pepusch's The Beggars Opera (1728) was a blow to the prosperity of Italian opera in London. This witty, sarcastic and outspoken genre, which utilized well-known tunes 157 alternating with spoken dialogues, ridiculed the conventions of the Italian opera and served as a prototype for numerous offspring. Among the most successful were Charles Coffey's The Devil to Pay and The Merry Cobbler; J. Breval's The Rape of Helen; and Thomas Walker's The Quaker's Opera. 158 Although the Ballad opera was probably inspired by the French Comedie en Vaudeville, it, nevertheless, appeared to be the English patriotic answer to the overwhelming despotism of the Handelian school. Unfortunately only few of those operas remained in vogue into the nineteenth century. By the 1 7 6 0 ' s the I English Comic opera has gained increasing popularity, often at the expense of the so-far prevailing Ballad opera. This newly invented hybrid form consisted of spoken dialogue and original music of one or several named composers. The Ballad opera found its successor in the German Singspie1.159

~~Music Life in the Provinces~~

~~Although music flourished mainly in London, the provinces were by no means devoid of musical activities. Innumerable musical societies, clubs, festivals, and sub- 46~~

~~scription concerts were run by ordinary, middle-class amateurs in the provincial cities throughout the coun- 160 t ry.~~

Concerts on the Periphery Eighteenth century subscription lists reflect the extent of concert activities in remote cities and villages. Two series of subscription concerts were active at Salisbury and a monthly concert, as well as summer garden concerts, were given at Norwich in the 1760's. Three musical societies were active in Oxford in the 1730's. No less than four musical societies were found on the subscription lists of the 1760's at Nottingham. A weekly concert was held at Newcastle "in a 1 61 garden after the style of Vauxhall." In Bath, two series of weekly concerts were held, as well as early morning and summer concerts in the Spring Gardens. Bristol was reported to have had a large musical audience. Handel's Messiah was performed in 1758 at Colchester and the local newspaper reported that "everything [was] conducted without accident and the least dis order."162 Even the smaller villages and towns exhibited thriving concert life. Swaffham, Fakenham and Saxmundham organized month~y concerts. The musical society at Debenham met monthly to perform Handel's oratorios. Regular concerts could also be heard at Sudbury and Hadleigh, Peasanhall, Essex, Dedham and many other small 47 48 towns. 163 As one might expect, the degree of musical activity was largely dependent on the general prosperity of the area. With the exception of the larger centers, where weekly concerts were the rule, monthly or fort- nightly meetings were common in small and remote towns. Despite poor road conditions and considerable distances, these concerts attracted many amateur performers and enthusiastic music lovers. 164 As in London itself, the concerts on the periphery were aimed either at the general public, or at a more select audience of subscribers. Their programs were notable for their carefully balanced mixture of style and media. The rivalry and hostility that existed in London between the supporters of the so-called "ancient" and 165 "modern" styles was not to be found in the provinces. Evidently attendance at provincial concerts was quite unpredictable. Moreover, the audience was not always ideally attentive, but was, nevertheless, recep- tive enough to attend even rather poor performances. At these concerts [reported March] ••• I was not only obliged, constantly to keep my foot going, but to put it down pretty hard to keep the whole band together, as some of them, particularly old Mr. May, could not play three bars together in fgg kind of time without such mechanical help ••••

~~Festivals In addition to concert activity there were large- scale festivals produced in small villages. Winchester held an annual three day music festival, for which 50~~

concluded its report on the first Salomon Concert with the words: •• we cannot suppress our very anxious hope, that the first musical genius of his age may be induced by our lib~~ welcome to take up his residence in England. The succeeding concerts of the series were a continuous triumph, and Haydn was enjoying, for the first time in his life, the approval of a huge audience, expressed directly by frenzied applause. 176 Haydn blossomed. Both musically and socially he began to live to the full extent of his nature. 0 my dear gracious lady! [he wrote on September 17, 1791 to Mrs• Genzinger] how sweet this bit of freedom really is! I had a kind Prince, but some times I was forced to be dependent on base souls. I often sighed for release, and now I have it in some measure. I appreciate the good sides of all this, too, though my mind is burdened with far more works. The realization that I am no bou11f1r-rervant makes ample amends for all my toils. • • Haydn's success was crowned by the honorary degree

"Doctor of Music," accorded to him on July 8, 1791 from 178 0 x f ord U n~vers~· 't y. "I on 1 y w~s· h my v·~ennese f r~en· d s would have seen me," he proudly wrote to Mrs. . 179 Genz~nger. Only from one quarter did Haydn meet with opposi- tion. The Professional Concerts, after failing to tempt him to go over to their camp, changed their tactics; in a deliberate attempt to jeopardize the enormous success of the Salomon's series, they instigated rumors about Haydn's inability to create important new music due to 51

his advanced age. Eventually, Haydn's former pupil, Ignace Pleyel, was engaged for the Professional Concerts as a "counter-attraction," "so" [Haydn wrote to Mrs. Genzinger] "a bloody harmonious war will comrnerse between master and pupil."180 However, despite this fierce concert rivalry, Haydn enjoyed a huge social success. The Irish tenor Michael Kelly, the musicologist Dr. Burney, 181 the Czech pianist

J. L. Dussek, and naturally Salomon himself, were only the first in his constantly growing circle of fellow musicians. 182 Haydn also carne to know a great many rnern- hers of the aristocracy. He took part in the Prince of Wales' concerts at Carlton House, and in the concerts of the Duke and Duchess of York. 183 However Haydn seemed to feel more comfortable with the English middle class. To Griesinger he confessed: I have associated with emperors, kings and many great gentlemen and have heard many flattering things from them; but I do not wish to live on an intimate footing with s~1f4 persons, and I prefer people of my own status. In England he found a middle class much richer and more influential than in his native country. 185 It was from this large segment of British society that Haydn drew most of his friends: the revolutionary poet and 186 playwright Thomas Holcroft; the dentist ••• , coach- maker and wine dealer Mister Marches; 187 Mrs. Schroeter, 188 and many others, whose names adorn his London Notebooks. 52

~~Among these new acquaintances were Dr. John Hunter, the celebrated surgeon and anatomist, and his wife, Anne~~

( 1742-1821), the poetess, who was noted for her social 189 1 1. t erary par t'1es. Dur1ng ' 1791 - 2 Hay d n was o ft en invited to dine with the Hunters, both in their residence in London and in their country home at Brompton. 190 In

1793 Dr. Hunter died suddenly. Haydn, on his second visit to England in 1794, renewed his friendship with Mrs. Hunter, and in that very year, Dr. Haydn's VI Original Canzonettas for the voice with an accompaniment for the Piano-Forte, Dedicated to Mrs. John Hunter, were printed for the author, and sold by him at no. 1 Bary Street, St. James. 191 Like Gluck and Mozart, Haydn had only a passing interest in the Lied. His hometown - Vienna - the center . 192 o f It a 1 1an opera - seemed to be untouched by this intimate genre. Unlike the earlier Lieder which origin ated from the Berlin schools, 193 the Viennese popular song was based on an inferior poetry. Goethe's name was hardly known in Vienna, as the censorship on all foreign books and articles "had reduced Austria to a literary nursery."194 Moreover, the Esterhizy Princes had never commissioned any songs; they preferred operas and instrumental music. Even Haydn himself, being, as he confessed, "un uomo senza lettere,"195 lacked the essential prerequisite for a song composer - an interest in literature. Haydn was nearly fifty when he wrote his first 53

Lieder, the collection of XII Lieder fuer das Clavier from 1781. Although harshly treated by Austrian critics, these Lieder were enthusiastically accepted by the English audiences. They were published in London by

Longman & Broderip under the "guise" of Twelve Ballads, composed by the celebrated Haydn of Vienna, adapted to English words, with an accompaniment for the Harpsichord or Piano-Forte, by William Shield. 196 However not until his second visit to England, did Haydn get a fresh stimu- lus to write songs. His motivation to set the poems of Mrs. Hunter to music, remains unknown. Marion Scott suggested that Pleyel' s · andante, which was set to one of Hunter's poems, stimulated Haydn to show that "he could set the poem better."197 If Scott's suggestion is correct, the circumstances which led to the composition of the Canzonettas, seemed to be remarkably similar to those preceding the undertaking of the Lieder fuer das Clavier. In his letters to Artaria, dated July 20, 1781, Haydn wrote:

These three Lieder [he refers to nos. 4, 8, ~8 have been set to music by Capellmeister Hoffman, 1 but between ourselves, miserably; and just because this braggart thinks that he alone has ascended to the hights of Mount Parnassus, and tries to disgrace me every time with a certain high society, I have composed these three Lieder just to s¥~~ this would be high society the difference. • • • Regardless of his motives, Haydn had quite good reasons to believe that his canzonets would be welcomed by the English public. The enormous popularity of his 54

arrangements of Scottish songs from 1792, 200 as well as the success of his German Lieder in English translation, had already established his reputation as a composer of small vocal forms in the English mind. CHAPTER FOUR

~~MUSICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ENGLISH CANZONETTAS (1794)~~

~~No. 1 The Mermaid's Song~~

~~Overall Structure~~

Form: Continuous binary Piano introduction: mm. 1-21 Section A: mm. 22-49 Section B: mm. 49-75. Tonal structure: The piano introduction comprises a microcosmos of the entire song, both harmonically and motivically. It consists of two sections (mm. 1-13; 13- 21), which, like the song itself, form a continuous binary structure. After establishing C major in the opening phrase (mm. 1-4), a modulation to the Dominant takes place (m. 12), followed by a return of the original tonality (m. 17). Similar to the introduction, section A (mm. 22-49) modulates from C major to G major (m. 37), and section B (mm. 49-75) brings back the original tonality.

~~55 56~~

~~The Harmonic Vocabulary~~

This song utilizes conventional progressions of dia tonic triadic sonorities (with the exception of the German sixth chord in m. 42). Secondary harmonies relate mostly to the Dominant (mm. 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 65, 66, 67, 68). The harmonic rhythm is slow, even somewhat static, due to the extensive areas of pedal points, either on the Tonic or the Dominant (mm. 10-12, 20-25, 26-29, 65-69).

~~Motivic Construction~~

The essence of the entire piece is presented in the first phrase of the introduction (mm. 1-4). It consists of two motives, both based on the interval of the third. Motive A (mm. 1-2) - contains three ascending diatonic notes (e-f-g), which form a third. Motive B (mm. 2-4) - comprises a descending sequence of thirds in triplets. The remainder of the introduction (mm. 4-21) is derived from motive B. It either retains the thirds while aug menting the rhythm (mm. 13-16, 20), or, more often, alters the interval while retaining the rhythm (mm. 4-13, 17-18). Section A consists of two parts: I - mm. 22-37; II - mm. 37-49. The first part presents a period of four phrases (mm. 22-25, 26-29, 30-33, 34-37), which form three antecedents followed by a consequent. The second 57

~~part which functions as an extension to this period, also~~

~~contains four phrases: mm. 39-41, 42-45, 45-47, 47-49;~~

~~which form alternations of antecedents (mm. 39-41, 45-47)~~

~~and consequents (mm. 42-45, 4 7-49). While part I of~~

~~section A (mm. 22-37) is based on both motives, part II~~

~~(mm. 37-49) is mainly derived from motive B. The three~~

~~antecedents of part I, all open with an ornamented~~

~~version of motive A (mm. 22-23, 26-27, 30-31), and end~~

~~with a simplified version of motive B (mm. 23-25, 28-29,~~

~~31-33). The consequent of this period (mm. 34-37) is~~

~~based entirely on motive B. Although some elements of motive A are still noticeable in the extension of section~~

~~A (mm. 37-49), most of its material can be traced to motive B. The ascending sequential thirds in mm. 37-41~~

~~are based on the second part of the introduction (mm. 13-~~

~~21 ) • The arpeggios in the piano part in mm. 41-49 are~~

~~taken from m. 12. The arch-shaped vocal phrase in mm.~~

~~42-45 is an augmentation of both motives, as presented in mm. 1-4. The three successive g notes in mm. 36-37, 44-~~

~~45, echo the three g's in the introduction (mm. 12-13).~~

~~The last two phrases of the extension (mm. 45-47, 47-49),~~

~~as well as the piano transition in mm. 49-50, are based~~

~~on the rolling descending motion of motive B.~~

~~Section B (mm. 49-75) also consists of two parts:~~

~~I - mm. 49-62; II - mm. 62-75. The first part presents a~~

~~period of three antecedents (mm. 51-54, 55-58, 58-60),~~

~~followed by a consequent (mm. 60-62). The second part 58~~

functions as an extension of the previous period and contains four antecedents (mm. 62-65, 65-67, 67-69, 69- 71) followed by a consequent (mm. 71-73). As in section A, the first part (mm. 49-62) is an elaboration on both motives, while the extension (mm. 62-75) is mostly based on motive B. The dotted rhythm (in voice and piano), as well as the stepwise ascending motion in mm. 51-54), form an augmentation of motive A. The faster, descending pro gression of arpeggios and sequential thirds in mm. 56-62 is clearly related to motive B. The extension opens with a stretto texture which combines both motives (mm. 62- 64): while the piano is playing the cascading triplets and sextuplets of motive B, the voice presents motive A in a reverse direction. The remainder of the extension (mm. 65-75) is entirely based on motive B. Interest- ingly, the second phrase of the extension repeats twice (mm. 65-67, 67-69), probably as an echo of the piano introduction which introduced motive A only once, and elaborated lengthily on motive B.

~~The Vocal Melody~~

The Mermaid's Song presents a folk-like type of melody which is generated by virtue of the following features: the opening section introduces a melody of basic simplicity which is easy to memorize due to the sequential construction. The range is relatively small ( c-g' ) • The tessi tura does not exceed an octave. The 59

prevalent melodic line is conjunct {only once a leap of an octave occurs - mm. 43-44). The leaps are often "filled in" by a scalar progression {mm. 23-24, 27-28, 31-39). The text underlay is syllabic (mm. 51-65, 69-73) or neumatic (mm. 22-33, 42-48), with only one melisma (m. 35). The vocal phrases are basically diatonic (except for m. 35,42), and do not exceed four measures, thus presenting no technical difficulty to the singer.

~~The Piano Part~~

The piano accompaniment in this song is almost com pletely dependent upon the vocal melody. Only the intro duction stands as an exception, due to its idiomatically pianistic texture. The treble of the piano part doubles the vocal line almost throughout the entire song {except for mm. 41-49, 63-64, where the skeleton of the vocal line is incorporated into an arpeggio figure). The bass provides a rather light harmonic support of constantly changing textures: Murky bass (mm. 1-3, 10-11, 22-33, 45-48); arpeggios (mm. 4,12,56); jump bass (mm. 5-8, 42, 43, 52, 73); descending scale (mm. 62-64); or imitative pattern with the treble {mm. 20, 71, 72). The texture is rather light, as full chords are rare, and occur mostly at the end of a phrase (e.g. 17, 21, 73). The piano links are relatively short and function mainly as a cohesive factor. They either anticipate the ensuing 60

~~vocal phrase (mm. 37-39, 62-63) or recall previously heard melodies (m. 41 recalls m. 12).~~

~~Text-Music Relationship~~

~~The Mermaid's Song~~

~~Now the dancing sunbeams play~~

~~On the green and glassy sea,~~

~~Come, and I will lead the way~~

~~Where the pearly treasures be.~~

~~Come with me, and we will go~~

~~Where the rocks of coral grow.~~

~~Follow, follow, follow me.~~

~~Come, behold what treasures lie~~

~~Far below the rolling waves,~~

~~Riches, hid from human eye,~~

~~Dimly shine in ocean's caves.~~

~~Ebbing tides bear no delay,~~

~~Stormy winds are far away.~~

~~Come with me, and we will go,~~

~~Where the rocks of coral grow.~~

~~Follow, follow, follow me.~~

~~Anne Hunter~~

~~The musical setting handles the poetic structure in a rather liberal manner, but nevertheless succeeds in 61~~

conveying the general mood, as well as some subtle tex tual details. Anne Hunter's poem consists of two asymmetrical trocheic verses, 201 four and six lines with masculine endings, followed by a three-line refrain. The rhymes take place between the endings of line nos. 1+3, 2+4, and 5+6, as well as the first two lines of the refrain. Since Haydn chose to ignore the textual asymmetry and to set the poem strophically, he was forced to equalize the length of the two verses, by arbitrarily repeating the last two lines of the first (mm. 39-45). The next two phrases (mm. 45-49), which repeat the last two lines of both verses, are clearly motivated by considerations of formal balance. The numerous text repetitions in mm. 51- 73, which utilize the three lines of the refrain almost in a Baroque manner, apparently function as a device to balance between the extensive section A, and the rela tively short section B. Not only the length of the lines or the verse were altered, but also the masculine endings were softened (mm. 25, 29, 33). Moreover, Haydn's insuf ficient knowledge of English is reflected by frequent erroneous verbal accentuations, which stress, even in the first strophe, either prepositions (m. 22 - "the"; m. 26 - "on," "the"; m. 30 - "and"), or insignificant words (mm. 34, 42 - "where"). It seems that Haydn was primarily preoccupied with achieving formal balance rather than preserving the poetic rhyming scheme. 62

The poetic atmosphere, nevertheless, is carefully captured both by the vocal and the piano parts. The Murky bass, as well as the rolling triplets and sixtup lets in the piano (mm. 1-12, 17-18, 22-33, 40-50, 62-64) antedates Schubertian style in creating the effect of the shimmering water. The first two phrases (mm. 22-29) con vey the most serene atmosphere in the entire song, due to their conjunct vocal line, small tessitura and feminine endings. They, thus, set the scene of the "glassy sea" (mm. 28-29). The short piano link in m. 25 depicts the text "the dancing sunbeams play." The melisma in m. 35 paints the words "pearly" of the first verse, and "shine" of the second. The text, "Come with me and we will go," is depicted by the dotted rhythm as well as the imitative pattern which occurs between the voice and the piano (mm. 51-54). Further, this luring text is set twice to a dia tonic row of seven notes (g-f'), either ascending (mm. 51-54) or descending (mm. 63-65). The text, "Where the rocks of coral grow," is uniformly associated with a tendency to lower the vocal melody (mm. 55-58, 65-69). The ascending melodic sequence in the vocal line in mm. 58-62, 69-73, as well as the stretto texture between the piano and the voice in mm. 62-65, both reinforce the words "follow me." The relatively accelerated harmonic rhythm in section B is probably inspired by the agogic nature of the text in the refrain, which uses motoric verbs such as "come," "go" and "follow." The purely 63

~~syllabic nature of this section (in contrast to the often neumatic setting of section A) enhances the sense of motion implied by the text. 64~~

~~No. 2~~

~~Recollection~~

~~Overall Structure~~

Form: Rounded sectional binary Piano introduction: rnrn. 1-8 Section A: rnrn. 8-20 Section B: rnrn. 20-36 Section A': rnrn. 36-60 Piano coda: rnrn. 60-65 Tonal structure: The harmonic movement of Tonic- Dominant-Tonic, which takes place in the piano introduction (mm. 1-4: T-+ D; mm. 4-8: D -+ T) , heralds the basic tonal structure of the entire song. Section A establishes the tonality of F major; however, the chro ma tic motion in m. 1 0 already predicts the forthcoming modulation. Section B modulates through the Submediant (m. 27) to the secondary Dominant (G major- m. 29), and later performs a brief excursion to the minor Dominant (mrn. 29-36). After an indecisive cadence in C minor (m. 36), section A' begins, along with the return of the major Dominant. In m. 48 a perfect cadence in F major takes place, and the rest of the song reinforces the original tonality. 65

~~The harmonic vocabulary is rather conventional: frequent alternations of Tonic and Dominant sonorities~~

~~(mm. 1-13, 19-25, 56-65) and large areas of pedal points~~

(mm. 36-39, 42-46, 49-53, 56-60) in a rather slow har monic rhythm. Harmonies changes mostly once every measure, presenting no difficulty to the amateur pianist. Despite the regular harmonic language, the fluctuations between major and minor Dominant, which occur in section

~~B, are quite surprising, thus clearly antedating Romantic progressions.~~

~~Motivic Constructions~~

The first phrase of the piano introduction (mm. 1-4) contains the building blocks of the entire piece: a) The descending appoggiatura (m. 1). b) The ascending arpeggio in the bass (m. 1). c) The chromatic ascending motion (m. 2). d) The dotted eighth note followed by a sixteenth note

~~(m. 3). e) The ornament (m. 3).~~

~~The second phrase of the introduction (mm. 4-8) is based entirely on the ornament, and ends, just like the first phrase began, with the appoggiatura.~~

Section A (mm. 8-20) contains a period of two ante cedents (mm. 8-12, 12-16) and a consequent (mm. 17-20). The first antecedent repeats the initial piano phrase, and the piano link that follows (mm. 12-13) rehashes the 66

beginning of the second introductory phrase (mrn. 4-5). The second antecedent uses the ornament (m. 14) and the appoggiatura (m. 16). The consequent is derived from the dotted eighth and sixteenth notes (mm. 17, 19) as well as the arpeggio (m. 18). Section B (mm. 20-36) is divided into two extensive phrases: mm. 22-29, 30-36. The first consists of three phrase members (mm. 22-24, 24-26, 26-29). Phrase members nos. 1 and 2 are identical and are based on the arpeggio and the appoggiatura. The third phrase member stems from the chromatic ascending motion (mm. 26-27), the ornament (m. 27) and the appoggiatura (m. 29). While the first phrase is constructed from two short, identical phrase members, followed by a longer, more complex one, the second phras·e (mm. 30-36) is organized as a mirror reflection of this a-a-b pattern. It opens with a long phrase member (mm. 30-33) followed by two shorter, almost identical phrase members (mm. 33-34, 34-35) and a cadence. All three phrase members are clearly based on the arpeggio. The bar pattern of motivic construction encountered in section B becomes a major unifying device in Section A' (mm. 36-60), where it recurs three consecutive times (mm. 36-42, 43-46, 49-53). This section is divided into two segments (mm. 36-49, 49-60). The first contains a compound phrase (mm. 36-42) based on the appoggiatura and the ascending arpeggio, followed by an extension (mm. 42- 67

49). The extension derives its material from the dotted eighth and sixteenth notes, and its melody from the end of the previous phrase (mm. 41-42). The second segment of section A' (mm. 49-60) is a modified repetition of the first, followed by a codetta (mm. 56-60), which is based on the arpeggio. The piano coda (mm. 60-65) echoes mm. 6-8 from the introduction. Since sections A (mm. 8-20) and A' (mm. 36-60) are utilizing the descending appoggiatura as their main building block, almost all their phrases and phrase mem bers open with a downward motion (mm. 8-9, 13-14, 37-38,

38-39, 39-40, 43-44, 44-45, 46-47, 49-50, 50-51, 53-54, 56, 58). Section B, in contrast, is primarily based on the ascending arpeggio (for textual reasons), therefore its phrases all open with an upward progression (mm. 22, 24, 27, 30-31, 33-34).

~~The Vocal Melody~~

Recollection presents a less popular type of melody than The Mermaid's Song. The vocal style here is gener ated by relatively frequent chromaticism (mm. 10, 26, 28, 31-34), fragmented line (especially in the last section), and rare sequential progressions. However despite these qualities, the song does not require unusual vocal skills: its range is rather narrow (d-f'). The compound phrases, which are made out of short phrase members, allow frequent breathing. The melodic line is basically 68

~~conjunct (the largest leap is a sixth - m. 11 ) , with excessive use of arpeggios and neumatic text underlay.~~

~~The Piano Accompaniment~~

The texture of the piano part is predominantly chordal and rather transparent. The treble adheres to the vocal line with only slight deviations (e.g. mm. 17, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26, 30, 31). The lower piano parts either provide pedal points (mm. 36-39, 42-45, 49-51) or doubling of the treble an octave lower (mm. 33-36), but mostly chordal support (mm. 1-20, 26-27, 30-31, 52...,56). The cello-like melody in the bass, accompanied by a static treble in mm. 20-25, as well as the brief imita tive pattern in mm. 56-57, are the only exceptions to this vertical texture. The idiomatically pianistic nature of the second part of the introduction (mm. 4-8), which is echoed in the piano coda (mm. 60-65), only fur ther stresses the subordinative piano accompaniment throughout the rest of the song. 69

~~Text-Music Relationship~~

~~Recollection~~

~~The season comes when first we met, But you return no more. Why cannot I the days forget, Which time can ne'er restore?~~

~~0 days too fair, too bright to last,~~

~~Are you indeed for ever past?~~

~~The fleeting shadows of delight~~

~~In memory I trace; In fancy stop their rapid flight~~

~~And all the past replace. But ah! I wake to endless woes,~~

~~And tears the fading visions close. Anne Hunter~~

~~The poem consists of two equal verses in an iambic metrical foot, six lines each, with masculine endings.~~

The rhymes take place between the end of lines nos. 1+3, 2+4, 5+6. The musical setting reveals indifference to the poetic structure, along with careful interpretation of the text. The first four textual lines are arbitrar ily divided into three musical groups: section A (mm. 8-

20) utilizes lines nos. 1+2, repeating the second twice; section B (mm. 20-36) uses lines nos. 3+4 for each of its phrases (mm. 22-29, 30-36), arbitrarily repeating the 70 last three words of the fourth line ("can ne'er restore?"; mm. 36-36). Section A' (mrn. 36-60) uses lines nos. 5+6 three times successively (mm. 37-42, 43-49, 49- 56) and the codetta (mm. 56-60) repeats the sixth line twice. Thus, by using each pair of lines for a different musical section (section A- lines nos. 1, 2; section B lines nos. 3, 4; section A' - lines nos. 5, 6), Haydn completely disrupted the rhyming scheme. Unlike the impersonal and joyous nature of the text in The Mermaid's Song, here a nostalgic and introvert atmosphere prevails. The chordal texture of the piano accompaniment captures this tranquil sadness. The pedal points, almost like a Leitmotif, are consistently attached to the sighing text: "O days ••• " of the first verse, and "But ah ••• " of the second (mrn. 36-38, 42-43, 49-50). The words "bright" from the first verse, and "endless" from the second, are both depicted by the sus tained high f' in m. 52. The somewhat harsh effect of the masculine endings in the poem is often soothed by the appoggiatura and the suspension note (mm. 16, 20, 26, 29, 33) which generate a mood of remorse. The vocal phrases in sections A (mm. 8-20) and A' (mrn. 36-60) are more lyrical and subdued, qualities created by the conjunct vocal lines, diatonic progressions, and excessive usage of the descending appoggiaturas. Section B (mm. 20-36), in contrast, is characterized by a rather excited, tem peramental vocal line, with ascending openings of the 71

~~phrases, frequent arpeggios and chromatic progressions.~~

This distinction between the sections is clearly motivated by textual reasons: lines nos. 1+2 and 5+6, utilized in sections A and A' respectively, convey a rather passive mood of acceptance. The middle pair of lines

(nos. 3+4), in contrast, utter a bitter, rebellious ques tion: "Why cannot I the days forget?" Thus the seem ingly capricious disruption of the rhyming scheme even tually proves to be carefully planned. Haydn opted to adhere to the meaning of the verse, rather than to the structure of the poem. 72

~~No. 3 A Pastoral Song~~

~~Overall Structure~~

Form: Continuous binary. Piano introduction: mm. 1-8 Section A: mm. 9-21 Section B: mm. 21-39. Tonal structure: Just like The Mermaid's Song and Recollection, this song presents a harmonic ABA plan. The original tonality of A major is established throughout the piano introduction and the beginning of section A. In m. 16.a perfect cadence in E major occurs, and the Dominant tonality prevails until the original tonic returns in m. 35.

~~Motivic Construction~~

The piano introduction consists of two phrases in A major: m. 1-4 (antecedent) and mm. S-8 (consequent). While the first phrase is basically vocal in nature, diatonic (except for m. 3), and shaped as two arches, the second presents a chromatic and more instrumentally con- ce1ve. d d escend' 1ng 1'1ne. 202 Section A contains one period, with two phrases and an extension. The opening phrase (mm. 9-12) ends on a 73

half cadence and functions as an antecedent, whereas the second phrase (mm. 13-16) ends on the Dominant and com prises a consequent. Each phrase contains two phrase members (mrn. 9-10, 11-12 and mm. 13-14, 15-16). Both phrases share the same first phrase member. The exten sion (mrn. 17-21), which establishes the tonality of E major, is composed of the same bar pattern encountered in Recollection, namely: one phrase member repeated twice, followed by a longer, more elaborate version of the same melodic idea (mm. 17-18, 18-19, 19-21). Section B consists of four phrases. The first two, which comprise the main body of this section, are related to each other as a concave antecedent in E major (mm. 23-

26), and a convex consequent in A major (rnm. 28-31). The next two phrases reinforce the return of the original tonality, and function as an extension and a codetta, respectively. Phrase three (mm. 32-35) is a slightly modified version of phrase two (mm. 28-31). The codetta (mrn. 36-39) is almost symmetrical: it opens and ends with the same interval (e-a), whereas its middle section repeats twice the progression d'-g-a.

~~Unifying Devices~~

~~The piano introduction contains two phrases (mm. 1-~~

~~4, 5-8) which correspond to the two sections of the song itself. Although the first piano phrase does not modu late to the Dominant, the sustained e note in the bass, 74~~

~~as well as the brief chromatic movement in the treble~~

(mm. 3-4) anticipate the modulation which occurs in sec tion A. The second piano phrase heralds both sections A and B. The ascending chromaticism in the treble and bass (m. 8) is to be subsequently echoed in mm. 17-26. The progression of an ascending arpeggio in sixteenth notes, followed by a repeated, descending third in thirty-second notes in m. 8, will later recur in m. 26. Moreover, seeds of section B are already noticeable in the exten sion of section A: the descending progression e' -d' # c'#-b in mm. 17-19 anticipates the chromatic descending line in mm. 22-24, and the opening melodic rhyme in mm.

9-10 and mm. 13-14 is balanced by an ending musical rhyme in mm. 30-31 and mm. 34-35. The codetta (mm. 36-39), like the introduction, combines elements of both sections. While maintaining the fragmented line which characterized the second part, it recalls elements of the first. It opens with the same three notes which opened the piece ( e-a-c'), and simi larly, ends with the same interval (e-a). Thus, the binary structure, which appears at first glance to be composed of two distinct sections, reveals itself, eventually, as a solidly organic form.

~~The Vocal Melody~~

~~The two sections present two different types of vocal material. Section A is characterized by a diatonic 75~~

conjunct line, in a relatively narrow tessitura, whereas section B displays a fragmented, often chromatic line in a wider tessitura. Despite these differences, both sec tions present no technical difficulties to the performer: the range is limited (e-e'); the largest leap, a fifth, occurs only once (m. 37); the melodic progressions are mostly diatonic with only occasional chromaticism (mm. 17, 18, 23, 25}; the vocal phrases are relatively short (four measures each}. Moreover, the short phrase members composing these phrases provide the opportunity to be sung dividedly (by the amateur) or in combination (by a professional singer). For example: while a trained singer would view the fragmented melodic curve of section B as one stretched line, using the rests for expressive purpose, the amateur legitimately could use them for

~~breathing. Justifiably has this song long bee~ a favour ite among beginning singers all over the world.~~

~~The Piano Part~~

The treble of the piano doubles the vocal line all the way through, although not without some omissions of ornamental notes (mm. 12, 15, 20, 30, 34, 37) and slight delays (mm. 24, 25, 32, 33, 36, 37) or anticipations (mm. 24, 38). Occasionally it is the alto part (mm. 29, 33) or the tenor (mm. 30, 34, 37, 38) which echo the voice. Only three vocal notes are not doubled at all by the

~~piano (m. 27 - a, m. 28 - g, g). However, despite the 76~~

dependence of the piano on the vocal part, the accompani ment of this song is still considerably more pianistic than that of either the previous or the next song. Moreover, the fragmented vocal line which prevails in section B allows the piano to depart temporarily from its vertical, supportive role, and partake in an imitative texture.

~~Text-Music Relationship~~

~~A Pastoral Song My mother bids me bind my hair~~

~~With bands of rosy hue, Tie up my sleeves with ribbons rare,~~

~~And lace my bodice blue.~~

~~For why, she cries, sit still and weep, While others dance and play? Alas! I scarce can go or creep,~~

~~While Lubin is away.~~

~~'Tis sad to think the days are gone,~~

~~When those we love were near; I sit upon this mossy stone,~~

~~And sigh when none can hear. 77~~

~~And while I spin my flaxen thread, And sing my simple lay, The village seems asleep, or dead, Now Lubin is away. Anne Hunter~~

The poem depicts a simple, rustic scene: the distressed daughter laments the separation from her beloved, and recalls her concerned mother's attempts to persuade her to join the joyous crowd in the village. Haydn has not only captured the rural atmosphere of the poem, but also succeeded in delineating the two characters involved in the conversation: the mother and the daughter. The first section (mm. 9-21), which contains the mother's advice, presents a fluent and well-balanced vocal melody. The second section (mm. 21-39) uses a breathless, sobbing-like line to convey the daughter's insecurity and loneliness. 203 Further, the vocal phrases in section A (mm. 9-21) open with an upward motion (except for the extension - mm. 17-21), while those in section B (mm. 21-39) begin with a downward motion. In fact, the two contrasted moods are already predicted in the major-minor fluctuations heard in the piano introduction (mm. 5-8). The .musical setting succeeds not only in depicting the two characters, but also in enhancing some fine textual subtleties. For example, the ornament in m. 15 78

~~serves the word "sigh" of the second verse. The minori zation in the piano transition in mm. 21-22 sets the stage for the text, " ••• sit still and weep" in mm. 23-24.~~

~~The florid piano crescendo in m. 26 graphically describes the text just sung: " ••• others dance and play" (mm. 25-~~

~~26). The dramatic rest that follows (m. 27) confronts the daughter's gloomy answer (mm. 28-31) with the play ful, dancing crowd.~~

~~The poem consists of two verses, each containing four lines in an iambic meter with masculine endings.~~

~~The rhymes take place between the ends of the longer lines (nos. 1, 3) and between the shorter ones (nos. 2,~~

4) • The musical structure is primarily motivated by considerations of musical balance, sometimes at the expense of textual logic. Although the song clearly differentiates between the two verses (sections A and B), the verbal repetitions in the extensions (mm. 17-21, 32-

35) and the codetta (mm. 36-39), not only weaken the rhyming scheme, but also appear to be completely arbi- trary from a textual point of view. See especially the artificial prolongation of the shorter lines by repeating the words: " ••• and lace, and lace" (in mm. 19-20).

~~The verbal accentuation is almost flawless in the first verse (except for the awkward stress on the word~~

~~"up" in m. 1 3). The second verse suffers from some inappropriate accentuations (e.g. m. 9: "to" ; m. 1 3: 79~~

"upon") which are almost inevitable in a strophic setting. This song displays an unusual blend of the rustic 6 and the artistic. The allegretto tempo, the 8 meter, the simple harmonies (mostly alternations of Tonic and Domi- nant), the slow harmonic rhythm (especially in section A) and the folk-like tune in the first sixteen measures - all enhance the countryside scene and the dancing nature of the song. On the other hand, the surprising minoriza- tion, already present in the piano introduction, and the fragmented, chromatic line punctuated by fermatas in section B, transfer the piece from the popular to the artistic realm. This stylistic contrast is equivalent to the contrast implied in the text, between the lonely, incon- solable individual, and the noisy crowd. The title eventually proves to be quite misleading: the atmosphere is not so pastoral and the "lay" the daughter sings (see m.

~~25 - second stanza) is not so simple after all. 80~~

~~No. 4 Despair~~

~~Overall Structure~~

Form: Continuous binary Piano introduction: mm. 1-6 Section A: mm. 7-12 Section B: mm. 12-27 Piano coda: mm. 27-31. This song presents the most unusual tonal structure found in the set so far. The piano introduction establishes E major and section A, which opens with the orig inal tonality, modulates later to the key of the Dominant

(m. 12). Section B opens with a piano link in B major (mm. 12-14) which does not prepare us for the harmonic change in the subsequent segment: after a Neapolitan chord in root position in B major (m. 15), an unexpected excursion to A minor occurs in mm. 15-17. Later a touch ofF# minor is heard (mm. 18-20), followed by a return to E major in m. 23. The original tonality is maintained until the end, however not before a brief visit to c# minor (as part of a slow descending sequence) in m. 24, and, again, a peak into B major in m. 29. Although the basic harmonic pattern of Tonic-Dominant-Tonic encountered in the previous songs prevails here too, the I

nuances of A minor and F# minor are significantly more daring. Moreover, Despair utilizes a much wider variety of chords and more frequent chromatic progressions, in a relatively faster harmonic rhythm than any other song in the set. We do not find here the large Tonic and Domi nant areas seen so far. Harmonies often change 2-4 times in a measure (e.g. mm. 2, 8, 10, 11, 15, 16, 17, 21, 23), and ninth chords occur four times (mm. 2, 18, 19, 20).

~~Unifying Devices~~

The piano introduction consists of one extensive phrase, which actually comprises a combination of three adjacent phrases (mm. 1-2; 2-4; 4-6). These three phrases herald the three similar phrases of section A

(mm. 7-12), going from a literal to a more general anti cipation. The first piano phrase (mm. 1-2) is identical to the first vocal phrase, or, more specifically, to the piano part which accompanies this phrase (mm. 7-8). The second piano phrase (mm. 2-4) starts and ends like the second vocal phrase (mm. 8-10). The third introductory phrase (mm. 4-6) anticipates the third vocal phrase only in its final suspension note. The three phrases in the piano introduction herald another feature of the song, namely, the Bar type of motivic construction, encountered already in Recollection (mm. 22-29, 37-42, 43-49) as well as in Pastoral Song 82

(mm. 17-21). Section B, in itself, is divided into three segments (mm. 12-18, 18-23, 23-27). The last two are composed of three short phrase members. The first two phrase members are either identical (m. 19, 21) or simi lar (mm. 23-25), whereas the last one is longer or more complex (mm. 21-22, 25-27). Recurring rhythmic patterns also comprise a major unifying device in this song. The piano introduction displays the same acceleration in time values encountered in the introductions of The Mermaid's Song, Recollection, and Pastoral Song. This increase in rhythmic activity is later traceable in the piano link in mm. 22-23, as well as in the piano coda (mm. 28-31 ) • Moreover, the first four vocal phrases (mm. 6-8, 8-10, 10-12, 14-16), as well as the last one (mm. 25-27) begin with the same rhythmic pattern that opened the introduction, i.e., one or three upbeat notes, followed by a dotted quarter. The last three vocal phrase members (mm. 23-27) all open with three upbeat notes and end with an appoggiatura (m. 24 -

"length"~ m. 25 - "smart"~ m. 27 - "aid"). This pattern, actually, echoes the beginning and end of the last phrase in section A (mm. 10-12). Another recurring motive is the descending melodic line which is introduced, for the first time, in mm. 4-6 (a'-e). This falling melody is echoed, though in various registers and tessi turas, throughout the entire song: e.g. the piano link in mm. 12-14 (B-B )~ the piano treble 1 83

in mm. 16-18 (f'-d); the vocal line in mm. 23-27 (e'-e); and the piano coda (mm. 27-31: b'-e). The piano coda (mm. 27-31) summarizes the main characteristics of section B: a) The three descending upbeat notes echo the final

~~vocal phrase. b) The triplets in m. 30 recall those in m. 26 (and both are derived from the sixtuplets in m. 5). c) The fragmented descending line in m. 30 with its~~

~~final 2-1 suspension notes is a reminder of the vocal phrase in mm. 23-27.~~

~~The Vocal Melody~~

Of all the songs in the set, Despair presents the least popular or catchy tune. Its static, somewhat arioso nature is achieved through the following means: a) The phrases are exceptionally short: until m. 18

they all last about two measures. They become even shorter toward the end of the song, where they are fragmentized into cellular phrase members, one measure long each. b) The vocal part utilizes frequent tone repetitions: e.g. the initial phrase exclaims the tone b twice

~~(mm. 6-7); the first two phrases of section B also~~

~~emphasize this tone by encircling it as their axis~~

~~(mm. 14-16, 16-18). 84 c) The tessi tura of most phrase members is extremely~~

restricted (e.g. mm. 6-8, 14-16, 16-18, 19-20, 20- 21, etc.). d) The rhythmic uniformity gives the impression of a curbed vocal line. e) Chromaticism is relatively more frequent than in the previous songs, particularly in section B. f) Unlike The Mermaid's Song and Pastoral Song, Despair lacks sequential patterns (except for the last phrase- mm. 23-27).

~~Collectively, these features contribute to the rather static and restrained nature of the vocal line.~~

~~The Piano Part~~

The piano part in Despair is basically chordal, just like that of Recollection, which is also in adagio tempo. This quality enhances the gloomy, introspective nature of the poem. While the treble doubles the vocal line with out exception, the lower parts merely provide a harmonic support. Interestingly, only in some solo sections, such as the introduction, the transition in mm. 22-23, and the coda (mm. 27-31), does the piano part actually depart from its predominantly hymn-like nature to soar into a florid, more pianistically conceived texture. 85

~~Text-Music Relationship~~

~~Despair~~

~~The anguish of my bursting heart,~~

~~Till now my tongue hath ne'er betray'd.~~

~~Despair at length reveals the smart~~

~~No time can cure, no hope can aid.~~

~~My Sorrows verging to the Grave,~~

~~No more shall pain thy gentle breast.~~

~~Think! Death gives freedom to the Slave,~~

~~Nor mourn for me when I'm at rest.~~

~~Yet if at eve, you chance to stray~~

~~Where silent sleeps the peaceful! dead,~~

~~Give to your kind compassion way,~~

~~Nor check the tears by pity shed.~~

~~When e'er the precious dew drop falls~~

~~I ne'er can know, I ne'er can see;~~

~~And if sad thought my fate recalls~~

~~A Sigh may rise, unheard by me.~~

~~Anne Hunter~~

Nowhere else in the set did Haydn handle the textual structure with such liberty. The poem contains four verses with four lines each, in an iambic meter. The masculine rhymes occur between the end of lines nos. 1+3,

~~2+4. Except for the metrical foot, none of these struc- 86~~

tural features is preserved in the musical setting. The verses are divided into small segments and their lines are prolonged and repeated arbitrarily. The first three musical phrases (mm. 7-12) utilize the first two textual lines, repeating the second twice. The next musical phrase (mm. 15-18) repeats the third line twice. The setting of the fourth line appears to be rather inade quate. Although this line (in the first verse) consists of two complementing sub-phrases ("no time can cure, no hope can aid"), Haydn erroneously chose to divide it into three musical fragments by repeating the second sub phrase twice (mm. 19-22). The final vocal phrase also uses lines nos. 3+4, though without any repetitions (mm. 23-27). The poem expresses yearning for death, as an escape from earthly pain.204 Haydn chose to set this contempla tive, philosophical text in the key of E major, which, according to R. Landon, was Haydn's preferred key for solemn texts.205 Moreover, Haydn seems to have responded to this Romantic subject matter with a highly irregular setting. The harmonic palette is considerably richer than in the other songs of the set. Chords are often utilized as pictorial sonorities rather than for func- tiona! harmonic progressions. The tonal structure is ambiguous at times, wavering undecidedly among several tonal areas. The non-melodious, semi-arioso vocal line 87

and the chordal, hymn-like piano texture, all enhance the solemnity of the song. Not only the general mood, but also delicate textual subtleties are thoughtfully conveyed by the music. Some examples are: the word "bursting" (m. 7) is accentuated by the ornament in the piano part; the leap of a sixth upward in m. 11 emphasizes the words "never" (first and fourth verses), "gentle" (second verse) and "peaceful" (third verse), by extracting them from the stepwise line of the phrase; the chromatic descending unison in low register in mm. 12-13 uses a common device for depicting "grave"; the unexpected c' natural in m.15 highlights the word "despair"; the bitter ending of the first verse ("no time can cure, no hope can aid") is expressed through repetitions of a syllabic and fragmented, sobbing-like motive (mm. 18-22); the word "no" gets a special stress either by means of a fifth leaping downward (mm. 19, 20) or via the melismatic arpeggio (m. 26). Marion Scott commented that Haydn prolonged the short poetic lines into "weeping willow-like phrases."206 These prolongations, however, are not randomly scattered. Rather they focus mainly on some key words, such as: first verse: "anguish" (m. 7), "bursting" (m. 8), "betrayed" ( m. 12) and "despair" (m. 1 5); second verse: "sorrows" (m. 7), "pain" (m. 11), "breast" (m. 12),

~~"death" (m. 1 5), "freedom" (m. 1 5) ; third verse: "silent" (m. 9), "dead" (m. 12), and "tears" (m. 26). 88~~

The special care with which Haydn handled the single word in this song resulted in a flawless verbal accentua tion of the first verse. Only the ensuing verses suffer from some incorrect accents, e.g. second verse: m. 24

~~("to"), m. 26 ("when"); third verse: m. 7 ("if"), m. 15~~

~~("to"), m. 26 ("by"); fourth verse: m. 7 ( "whene' er") , m. 15 ("if").~~

An abrupt change of direction is noticeable in the vocal phrases from m. 18 on. Whereas, thus far, they all opened with an upward tendency, here, for the first time, they exhibit downward progressions, which will prevail until the end of the piece. A sense of quiet, passive acceptance is thus achieved, which is further augmented by the graceful, emotionally non-committal piano coda

~~(mm. 27-31). 89~~

~~no. 5 Pleasing Pain~~

~~Overall Structure~~

-Form: Rounded sectional binary Piano introduction: mm. 1-8 Section A: mm. 9-24 Section A': mm. 25-40 Section A: mm. 41-59 Tonal structure: This song presents the simplest structure in the set, harmonically as well as motivically. Each strophe contains a period of three vocal phrases: an antecedent, a consequent and an extension, followed by a piano codetta. The antecedent is identical in all three strophes (rom. 9-12, 25-28, 41-44). It consists of two phrase members in G major, which form an ascending sequence. The consequent, which also contains two phrase members, is identical only in strophes nos. 1, 3 (mm. 15-18, 47-50). Its first phrase member performs a brief excursion to G minor, and its second phrase member returns to G major. In the second strophe, the first phrase member of the consequent emphasizes the Dominant, and the second phrase member returns to G major (mm. 31- 34). The extensions and the piano codettas of all three 90

~~strophes reinforce the return of the original tonality~~

~~(mm. 19-24, 35-40, 52-59).~~

In contrast to Despair, the harmonic rhythm here restores the slow pace which characterized the first three songs in the set. Harmonies change mostly once in every measure (e.g. mm. 2, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11, 13, 17, 23,

~~24), forming basic cadential progressions. The only uncommon sonorities are the four augmented German chords~~

~~(mm. 13-16, 45-48), which do not serve a Subdominant function, but are rather used for word painting.~~

~~Unifying Devices~~

~~The piano introduction predicts several elements of the song itself. Its first part (mm. 1-4) anticipates the first vocal phrase (including the accompaniment).~~

The second part (mm. 5-8) presents a running pattern of sixtuplets and triplets wavering up and down three times and followed by a perfect cadence in G major. This pattern is subsequently echoed in the first and third strophes (mm. 18-20, 22-24, and mm. 51-53).

The motive d'-d'-e'-c' (m. 2) comprises a corner stone in the structure of the song. Since it contains upper and lower neighbour tones of the Dominant, it actually presents a rhythmic augmentation of the turn ornament written right above it. This motive recurs frequently, either in its original form (mm. 9-10, 41-

~~42); in G minor (mm. 14-15, 46-47) or in D major (mm. 28- 91~~

32). Moreover, the descending sequence in the last vocal phrase of the second strophe (mm. 36-38) is, in fact, nothing else but a lower version of the same melodic motion (b-c'-a-b; g-a-f-g). Section A is unified primarily by a rhythmical device: its two phrases (mm. 8-12, 15-18), and the second phrase member of the extension (mm. 21-22), all share a similar rhythmic pattern. The extensions of all three strophes consist of one phrase, which combines two phrase members. The exten sions of the first and last sections form an arch shape: an ascending antecedent which ends with a fermata (mm. 1 9-20, 52-53), is followed by a descending consequent, which is identical in both strophes (mm. 21-22, 54-55). Strophe no. 2 presents the antecedent of the extension in the piano (mm. 35-36), and the consequent in the vocal line (mm. 37-38), a technique rarely found in the set. This extension is comprised of a descending line (c' to g) which occurs three times: in its basic form, in the vocal phrase (mm. 37-38), and slightly elaborated in the piano (mm. 35-36, 39-40). The same motive occupies the piano codetta (mm. 56-59).

~~The Vocal Melody~~

~~In contrast to the previous song, the melody of Pleasing Pain is idiomatically vocal. The phrases are fluent, often sequential, and well balanced: they all 92~~

last four measures and are divided into a pair of phrase members, each two measures long. The vocal range is lim ited (d-g'); the tessitura encompasses only f-c', and no leap is larger than a fourth (mm. 10-11). It seems as if Haydn was trying to ease the singer's task, by system atically compensating leaps with scalar progressions (mm. 9-12), and chromatic passages with diatonic arpeggios (mm. 15-17, 31-33).

~~The Piano Part~~

Although the piano treble still doubles the vocal line throughout the entire song, the accompaniment exhi bits an idiomatically pianistic texture, not present in the previous songs. Only occasionally do the lower piano parts provide a strictly chordal support (e.g. mm. 5-8, 18-20). For the most part they either imitate the treble

~~(mm. 1, 2, 13-15, 25, 41-42, 45-47), present an indepen dent melody (e.g. mm. 2-3, 10-11, 16, 42-43, 48), or par ticipate in a pianistic figuration of a jump-bass (mm.~~

28-32, 34-40). Thus, a new texture is manifested here: Haydn departs from the concept of song as a vocal melody, supported by a faceless, subordinate piano, to create a true collaboration of the two. 93

~~Text-Music Relationship~~

~~Pleasing Pain~~

~~Far from this throbbing bosom haste,~~

~~Ye doubts, ye fears, that lay it waste;~~

~~Dear anxious days of pleasing pain,~~

~~Fly never to return again.~~

~~But ah, return ye smiling hours,~~

~~By careless fancy crown'd with flow'rs;~~

~~Come, fairy joys and wishes gay,~~

~~And dance in sportive rounds away.~~

~~So shall the moments gaily glide~~

~~O'er various life's tumultuous tide,~~

~~Nor sad regrest disturb their course~~

~~To calm oblivion's peaceful source.~~

~~Anne Hunter~~

The poem consists of three iambic verses, containing four lines each, with masculine endings. However unlike any of the other poems in the set, the rhyme occurs between the first and second, as well as the third and fourth lines. The musical setting respects most of the

Btructural elements of the poem: there is a clear distinction between the three verses; the lines are not pro longed; textual repetitions are relatively rare and occur only in the extensions; the verbal accentuation is almost flawless (except for mm. 9, 41, which erroneously stress 94

~~the words "from," and "shall"); and the rhyming scheme of lines nos. 1+2, 3+4 is maintained by combining each pair of lines into a single musical phrase, separated from the~~

next pair by a piano link (mm. 13-14, 29-30, 45-46). Only the masculine endings of the textual lines are occa sionally softened by an appoggiatura (the first three lines of verse 1 and the first two lines of verses 2, 3 - mm. 10, 12, 16, 26, 28, 42, 44).

~~Poetically, Haydn not only paid careful attention to the different meaning of each verse, but also to the changing moods within the verse itself. In this song,~~

for the first time in the set, Haydn provided a slightly different setting to the various verses. The structure of A-A' -A corresponds directly to the text. In verses nos. 1+3, the third line mentions "anxious days" and "sad

regrets" respectively. Haydn adequately responded with a wavy, weeping vocal melody which briefly deviates to the minor mode (mm. 13-16, 45-48). The immediate return of the major mode in strophes 1 , 3 is also inspired by a

change of mood in the text since the fourth lines read: "fly never to return again" (verse no. 1) and "to calm oblivion's peaceful source" (verse no. 3). In the second verse, in contrast, the third line mentions "fairy joys and wishes gay," which clearly explains the shift to the Dominant rather than to the minor mode (mm. 29-32).

~~Moreover, the piano accompaniment in the middle strophe is considerably more active, and the "sportive rounds" 95~~

are graphically depicted by the three repetitions of the descending motive in the extension and the codetta (mm. 35-40). The piano part also contributes in painting the word "fly" with a running motive which is heard three times (mm. 18-21, 22-23, 51-53). The calm, wavy nature of the vocal melody (especially in strophes nos. 1 , 3), which is probably inspired by verbs such as "glide" and "fly," is achieved through the frequent recurrence of the

~~1 1 1 1 1 "sigh" motive (mm. 9-10: d -d -e ; m. 10: c -c -b; mm.~~

~~11-12: dI-d I -C I j ffie 1 2: b-b-a; mm. 14-15: d 1 -d 1 -e 1 b; mm. 15 -16 : C 1 -c 1 -bb. 96~~

~~No. 6 Fidelity~~

~~Overall Structure~~

~~This song presents the most unusual formal structure of all the songs in the set. --Form: Strophic variations Piano introduction: mm. 1-8~~

Section A: mm. 9-36 Section B: mm. 36-44 Transition: mm. 44-52 Section A': mm. 53-76 Section A": mm. 76-121 Tonal Structure: the piano introduction and the first part of section A (mm. 9-20) establish the tonality of F minor. In m. 20, a half cadence in F minor takes place, followed by an abrupt modulation to the parallel major (A b). The second part of section A (mm. 20-36) establishes Ab major. Section B (mm. 36-44) opens with Ab major but modulates back to F minor in m. 44. The transition (mm. 44-52) reinforces this tonality, but as soon as section A' starts (m. 53) F major is heard for the first time, and prevails throughout the entire section (mm. 53-76). The beginning of section A" (m. 76) 97

brings back the original tonality (F minor), however the song ends with F major (mm. 85-121). Despite the numerous tonal changes, the harmonic rhythm is relatively slow. Harmonies change mostly once per measure (mm. 2, 3, 6, 8, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 32, etc.); frequent alternations of Tonic and Dominant chords take place (mm. 1-4, 6-9, 15-20, 21- 23, 24-30, 34-40, 49-52, 53-99, 107-121) along with large areas of pedal points (mm. 44-48, 100-1 OS). The har monies consist mainly of triads or seventh chords in cadential progressions, with occasional ninth chords (mm. 25, 27, 29) or Italian sixth chords (mm. 82, 83).

~~Unifying Devices~~

Despite its larger volume and seemingly complex form, Fidelity presents, in fact, a highly integrated song, which derives its material from only three motivic cells. Motive A, the most dramatic of the three, is introduced in the initial vocal phrase. It is charac terized by the ascending leap of a fourth and the descending arpeggio. This motive is traceable throughout the entire song, both in the vocal and in the piano part, though not without some alterations. The second motive presents itself, for the first time, in mm. 12-18, both in the piano link and in the vocal line. Whereas motive A was characterized by an ascending arpeggio, motive B strikes mainly with its three (m. 15) or four (m. 21) 98

repeated notes. However the two motives are closely related, by virtue of their identical rhythmic pattern of J 1 J ) 1J. r ,~ preceded by an anacrusis of either one quarter or two eighth notes. 207 Despite the numerous tonal and intervalic changes which these two motives undergo throughout the piece, they are still readily recognizable, due to their preserved rhythmic pattern. The third motive is distinct from the preceding two, mainly by its rhythmic profile: , 1 ,r: ,'! ) Motives A and B are inseparate, and are invariably heard in succession (mm. 8-19, 20-34, 52-110). Motive C, however, is self sufficient; it simply utilizes its germinal cell as a building block for an ascending sequence, which starts with an antecedent in A b major {mm. 36-40) and ends with a consequent in F minor (mm.

~~4i-44). This motive is heard only once, for textual reasons which will be discussed later.~~

~~Motivic Construction~~

Fidelity presents the only piano introduction in the set that does not anticipate the entire melody of the initial vocal phrase. It does, however, foreshadow some major features of the song. a) The first motive, with its ascending leap of a fourth, is anticipated in the first two measures. The figuration in the bass part (mm. 1-5) provides a clue to the descending arpeggio on F minor in m. 9. 99 b) The ascending sequence of four thirty-second notes, followed by an eighth note or a quarter in mrn. 2-3, are later echoed in motive c, in an augmented rhythm. c) The chromatic descending line in mm. 6-8 foreshadows the vocal line in mm. 64-66 and mm. 96-98.

Section A consists of two segments, mm. 9-20 and mm. 20-36. The first is a phrase group based on motive A {mm. 9-12) and motive B (mm. 12-18), both in F minor, followed by a short extension {mm. 19-20). This extension recalls the octave f' -f from the initial arpeggio (m. 9). The second segment of this section is comprised of a period which opens with motive B in Ab major (mm. 21-24), followed by motive A, in the same tonality. The rhythm of motive A here is either simplified (mm. 24-26) or slightly altered (mm. 27-28). Both motives function as antecedents and are followed by an extension (mm. 29- 34), which provides the consequent. Section B is entirely based upon motive C which forms a sequential phrase group that opens on Ab major, and ends with a half cadence on F minor (m. 44). The transition that follows (mm. 44-52) is based melodically on the chromatic passage in the piano introduction (mm. 6-7), and rhythmically on the first two motives. Section A' (mm. 53-76) presents one period which first introduces motive B in F major, followed by an 100

extension (mm. 52-58). The latter derives its alternations of thirds and fourths from the progression b-d'-c' g in m. 11. Motive A then appears, also in F major (mm. 58-63), followed by a chromatic extension which echoes mm. 6-7. After the fermata in m. 67, the section ends with a strikingly repetitive pattern of two eighth notes followed by a quarter (mm. 69-73). Both the rhythm and the repeated notes of this seemingly new material are actually derived from the beginning of motive B (mm. 20- 21 ) • The piano link in mm. 76-78, which leads to the beginning of section A", is reminiscent of the piano accompaniment in m. 1 9. The last section consists of alternations of the first two motives in an ABA scheme. In mm. 79-84 we encounter the first motive in a reversed direction in F minor, with an extension, based on the descending arpeggio. Then the second motive occurs in F major (mm. 84-90), followed by the same extension used in section A' (mm. 55-57). The first motive in F major is now heard for the last time (mm. 91-96) followed by a succession of all the three types of extensions already presented: the chromatic descending line (mm. 96-98); the two eighth notes and a quarter (mm. 100-104); and, finally, the alternations of melodic thirds and fourths (mm. 108-109). It is as if these extensions are lined up in expectation of a final ovation. The piano part which concludes the piece recalls first the link in mm. 76-78, 1 01

~~and later echoes (with a change of rhythm) the alterna tions of e' and f' from mm. 71-73 and mm. 103-105.~~

~~The Vocal Melody~~

The three motives that comprise the piece represent three different moods, through three different vocal styles, proceeding from the dramatic to the popular. The first motive's highly emotional, somewhat operatic style is generated by the ascending leap of a fourth (so common in fanfares) and the rather detached line. The second motive is rather static and less explosive, due to the use of repeated notes. The third motive stays acourse and manifests the simplest melody, which consists merely of a scalar ascending progression.

The vocal phrases in all three motives are rela tively brief (mostly two-four measures long). Their range is rather limited (c-f'). However, the tessitura, for the first time, is quite demanding (especially in mm. 71-73, 103-105). The largest leap within a phrase is the sixth (mm. 62, 94). The melodies are mostly diatonic, except for the transitions (mm. 46-52, 97-98), and the setting is basically syllabic, with only occasional neums

~~(e.g. mm. 23, 28, 37-42, etc.).~~

~~The Piano Accompaniment~~

~~The piano part in this song strikes with its inde pendence and vigor. The introduction clearly foreshadows 102~~

Beethoven's and even Liszt's piano style. 208 The treble doubles the vocal line for the most part, with only slight deviations (e.g. mm. 8-18, 21, 24, 46-52, 60-76, 78-84, 92-108). However there are considerably large sections in which it exhibits an independence unprece dented in this set (e.g. mm. 18-20, 22, 27-34, 36-44, 54- 57, 86-90, 108-110). The piano accompaniment is also characterized by rhythmic uniformity. A ceaseless murmur of a jump bass or Murky bass patterns in eighth notes is heard almost throughout the entire song. Most of the time it is played by the bass part (mm. 1-5, 8-12, 24-29, 43-51, 58- 64, 76-83, 90-96, 110-113, 115-121). Occasionally, how ever, the treble adopts this pattern (or an arpeggio figure), while the bass provides a chordal support (mm. 21-23, 30-36, 53-57, 85-89, 113-114). More than in any other song in the set, the voice and piano in Fidelity function as two equal contribu tors.

~~Text-Music Relationship~~

~~Fidelity While hollow burst the rushing winds, And heavy beats the show'r, This anxious, aching bosom finds No comfort in its pow'r. 103~~

~~For ah, my love, it little knows~~

~~What thy hard fate may be, What bitter storm of fortune blows, What tempests trouble thee.~~

~~A wayward fate hath spun the thread~~

~~On which our days depend, And darkling in the checker'd shade,~~

~~She draws it to an end.~~

~~But whatsoe'er may be our doom, The lot is cast for me, For in the world or in the tomb,~~

~~My heart is fix'd on thee. Anne Hunter~~

~~The poem consists of four iambic verses, containing four masculine-ending lines each. The rhyme occurs between the end of the longer lines (nos. 1, 3), and the shorter ones (nos. 2, 4).~~

~~The musical setting faithfully echoes the length of the textual lines, as well as their masculine endings~~

"(With the exception of m. 40). However the balanced poetic structure has been completely disrupted by the irregular musical form. Certain lines or words are often repeated, yielding to sheer musical considerations. For example, the repetition of the word "No" in mm. 19-20 is clearly motivated by the need to provide a more conclu- 104

sive ending to the previous phrase group. The same is true for the second verse: since Haydn chose to insert a piano link after two textual lines (mm. 24-26), an exten sion (which uses text repetitions, mm. 31-34) was inevit able in order to maintain the structural balance. The third verse (mm. 36-44) forms an exception, not only motivically, but also in its continuous presentation of the text, without any piano links or textual repetitions.

The text of the last verse is treated with the greatest liberty. Its four lines are spread over sixty-five measures (mm. 46-110), with numerous repetitions, mostly of the last textual line: "my heart is fixed on thee."

~~These words are consistently repeated twice, or, more commonly, thrice (mm. 54-58, 62-67, 86-90, 94-100, 1 02-~~

~~110).~~

~~Linguistically, this song suffers from the worst handling of the verbal accentuation, as it almost sys- tematically emphasizes prepositions: e.g. mm. 28~~

~~("fortune"), 41 ("in"), 50 ("is"), 51 ("is"), 53 ("in"),~~

~~54 ("in"), 61 ("in"), 62 ("in"), 68 ("for"), 69 ("the,"~~

~~"or"), 70 ("my"), 80 ("our"), 82 ("is"), 83 ("is"), 85~~

~~("in"), 86 ("in"), 93 ("in"), 94 ("in"), 100 {"for"), 101~~

~~("the," "or").~~

~~The musical setting succeeds nevertheless in captur- ing some subtle textual nuances: e.g. the stormy and agitated piano introduction sets up the atmosphere of~~

~~"rushing winds" and "heavy beats the show'r." The four 105~~

thirty-second notes in mm. 1-4 recur later for word painting in mm. 10, 12. The text, "This anxious, aching bosom" (mm. 14-16), is conveyed by a vocal line shaped as a turn and composed of four successive half steps ( c' d'b-c'-b9 -c' ). The affectionate text "For ah, my love ••• " gets a simple and quiet line (motive B - mm. 20- 24), which is in dramatic contrast to the violent excla- mation, "No, no!" heard just previously (mm. 19-20).

~~However the agitation which characterizes motive A returns immediately, along with the text, "What bitter storm of fortune blows, what tempests trouble thee" (mm.~~

26-34). The uninterrupted flow of the third verse (mm. 36-44) graphically depicts the text, "A wayward fate has spun the thread." The upward trend of this strophe is abruptly changed in the last phrase, in keeping with the words "She draws it to an end" (mm. 42-43). This descending line paves the way for the following chromatic, descending transition (mm. 44-52), which beautifully describes the passive acceptance of the fate: "The lot is cast for me." The sudden change to the major mode in m. 53 symbolizes eternal love which knows no boundaries ("for in the world or in the tomb, my heart is fixed on thee"). This obsessive bond is literally translated into musical terms through the stubborn repetition of the notes a-c'-g-c' (mm. 55-57, 87-89), as well as the alternations of the notes e' and f' (mm. 71-72, 103-105).

~~Even the piano part in mm. 114-121 clings relentlessly to 106~~

~~this motive (though with a change of rhythm). This rest less murmur, which refuses to subside even toward the end, leaves us with a feeling of an ongoing perpetuum mobile. CHAPTER FIVE~~

~~SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS~~

Haydn did not name these songs "Lieder," as he did with his earlier German songs from the 1780's. In London of that time, a city already dominated by foreign genres, such a title might have been considered insensitive, if not risky. Nor did he call them "Songs for voice with piano accompaniment," as most continental composers would have probably done. He cleverly chose a term of Italian origin, which became a household word in England. Can zonetta (or canzonet), a diminutive for the Italian word canzone (song) , came to denote a short secular vocal piece in a light vein, often a dance song, set to a strophic poem of amorous or pastoral nature. Does this definition properly describe Haydn's can zonettas? Only partly so. In fact the analysis unfolds an unusual combination of two utterly distinct musical styles. On the one hand, these songs yield unashamedly to the limited ability of the amateur. It seems clear that Haydn's intention was to compose technically easy pieces, which would be sung and played a prima vista by any educated music lover. In a country so abundant

107 108 with musical societies run by enthusiastic middle-class amateurs, such undemanding songs apparently had good prospects of finding a substantial market. Naming these songs English canzonettas could further increase their appeal, in a society so fond of domestic singing. On the other hand, under this seemingly light and popular dis guise, Haydn incorporated some characteristics of the Sturm und Orang period, which had been inexplicably aban doned in the 1770's. In London, no longer compelled to appease a single patron, Haydn could venture into more expressive musical idiom. The popular style is present to various degrees throughout the entire set. It is, however, most clearly evident in canzonettas nos. 1, 3, 5, which are based on light hearted, pastoral poems. The Romantic trend is most explicitly represented in canzonettas nos. 2, 4, 6, which utilize more somber and introspective texts. The appeal to the amateur is manifested via the following traits: 1. Mostly diatonic vocal melodies. 2. Limited vocal range. 3. Narrow tessitura. 4. Basically conjunct vocal line. 5. Relatively brief phrases, composed of short phrase members. 6. Mostly syllabic or neumatic text underlay. 7. Frequent melodic sequences. 109

8. Anticipation of the initial vocal phrase by the piano introduction. 9. Anticipation of vocal phrases by piano links. 10. Constant support of the vocal line by the piano treble. 11. Strophic setting. 12. Simple tonal structures of statement-digression- restatement. 13. Relatively easy-to-play keys. 14. Translucent piano texture (mostly 2, 3 parts). 15. Slow harmonic rhythm (large areas of pedal points and frequent alternations of Tonic and Dominant chords). 16. Limited harmonic palette of mainly triadic chords in conventional progressions. 17. Extensive segments of uniformal pianistic figuration (jump base, arpeggios, Murky bass, etc.). Canzonettas nos. 1, 3, 5 in particular possess an unmis- takable flavour of folk songs, due to their catchy melodies, their allegretto tempi and the ~ meter (nos. 3, 5) commonly associated with pastorals and dance music. Thus, The Mermaid's Song, Recollection and Pleasing Pain seem to fully deserve their designation as "canzonettas." However even these three canzonettas are clearly distin guished from typical folk songs mainly by virtue of two characteristics. The thoughtful handling of textual nuances elevates the poetry from its mediocrity, and 110

creates a unity of voice and verse which can only be found in the domain of art songs. Moreover, underneath the conventional overall structure and the seemingly "simple lay" (see Pastoral Song), there exist highly intricate microstructures that endow these songs with an unshakable architectonic coherence. Two lines from The Mermaid's Song might be used as a metaphor in this context: "Come, behold what treasures lie far below the rolling waves. II

The second group of canzonettas (nos. 2, 4, 6)' while still maintaining some of the characteristics of the first group, reveal a quest for bolder, less conven tional musical idiom. These songs often utilize a richer harmonic palette in non-cadential progressions; ambiguous tonal structures; relatively far-reaching modulations; more chromatic and fragmented vocal lines; and more powerfuli independent piano accompaniment (no. 6). The uniqueness of this set is related not to the innovative traits observed in the second group, but to the combination of two intrinsically contradictory styles. Although working in the open market allowed Haydn to exercise greater artistic freedom, it did not release him completely from the need to adjust his music to the demands and expectations of his wider and less cultivated new audience. He therefore cautiously incor porated the familiar with the innovative, the popular 1 1 1

with the learned, into a framework easily digestible for the English audience. Moreover, in determining the order by which the can zonettas were presented in the set, Haydn not only fol lowed the common practice of alternating fast and slow movements, but skillfully guided us from the simplest to the most complex song: from the naive, spirited invita tion of the mermaid ("Come and I will lead the way") to the tormented ending of Fidelity, with its morbid confes- sion:

~~"This anxious, aching bosom finds No comfort in its power."~~

Haydn's popularity in England was not propelled merely by Salomon's efficient public relations. His position at Esterhaza had undoubtedly taught him a crucial lesson in artistic survival: after providing commissioned works in dictated idioms for thirty years, attunement to his audience's mentality had probably become second nature to him. In the case of the English Canzonettas, this sensitivity proved to be greatly appre ciated. The first set from 1 794 was enormously well received by the English audience, 209 and Haydn responded with a second set, followed by several separate canzonettas. Although this set does not constitute an outstanding milestone in the development of the art song, it provides us, nevertheless, with a unique musical testimony regard- 112

~~ing the emancipation of the European artist at the end of the eighteenth century. NOTES~~

1Arnold Hauser, The Social History of Art, vol. III (New York: Vintage Books, 1958), p. 3; see also: Charles w. Hughes, The Human Side of Music (New York: Da Capo Press, 1970), p. 137. 2An attempt was made to individualize the analysis of each song according to its unique qualities. This resulted in some differences in the order by which these categories are presented.

3Max Graf, Composer and Critic. Two Hundred Years of Musical Criticism (New York: Kennikat Press, 1969), p. 32; see also: Paul Henry Lang, Music In Western Civilization (New York: w. w. Norton, 1941), p. 719. 4 Hauser, op. cit., p. 111.

5The appearance of signatures on vases and statues from the 6th century B.c., serves as evidence of the high self esteem and social status of the ancient artist. See: Rudolf and Margaret Wittkower, Born Under Saturn, The Character and Conduct of Artists: A Documentary History from Antiquity to the French Revolution (New York: Random House, 1963), p. 12. 6 wittkower, ~O~P~·~c=i~t., p. 12. 7 Loc. cit.

~~8charles Hughes, op. cit., p. 146.~~

9Lang, op. cit., p. 719. 10 wittkower, op. cit., p. 71, repeats the report of the Italian painter, architect and biographer Giorgio Vasari (1511-1574) about some non-conformist painters in Florence at his time, who had tried to amaze the bour geois. He did not mince words describing their habits:

~~113 114~~

• • • Under the pretence of living like philo sophers, they lived like swine and brute beasts. They never washed their hands nor their faces or hair or beard; they did not sweep their houses and never made their beds, save once every two months; they laid their tables with cartoons for their pic tures and they drank only from the bottle or the jug; and this miserable existence of theirs, living, as the saying goes, from hand to mouth, was held by them to be the finest life in the world.

~~Those proto-bohemian artists, alienated from the rest of society, were undoubtedly exceptional.~~

~~11 E.g.: G. F. Handel (1685-1759); the painters Frans Hals (c. 1581-1666), Caravaggio (c. 1573-1610), and Hogarth (1697-1764).~~

12Raynor, A Social History of Music from the Middle Ages to Beethoven (London: Barrie & Jenkins), 1972, p. 10. 13Lady Wallace, trans. and ed., Beethoven's Letters (1790-1826), From the Collection of Dr. Ludwig Nohl, 2 vols. in one (New York: Books for Libraries Press, 1970), p. 68. 14 The small autonomous states which occupied the area now known as Germany and Austria.

15Johann Nikolaus Forkel (1749-1818), was a theorist, musicologist and biographer of J. s. Bach. 16Raynor, A Social History of Music, op. cit, p. 290. 17 charles Hughes, op. cit., pp. 138-139. 18Karl Geiringer, in collaboration with Irene Geiringer, Haydn. A Creative Life In Music (Berleley and London: University of California Press, 1982), p. 25; see also: Henry Raynor, Music and Society Since 1815 (New York: Schocken Books, 1979), p. 36; also: Raynor, A Social History of Music, op. cit, p. 292; and H.V.F. Somerset, "The Hapsburg Emperors as Musicians," Music and Letters, XXX (1949), 204-215. 19 Reinhard G. Paully, ~M~u~s~i~c~I~n~T~h~e~C~l~a~s~s~i~c~a~l~~P~e~r~i~o~d (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1973 [1965]), p. 24.

~~20L oc. c~'t • 115~~

~~21 The Present State of Music In Germany, The Netherlands and United Provinces (New York: Broude Brothers, 1969), pp. 151-153.~~

~~22walter Salmen, ed., The Social Status of the Professional Musician from the Middle Ages to Nineteenth Century, trans. by H. Kaufman and B. Reisner (New York: Pendragon Press, 1983), p. 172.~~

23In 1767 he went to Hamburg to succeed Telemann as the musical director of the city's church. See: Raynor, A Social Hi~tory of Music, op. cit., pp. 8, 10, 292-293. 24 Raynor, 1'b'd 1 ., pp. 302 - 303 •

~~25Ibid., p. 290. 26 Ibid., pp. 292-303. 27 Lang, op. cit., p. 720.~~

~~28Raynor, A Social History of Music, op. cit., pp. 297-300.~~

~~29Ibid., p. 297.~~

~~30Lang, op. cit., p. 719. 31 Quoted in Geiringer, op. cit., p. 27.~~

~~32Emily Anderson, ed. and trans., The Letters of Mozart And His Family, Vol. II (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1966), pp. 713-714.~~

33Martin Ruhkne, "Telemann, G. F.," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians ed. by s. Sadie, XVIII (London: MacMillan Pub., 1980), 647-659. 34Eugen Helm, "Graun, c. H.," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, VII, 644-666.

~~35Floyed K. Grave, "Holzhauer, I.," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, VIII, 669-670. 36 Lang, op. cit., p. 720.~~

~~37Raynor, A Social History of Music, op. cit., 291.~~

~~38salmen, op. cit., p. 164.~~

~~39L OC. C1't • 40 Ibid., p. 172. 116~~

41 Ibid., p. 168. 42 Ibid., p. 173. 43 Ibid., p. 168. 44 Hauser, OE· cit., p. 105. 45 salmen, OE· cit., p. 175. 46Percy M. Young, The Concert Tradition From The Middle Ages To The Twentieth Century (London: Ruthledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), p. 64. 47 salmen, OE• cit., pp. 176-177. 48Robert Anchor, The Enlightenment Tradition (New York and London: Harper & Row Pub., 1967), pp. 34-68. 49Hugo Leichtentritt, Music, History and Ideas (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1966), p. 180; see also: Reinhard G. Paully, Music In The Classic Period (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1975), p. 24; and: H. c. Robbins Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, Vol. II: Haydn at Eszterhaza, 1766-1790 (Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1978), p. 508.

~~50Elizabeth Warren, ed. and others, History from the Renaissance To Napoleon (Chicago: University of Knowledge, 1940), p. 341.~~

~~51 Paully, op. cit., pp. 56-57.~~

~~52Ibid., p. 58; see also: Nicholas Capaldi, The Enlightenment (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1967), pp. 218-229.~~

~~53Hauser, op. cit., p. 101.~~

~~54Lang, op. cit., p. 732.~~

~~SSW arren, op. c1't ., pp. 330-331.~~

~~56Graf, op. cit., p. 31.~~

~~57Quoted in Walter Blair, The History of World Literature (Chicago: University of Knowledge, 1940), p. 180. 117~~

58conrad L. Donakowski, A Muse For The Masses. Ritual and Music in an Age of Democratic Revolution, 1770-1870 (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1977), p. 188. 59 Hauser, op. cit., p. 53.

60young, op. c1't ., pp. 28-44. 61 Lang, op. cit., pp. 722-723. 62Daniel Heartz, "Enlightenment," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. by s. Sadie (London: MacMillan Pub., 1980), VI, 206. 63 Lang, op. cit., p. 724. 64 Paully, op. cit., pp. 64-66. 65 L ang, op. c1't ., p. 723 • 66 Heartz, op. cit., p. 206; see also: Lang op. cit., p. 724. 67 Hans Engel, Musik und Gesellschaft (Berlin: Uunschiedel, 1960), pp. 39-41. 68 Raynor, Music and Society Since 1875, op. cit., pp. 1, 36. 69 Raynor, A Social History of Music, op. cit., p. 351. 70 Raynor, Music and Society Since 1875, op. cit., p. 15. 71 Paully, op. cit., p. 64. 72 Leichtentritt, op. cit., pp. 215-216. 73 william Weber, Music and the Middle Class. The Social Structure of Concert Life in London, Paris and Vienna (New York: Holmes & Meier Pub., 1975), p. 11. 74 cuthbert Hadden, Haydn (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1 977), p. 40. 118

75A letter to J. w. Wasielewski from January 9th, 1857: " ••• Der Strom der Angewohnheit und die Sklaverei des Kuenstlers, der zur Erhaltung und Verbesserung seiner Existenz und seines Renornrnees auf den Zuspruch und den Applaus der Menge angewiesen, ist so baendigend, dass es selbst den Besser-Gesinnten und Muthigsten, unter welche ich den Stolz habe mich zu rechnen, aeusserst schwierig wird, ihr besseres Ich vor allen den luesternen, verworrenen und trotz ihrer grossen Zahl unzurechnungs-faehigen Wir zu wahren. 76 Jens Peter Larsen, "Haydn, Franz Joseph," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. by s. Sadie (London: MacMillan Pub., 1980), VIII, 329-333. 77Rosemary S.M. Hughes, Haydn (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1976), p. 109. 78 Paully, op. cit., p. 66. 79 Michael Brenet, Haydn, trans. by Leonard Leese (London: Oxford University Press, 1926), p. 19; see also: Larsen, op. cit., p. 333. 80 Paully, op. cit., p. 66. 81 Haydn was promoted to the post of Kapellmeister after the death of his predecessor, Gregorius Werner in 1776. See: Geiringer, op. cit., pp. 60-61. 82 Ibid., pp. 43-45. 83 ouoted in Vernon Gotwals, ~J~o~s~e~p~h~H~a~y~d~n~.--~E~i~g~h~t~e~e~n~t~h Century Gentleman and Genius (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1963), p. 16. 84 ouoted in Geiringer, op. cit., p. 73. 85 Peter Gay, The Enlightenment: An Interpretation, Vol. II (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), p. 226. 86 Rosemary S.M. Hughes, op. cit., p. 40. 87 H.C. Robbins Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, Vol. II: Haydn at Eszterhaza, 1766-1790 (Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1978), pp. 23-31. 88 Quoted in Gotwals, op. cit., pp. 100-102. 89 Quoted in Gotwals, op. cit., p. 17. 119

90H.C. Robbins Landon, ed. and trans., The Collected Correspondence and London Notebooks of Joseph Haydn (London: Barrie & Rockliff, 1959), p. 19. 91 Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, Vol. II, ~ cit., p. 16. 92 Landon, ibid., pp. 501-508. 93 Jacques Chailley, "Joseph Haydn And The Freemason," Studies in Eighteenth Century Music, ed. by H.C.R. Landon and R.E. Chapman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), pp. 120-122. 94 Haydn's name was eliminated from the lists of members in 1787. See: Chailley, ibid., p. 124. 95 Heartz, op. cit., p. 206; see also: Chailley, ibid., p. 123. 96 Arabic numerals refer to the piece; roman numerals - to the movement. 97 H.C. Robbins Landon, The Symphonies of Joseph Haydn (London: Universal Edition, 1955), pp. 271-341; see also: R. L. Todd, "Joseph Haydn and the Sturm und Orang: A Revaluation," Music Review, XLI/c (1980), 172- 173; also: Anthony Hodgson, The Music of Joseph Haydn: The Symphonies (London: The Tantivy Press, 1976), pp. 69-80. 98 This period was viewed by the French musicologist Theodore Wyzewa as a "Romantic Crisis." See his article: "A propos du centenaire de la mort de Joseph Haydn," Revue de deux mondes, LXIX/15 (June 15, 1909), 7-13. 99 Landon, The Symphonies of Joseph Haydn, op. cit., p. 274. 100 Rosemary Hughes, op. cit., p. 46. 101 Landon, The Symphonies of Joseph Haydn, op. cit., p. 273. 102 Quoted in Landon, ibid., p. 342. 103 Ibid., pp. 342-395; see also: Hodgson, op. cit., pp. 80-89. 104 Landon, ibid., pp. 342-346. 105 Gay, op. cit., p. 226. 120

106 Mrs. M. Genzinger was the wife of the Prince's Viennese physician. See this letter in: Landon, The Collected Correspondence and London Notebooks of Joseph Haydn, op. cit., p. 106. 107 A letter to Mrs. Genzinger; see: ibid., pp. 96-97. 108 Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, Vol. II, ~ cit., p. 15. 109 oenes Bartha and H.C.R. Landon, ed., Joseph Haydn; Gesammelte Briefe und Aufzeichnungen (New York: Baerenreiter, 1965), pp. 83-85.

11 OL arsen, op. c1. t ., p. 355 • 111 Peter A. Brown, "The Earliest English Biography of Haydn," Musical Quarterly, LIX/3 (Jul. 1973), 339. 112 Griesinger, as quoted in Lang, op. cit., p. 627. 113 Landon, The Collected Correspondence and London Notebooks of Joseph Haydn, op. cit., p. 20. 114 ouoted in Wittkower, op. cit., p. 20. 115 Gotwals, op. cit., p. 118.

~~116Ge1r1nger, . . op. c1. t ., pp. 96-97. 117 Griesinger, in Gotwals, op. cit., p. 17. 118 oies, in Gotwals, op. cit., p. 119; see also: Griesinger, in Gotwals, op. cit., p. 22.~~

1190.1es, 1 oc. c1't • 120 The Professional Concerts were active in the years 1783-1793, under the leadership of the violinist Wilhelm Cramer. 121 For a detailed account of these attempts, see: Christopher Roscoe, "Haydn and London in the 1780's, Music and Letters, XLIX/1 (Jan. 1968), 203-213. 122 The Morning Herald, November 23, 1782, p. 2. 123 Gasetter and New-Daily Advertiser, January 17, 1785, as quoted in Roscoe, op. cit., p. 205. 124G . . . t 99 e1r1nger, ~o.P~·~c~1~., p. • 125 Ibid., p. 100. 121

~~126charles Hughes, The Human Side of Music (New York: Da Capo Press, 1970), p. 103.~~

127The early 20th century is consequently referred to as the "English Renaissance." Wilfrid Mellers, Music and Society (New York: Roy Publishers, 1950), pp. 155-187; see also: H.V.F. Somerset, "Joseph Haydn in England," Music and Letters, XIII/3 (July, 1932), 285.

~~128Paul Henry Lang, "The Composer," Man Versus Society in Eighteenth Century Britain, edited by James L. Clifford (Cambridge: At The University Press, 1968), p. 86.~~

~~129william Weber, Music and the Middle Class (New York: Holmes & Meier Pub., 1975), pp. 4-5. 130 Ibid., p. 6.~~

131 sir Arthur Bryant, The Years of Endurance, 1793- 1802 (London: Collins, 1942), pp. 3-4. 132 Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, Vol. III, ~ cit., p. 23. 133 Thomas Southcliffe Ashton, The Industrial Revolution, 1760-1830 (Rev. ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 102. 134 George August Griesinger, Biographische Notizen ueber Joseph Haydn, ed. by K. H. Koehler (Leipzig: Reclams, 1975), p. 61. 135 Jackson's Oxford Journal, January 1, 1791, as quoted in Rosemary s. M. Hughes, "Dr. Burney's Championship of Haydn," MQ, XXVII/1 (Jan. 1941), 92. 136 Somerset, "Joseph Haydn in England," op. cit., p. 284.

~~137Morning Chronicle, April 28, 1791, pp. 4-5.~~

~~138A Letter on Musical Education (London: For the Author, 1791), p. 16.~~

139Thomas B. Milligan, The Concerto and London's Musical Culture in the Late Eighteenth Century (Michigan: UMI Research Press, 1979), pp. 5-12. 140 Robert Elkine, The Old Concert Rooms of London (London: Edward Arnold, 1955), pp. 92-95. 122

141 charles Cudworth, "London. Das 18 Jahrhundert," Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vel. VIII, eels. 1147- 1148. 142 "Ich machte diesen Abend vier tausend Gulden. So etwas kaun man nur in England machen." J. Haydn, Gesammelte Briefe und Aufzeichnungen, edited by H.C.R. Landon and D. Bartha (Kassel: Baerenreiter, 1965), p. 553. 143 c. F. Pohl, Mozart und Haydn in London (New York: Da 'Capo Press, 1970), pp. 22-24. 144 Lea Southgate, "Music at the Public Pleasure Gardens of the Eighteenth Century," Royal Musical Association- Proceedings, XXXVIII (May 21, 1912), 142- 159. 145 charles Cudworth, "The Vauxhall Lists," Galpin Society Journal XX (1967), 24-42. 146 Milligan, op. cit., p. 3. 147 Marion Scott, "Haydn in England," The Musical Quarterly, XVIII/2 (Apr. 1932), 263. 148 The Times (London), April 27, 1792, p. 5. 159 Morning Herald, April 21, 1792, p. 8. 150 Hints to Young Composers of Instrumental Music (London: Clementi, Banger, Hude, Collard & Davis, 1806), p. 1. 151 Londoners were won over by Italian operas long before Handel's arrival in London in 1710. See: Charles Burney, A General History of Music, vel. II (1st ed. London: 1782; New York: Dover Publications, 1957), pp. 651-913. 152 Arne's "Artaxerxes" (1792) should be mentioned as a fortunate exception which was often performed throughout the late 18th and early 19th centuries in London. 153 Donald Jay Grout, A Short History of Opera, 2nd ed. (New York & London: Columbia University Press, 1965), p. 146. 154 The Spectator, April 3, 1711, as quoted in Henry Raynor, A Social History of Music (London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1972), pp. 248-249. 123

155"Arisone" was Clayton's Italianate opera performed for the first time in 1705. 156 Joseph Addison, The Spectator, no. 18, Wednesday, March 21, 1711, as quoted in Donald Jay Grout, op. cit., pp. 147-148. 157 The composers of these tunes, even when known, were seldom mentioned. 158 walter H. Rubsamen, "Ballad Opera," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. by s. Sadie, vol. II (London: MacMillan Pub., 1980), pp. 79-81. 159 Ibid., p. 82. 160 stanley Sadie, "concert Life in Eighteenth Century England," Royal Proceedings of Musical Association LXXXIV (Dec. 9, 1958), 17-30. 161 sir William Herschel, as quoted in Sadie, "Concert Life ••• ", op. cit., p. 21. 162 sadie, "Concert Life," op. cit., p. 22. 163 Ibid., p. 23. 164 Ibid. I .pp. 22, 23.

165Ib'dl. ., pp. 27, 28. 166 John March's account of the Romsey concerts in 1772, as quoted in Sadie, "Concert Life," op. cit., p. 29. 167 Ibid., pp. 18-24. 168 J. G. Cranfurd, "The Madrigal Society," Royal Musical Association- Proceedings, 1 XXXII (1957), 208. 169 John March, on a catch club organization at Chichester, as quoted in Sadie, "Concert Life," op. cit., p. 27. 170 Hay d n Vl.Sl. ' 't e d E ng 1 an d t wJ.ce, ' s t ayJ.ng ' f rom J anuary 2, 1791 to June 18, 1792 and again from February 4, 1794 to August 15, 1795. 1 71 Landon, ed. and trans., The Collected Correspon- dence and London Notebooks of Joseph Haydn, p. 112. 124

~~172The Bach-Abel Concerts were active during the years 1765-1782, unde~ the direction of Johann Christian Bach and Carl Friedrich Abel.~~

~~173Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, vol. III: Haydn in England, 1791-1795 (Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1977), pp. 53-55. 174 ouoted in Geiringer, op. cit., p. 109.~~

~~175The Morning Chroni:,cle, March 12, 1791, p. 4. 176 Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, vol. III, ~ cit., p. 23.~~

177Landon, ed. and trans. The Collected Correspon dence and London Notebooks of J. Haydn, op. cit., p. 118. 178 Griesinger, in Gotwals, op. cit., p. 35; see also Dies in Gotwals, ibid., pp. 158-159. 179 ouoted in Geiringer, op. cit., p. 111. 180 A letter from January 17, 1792. See in: Landon, ed. and trans., The Collected Correspondence and London Notebooks of J. Haydn., op. cit., p. 128. 181 Rosemary s. M. Hughes, "Dr. Burney's Championship of Haydn," The Musical Quarterly XXVII/1 (Jan. 1941), 90- 96. 182 Geiringer, op. cit., pp. 102-105. 183 Griesinger, in Gotwals, op. cit., p. 34. 184 Landon, ed. and trans., The Collected Correspon- dence and London Notebooks of J. Haydn, op. cit., p. 305; see also: Dies, in Gotwals, op. cit., pp. 172-173; and: Somerset, "Joseph Haydn in England," op. cit., p. 279. 185 Gotwals, op. cit., p. 55. 186 Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, Vol. III, op. cit., pp. 122-123. 187 Landon, ed. and trans., The Collected Correspon- dence and London Notebooks of J. Haydn, op. cit., pp. 144-145. 188 Ibid., p. 291. 189 Ibid., pp. 279-286. 125

1 9 0 George Eyre-Todd, =S...;::c~o;..::t:;.:t:;.:i:;.:s::.:h;.;;....:P=-o=e..;;:t.;:;r..,.y~o;..;;f;.._t~h;.;.e~E=i..iil.g~h~ teenth Century, vol. II (Glasgow: W. Hodge & Co., 1896), p. 40. 191 Marion M. Scott, "some English Affinities And Associations of Haydn's Songs," Music and Letters, XXV/1 (Jan. 1 9 4 4 ) , 6 • 192Geiringer, op. cit., p. 26. 193The older Berlin school, with Christian Gottfriend Krause and C.P.E. Bach, and the younger, culminating in Friederich Reichhardt and Carl Friedrich Zelter. 194Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, vol. II, ~ cit., p. 501. 195Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, vol. III, op. cit., p. 378. 196scott, "some English Affinities and Associations of Haydn's Songs," op. cit., p. 4. 197Ibid., p. 6. 198Leopold Hoffman (1738-1793), Chapel master of st. Stephan's Cathedral at Vienna, was a prolific composer of sacred and secular music. See Landon, ed. and trans., The Collected Correspondence and London Notebooks of J. Haydn, op. cit., p. 32. 199Ibid., p. 31. 20°Karl Geiringer, "Haydn and the Folksong of the British Isles," The Musical Quarterly, XXXV/2 (Apr. 1949), 179-208; see also: Griesinger, in Gotwals, op. cit., p. 33. 201 "verse" -refers to the poetic unit. "Strophe" - to the musical setting of the verse. 202Idiomatically "vocal" - implies basically diatonic, conjunct, and relatively simply shaped melodic curve. "Instrumental line" - is understood as basically disjunct, often chromatic, and encompassing a relatively wide tessitura in a more erratic melodic curve. 203w. A. Mozart also used light staccato and fragmented words to evoke the pictorial image of a young maiden: see the tripping shepherdess in his Lied, ~ Veilchen (published in Vienna in 1789). 126

~~204 The concept of death as a liberator became increas ingly popular in the Eurdpean poetry of the nineteenth century.~~

~~205H.C.R. Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, vol. III, p. 381.~~

~~206Marion Scott, "Some English Affinities and Associa tions of Haydn's Songs," op. cit., p. 7.~~

~~207schubert used a rhythmically diminished version of this pattern in his Lied Gute Nacht, which opens the Winterreise.~~

208Beethoven used the same tonality (F minor) and the same rhythmic pattern for his piano sonata op. 2 no. 1, dedicated to "Joseph Haydn, Dr. of Music." 209 H.C.R. Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, vol. III, op. cit., p. 387. BIBLIOGRAPHY

~~I. General History~~

Ashton, Thomas Southcliffe. An Economic History of England: The Eighteenth Century. New York: Barnes & Noble (1955), 1959, 257 p. The Industrial Revolution, 1760-1830. London and New York: Oxford University Press (1948), 1964, 167 p. Brown, Philip Anthony. The French Revolution in English History. New York: Barnes & Noble (1918), 1965, 234 p.

Bruun, Geoffrey. The Enlightened Despots. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1967, 120 p. Bryant, Sir Arthur. The Years of Endurance, 1793-1802. London: Collins (1942), 1961, 370 p. Capaldi, Nicholas. The Enlightenment. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1967, 414 p. Clifford, James L., ed. Man Versus Society in Eighteenth Century Britain. Cambridge: At the University Press, 1968, 175 p. Gay, Peter. The Enlightenment: An Interpretation, Vol. II. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969, 705 p. Hazard, Paul. The European Mind (1680-1715). Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Co. (1963), 1967, 454 p. Marsak, Leonard M., ed. The Enlightenment. New York: Wiley, 1972, 205 p. Marshall, Dorothy. Eighteenth Century England. New York: David McKay (1962), 1965, 537 p.

~~127 128~~

------~~------· English People in the Eighteenth Century. London: Longmas, Green & Co. (1956), 1965, 288 P• Southcliffe, Thomas. The Industrial Revolution, 1760- 1830. New York: 0xford University Press, 1964, 309 p.

~~Stearns, Peter N., ed. A Century for Debate, 1789-1914. Problems in interpretation of European History. New York and Toronto: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1969, 511 p.~~

~~Warren, Elizabeth, ed., and others. History from the Renaissance to Napoleon. Chicago: University of Knowledge, 1940, 390 p.~~

~~II. Music History~~

~~Adler, Guido. "Schubert and the Viennese Classical School," Musical Quarterly, XVIII (1932), 191, 207.~~

~~Balet, Leo and E. Gerald. Die Verbuergerlichung der deutchen Kunst; Literatur und Musik im 18. Jahrhundert. Ed. by G. Mattenklott. Frankfurt am Mein: Ullstein, 1973 (1936), 526 p.~~

Blume, Friedrich. Classic and Romantic Music. A Comprehensive Survey. Trans. by M. D. Herter Norton. London and New York: Norton & Co. (1958), 1 9701 213 P• Brody, Elaine and Claire Brook. The Musical Guide to Austria and Germany. New York: Dodd & Mead, 1975, 271 p. Brook, Barry s. "Sturm und Orang and the Romantic Period in Music," Studies in Romanticism, IX/4 (Fall, 1970), 269-284.

~~Burney, Charles. A General History of Music. From The Earliest Ages to The Present Period (1789), Vol. II. New York: Dover Pub., 1957 (1st ed. London: 1782), 1098 p.~~

~~The Present State of Music in Germany, the Netherlands and United Provinces. New York: Bronde Brothers, 1969, 3 vols.~~

~~Einstein, Alfred. Music In The Romantic Era. London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1947, 371 p. 129~~

Gartenberg, Egon. Vienna - Its Musical Heritage. Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Park, 1968, 276 p. Grave, Floyed K. "Holzbauer, I.," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, VIII, 669-670.

Grout, Donald Joy. A History of Western Music. New York: W. w. Norton, 1960, 742 p. Hawkins, Sir John. A General History of the Science and Practice of Music. 2 vols. New York: Dover Pub., 1963 (1st ed. London: Novello, 1853). Heartz, Daniel. "Classical," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, IV, 449-454.

~~-----~-,.....· "Enlightenment," The New Grove Diction ary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, VI, 204-207.~~

Heger, Theodore E. Music of the Classic Period. Iowa: c. Brown, 1969, 116 p. Helm, Eugen. "Graun, c. H.," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London, Macmillan, 1980, VII, 644-666.

Hudson, Frederick. "Musikaliche Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und England im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert," Musica, XII/7-8 (July-Aug. 1958), 400-405. Landon, H.C.R. Essays on the Viennese Classical Style: Gluck, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven. New York: Macmillan, 1970, 187 p.

~~Landon, H.C.R. ed. in collaboration with Roger E. Chapman. Studies in Eighteenth-Century Music. A Tribute to Karl Geiringer on his 70th Birthday. New York: Oxford University Press, 1970, 425 p.~~

Nett!, P. "German Classicists in England and America," Music Journal, XV/3 (Mar. 1957), 9-11, 73. Paully, Reinhard G. Music In The Classic Period. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1973 ( 1965), 206 p. 130

Peckham, Mary A. Sturm und Orang in Eighteenth Century Music. Master Thesis, Columbia University, 1967, 82 p. Ratner, Leonard G. Classic Music. Expression, Form and Style. New York: Schirmer Books, 1980, 475 p. Rosen, Charles. The Classical Style: Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven. New York: Viking Press (1971), 1972, 467 p. Ruhkne, Martin. "Teleman, G. F.," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, XVIII, 647-659. Somerset, H.V.F. "The Hapsburg Emperors as Musicians," Music and Letters, XXX (1949), 204-215.

Westrup, Jack Allen. "The Paradox of Eighteenth Century Music," Haydn Festschrift. Studies in Musicology; Essays in the History, Style and Bibliography of Music in Memory of Glen Haydon. Ed. by James W. Pruett. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina, 1968, pp. 250-261.

~~III. Social History of Music~~

Donakowski, Conrad L. A Muse For The Masses. Ritual and Music in an Age of Democratic Revolution, 1770-1870. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press (1936), 1977, 435 p. Dunwell, Wilfrid. Music and the European Mind. London: Herbert Jenkins, 1962, 208 p.

~~Egbert, Donald D. Social Radicalism in the Arts. A Cultural History from the French Revolution to 1968. New York: Knopf, 1970, 821 p.~~

Engel, Hans. Musik und Gesellschaft. Berlin: Uunschiedel, 1960, 102 p. Fleming, William. Art, Music, Ideas. New York and London: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970, 366 p. Graf, Max. Composer and Critic. Two Hundred Years of Musical Criticism. New York: Kennikat Press (1946), 1969, 331 p. 131

Hauser, Arnold. The Social History of Art. Vol. III. New York: Vintage Books, 1958, 227 p. Haweis, Hugo Reginald. Music And Morals. New York: Harper & Brothers (1872), 1959, 478 p. Hughes, Charles W. The Human Side of Music. New York: Da Capo Press, 1970, 341 p. Lang, Paul Henry. Music in Western Civilization. New York: W. w. Norton, 1941, 1107 p.

-----.,.....,...-=-.,.---.,....• "The Composer," Man Versus Society in Eighteenth Century Britain. Ed. by James L. Clifford. Cambridge: At the University Press, 1968, 203 p. Leichtentritt, Hugo. Music, History, and Ideas. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press (1938), 1966, 296 p.

Lesure, Francois. Music and Art in Society. Pennsylvania: University Park, 1967, 300 p. Mellers, Wilfrid. Music and Society. New York: Roy Publishers, 1950, 287 p. Myers, Rollo H. Music in the Modern World. London: Edward Arnold & Co. (1939), 1941, 210 p. Peacock, Alan and Ronald Weir. The Composer in the Market Place. London: Faber Music, 1975, 263 p. Percy, M. Young. The Concert Tradition From the Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century. London: Ruthledge and Kegan, 1965, 177 p. Raynor, Henry. A Social History of Music From the Middle Ages To Beethoven. London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1972, 373 p.

~~------~-=---~· Music and Society Since 1815. New York: Schocken Books, 1976, 213 p. Rich, Alan. Music - Mirror of the Arts. New York and London: F. A. Praeger Pub., 1969, 281 p.~~

Salmen, Walter, ed. The Social Status of the Profes sional Musician from the Middle Ages to the Nine teenth Century. Trans. by H. Kaufman and B. Reisner. New York: Pendragon Press (1971), 1983, 281 p. 132

Weber, William. Music and the Middle Class. The Social Structure of Concert Life in London, Paris and Vienna. New York: Holmes & Meier Pub. (1940), 1975, 172 p. Wittkower, Rudolf and Margaret. Born Under Saturn: The Character and Conduct of Artists: A Documented History from Antiquity to the French Revolution. New York: Random House, 1963, 344 p.

~~IV. History of English Music~~

~~Berry, c. "A:i,.rs from the British Isles and Airs from Moravia - Duets Incorporating Diverse Folk Materials," National Association of Teachers of Singing, XXXVI/2 (1979), 8-13.~~

Burney, Charles. An Account of the Musical Performances in Westminster Abbey and the Pantheon in Commemora tion of Handel. Amsterdam: FAM, Knuf, 1964 (1st ed. London: 1785), 139 p. Crunfurd, J. c. "The Madrigal Society," Royal Musical Association- Proceedings, XXXII/1 (1957), 208-213.

~~Cudworth, Charles. "London. Das 18 Jahrhundert," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Ed. by F. Blume, Kassel & Bassel: Baerenreiter Verlag, 1960. VIII, cols. 1147-1158.~~

~~-----::~--=---=--~· "The Vauxhall Lists," The Galpin Society Journal, XX (Mar. 1967), 24-42.~~

Cunningham, Woods F. "A Consideration of the Various Types of Songs Popular in England During the Eigh teenth Century," Royal Musical Association - Pro ceedings, XXIII (1896-1897), 37-55. - Elkin, Robert. The Old Concert Rooms of London. London: Edward Arnold Pub., 1955, 167 p.

~~Gagey, Edmond McAdoo. Ballad Opera. New York: Columbia Univ. Press (1937), 1965, 259 p. Hadow, Sir William. English Music. New York: Books for Libraries Press (1931 ), 1972, 188 p.~~

~~Harley, John. "Music at the English Court in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Music and Letters, L/3 (July 1969), 332-351. 133~~

Johnstone, H. D. "English Solo Songs c. 1710-1760," Royal Musical Association- Proceedings, XCV (1968- 69), 67-80. Mackerness, Eric. A Social History of English Music. London: Brow & Briant, 1964, 217 p. Marsh, John. Hints to Young Composers of Instrumental Music. London: Clementi, Banger, Hude, Collard & Davis, 1806, 24 p.

~~Milligan, Thomas B. The Concerto and London's Musical Culture in the Late Eighteenth Century. Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Research Press (1979), 1983, 376 p.~~

Petty, Frederick Curtis. Italian Operas in London, 1760- 1800. Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Research Press, 1980, 426 p. Pulver, Jeffry. A Biographical Dictionary of Old English Music. New York: Burt Franklin (1927), 1973, 537 p.

----~~~--~=· A Dictionary of Old English Music and Musical Instruments. London (1923), 1969, 247 p. Rosenbaum, Walter H. "Ballade Opera," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, II, 79-82. Rubin, Emanuel. The English Glee from William Hayes to William Harsley. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 1968, 2 vol, 1635 p. Rusbamen, Walter H. "Ballad Opera," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, II, 79-82. Sadie, Stanley. "Concert Life in Eighteenth Century England," Royal Musical Association - Proceedings, LXXXV (1958), 17-30. Southgate, Lea T. "Music at the Public Pleasure Gardens of the Eighteenth Century," Royal Musical Associa tion- Proceedings, XXXVIII (1911-12), 142- 159. Tilmouth, Michael. "Some Early London Concerts and Music Clubs, 1670-1720," Royal Musical Association - Pro ceedings, LXXX/IV (1957-1958), 13-19. 134

Westrup, Jack. "England: Art Music," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by s. Sadie. London: MacMillan, 1980, VI, 171-182. Young, Percy M. A History of British Music. New York: W. W. Norton, 1967, 641 p.

~~v. History of the Art Song~~

Castelnuovo-Tedesco, M. "Music and Poetry: Problems of a Songwriter," Musical Quarterly, XXX (1934), 102- 111 • Chew, Geoffrey. "Song," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, VI, 171-182.

Cusick, Suzanne G. "Canzonetta," The New Grove Diction ary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, III, 746-747. Dent, E. J. "On the Composition of English Song," Music and Letters, VI (1925), 224-235. Hall, James Husst. The Art Song. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962 (1953), 309 p. Ivey, Donald. Song: Anatomy, Imagery and Style. New York: The Free Press, 1970, 273 p. Landau, Annelise. The Lied. The Unfolding of its Style. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 19801 138 P• Mueller, Gunter. Geschichte des deutschen Liedes vom Zeitalter des Barok bis zur Gegenwart. Hamburg: Friedlaender, 1959, 347 p. Osborne, Charles. The Concert Song Companion. A Guide to the Classical Repertoire. London: Victor Gallancz, 1974, 285 p. Sams, Eric. "Lied," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980, X, 830-847. Stein, Jack M. Poem and Music in the German Lied from Gluck to Hugo Wolf. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971, 238 p. 135

~~Sydow, Alexander. Das Lied: Ursprung, Wesen und Wandel. Goettingen: Gottlieb, 1962, 299 p.~~

Upton, G. P. _T_h-=e~S;-;o;;;..;n;.;..g""-"-. _..;;;I'"="t~s;_,;;B;;.:l.~·r;;...t.:;-h~, ~E~v...;;o...;;l;..;;u;;;..;t;;.;.i.;...o;;;..;n=""="a~n~d Function. Chicago: The United Press, 1915, 215 p. Woodside, J. The Evolution of the Art Song. Boston: G. Charlton, 1942, 7 vols.

~~VI. Reminiscences, Diaries and Letters of Haydn's Contemporaries~~

Anderson, Emily, ed. and trans. The Letters of Mozart and His Family. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1966, 2 vols. Burney, Charles. Memoirs of Doctor Burney. Arranged by his daughter, Madame D1 arblay, 3 vols. New York: AMS Press, 1975 (1st ed. London: 1832).

------~--· An Eighteenth Century Musical Tour in Central Europe and the Netherlands. Ed. by P. A. Scholes. London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1959 (1st ed. London: 1773), 268 p. Kelly, Michael. Reminiscences. Ed. by Roger Fiske. London: Oxford University Press (1826), 1975, 396 p. Parke, William Thomas. Musical Memoirs. An account of the General State of Music in England from the first Commemoration of Handel in 1784, to the year 1830. New York: Da Capo Press (1830), 1970, 333 p. Rosenbaum, Joseph Carl. "The Diaries of Joseph Carl Rosenbaum, 1770-1829," ed. by Else Radant. The Haydn Yearbook, ed. by Karl Heinz Fuessl and others. Vienna: Universal edition, 1968, V, 25-158. 136

~~VII. Monographs and Articles about Haydn (with a special emphasis on his later years)~~

~~Adler, Guido. "Haydn and The Viennese Classical School," Musical Quarterly, XVIII/2 (Apr. 1932), 191-207.~~

Badura-Skoda, Eva. "The Influence of the Viennese Popular Comedy on Haydn and Mozart," Royal Musical Association- Proceedings, LXXXVIII (1973-1974), 185-199. Barbaud, Pierre. J. Haydn in Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten. Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1968, 178 p.

~~Beyle, M. H. Lives of Haydn, Mozart and Metastasio. Trans. and ed. by R. N. Coe. London: Calder and Boyars, 1972 (1814), 370 p.~~

~~Blume, Friedrich. "Beethoven und Haydn," Syntagma musicologicum. Gesammelte Reden und Schriften (1962-1972). Ed. by A. Abert and M. Ruhnke. Kassel: Baerenreiter, 1973, II, 292-299.~~

~~Brenet, Michael. Haydn. Trans. by Leonard Leese. London: Oxford University Press, 1926, 143 p.~~

Brian, Havergal. "Joseph Haydn. The Visit to England," Musical Opinion, LV/654-656 (Mar.-May, 1932), 499- 500, 593-594, 672-674. Brown, A. P. "Joseph Haydn's and Leopold Hofman's Street Songs," Journal of the American Musicological Society, XXX/2 (1980) 356-383.

~~--~~--=--· "The Earliest English Biography of Haydn," Musical Quarterly, LIX/3 (Jul. 1973), 339-354.~~

Carpani, Giuseppe. Le Hydine. Bologna: Fermi, 1968 (1812), 103 p. Chailley, Jacques. "Joseph Haydn And The Freemasons," Studies in Eighteenth Century Music, Essays Pre sented to Karl Geiringer on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday. Ed. by H.C.R. Landon and R.E. Chapman. New York: Oxford University Press, 1970, PP. 11 7-1 2 4 • Chew, Geoffrey. "The Night-Watchman's Song Quoted By Haydn And Its Implications," Haydn-Studien, III/2 (Apr. 1974), 106-124. 137

Cobb, Charlotte Elizabeth. Poetic Rhythms in the Works of Joseph Haydn. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Iowa, 1971, 120 p. Conrat, Hugo. "Joseph Haydn und das kroatische Volkslied," Die Musik, IV/7 (Jan.-Mar. 1905), 14-20. Dies, Albert c. Biographische Nachrichten von Joseph Haydn. Berlin: Henschel (1810), 1965, 227 p. Eibner, Franz. "Joseph Haydn's Musikalische Sendung. Die Bedentung der oesterreichischen Volksmusik fuer die musikalische Klassik," Oesterreichischer Musikzeitung, XXII/9 (Sept. 1967), 540-549.

~~Feder, George. "Joseph Haydn als Mensch und Musiker," Oesterreichischer Musikzeitung, XXVII/2 (Feb. 1972), 57-68.~~

~~----..,..--....,~-· "Stilebmente Haydns in Beethovens Werke," Bericht ueber den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress, Bonn, 1970. Ed. by Carl Dahlhaus and others, 714 p.~~

~~Friedland, Bea. Haydn's Sturm und Orang Period: A Problem of Aesthetics. M.A. Dissertation. New York: Queens College, 1968, 114 p.~~

~~Fuchs, Aloys. Thematisches Verzeichnis der Saemtlichen Kompositionen von Joseph Haydn. Wilhelmshaven: Heinrichshofen's Verlag, 1968, 204 p.~~

~~Geiringer, Karl, in collaboration with Irene Geiringer. Haydn. A Creative Life In Music. Berkeley and London: University of California Press (1946), 1982, 403 p.~~

~~Geiringer, Karl. "Haydn and the Folk Song of the British Isles," Musical Quarterly, XXXV/2 (Apr. 1949), 430- 436.~~

~~------· "Haydn und England," Oesterreichische Kunst, III/3-4 (Mar.-Apr., 1932), 36-37.~~

~~"Joseph Haydn; Protagonist of the Eighteenth Century," Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, Geneva: Institute et Musee Voltaire, 1963, 683-690.~~

~~Gotwals, Vernon. "Haydn in London Again," Music Review, XXII (1961 ), 189-194. 138~~

----~~~~----· Joseph Haydn. Eighteenth-Century Gentleman and Genius. A Translation with Intro duction and Notes by V. Gotwals of the Biographische Notizen ueber J. Haydn by G. A. Griesinger, and the Biographische Nachrichten von J. Haydn by A. c. Dies. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1963, 275 p. Griesinger, George August. Biographische Notizen ueber Joseph Haydn. Ed. by K. H. Koehler. Leipzig: Reclams, 1975, 92 p. Hadden, Cuthbert. Haydn. London: J. M. Dent & Sons (1902), 1977, 237 p. Hadow, Sir William Henry. A Croatian Composer; notes toward the study of Joseph Haydn. London: Seely, 1897, 98 p.

~~Heinrich, Eduard Jacob. Joseph Haydn, seine Kunst, seine Zeit, sein Ruhn. Hamburg: Wegner, 1969, 273 p.~~

Hoboken, Anthony van. Discrepancies in Haydn bio graphies; a lecture delivered in the Wittall Pavilion of the Library of Congress, May 18, 1962. Translated by Donald Mintz. Washington: Library of Congress, 1962, 23 p.

~~----~~~~---· Joseph Haydn: Thematisch Bibliographiches Werkevereichnis, II (Vokalwerke). Mainz: B. Schott's Soehne, 1971, 602 p.~~

~~Hodgson, Anthony. The Music of Joseph Haydn: The Sym phonies. London: The Tantivy Press, 1976, 112 p.~~

Hollins, Helen Rice. The Musical Instruments of Joseph Haydn: An Introduction. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1977, 33 p. Horanyi, M. The Magnificence of Eszterhaza. Trans. by A. Deak. London: Barrie & Rackliff, 1962, 260 p. Hughes, Rosemary s. M. "Dr. Burney's Championship of Haydn," Musical Quarterly, XXVII/1 (Jan. 1941), 90- 96.

~~----~~~~--~· Haydn. London: J.M. Dent & Sons ( 1962), 1 976, 271 p.~~

~~• "Haydn and Folk Song," Music and -----=L-e~t~t-e_r_s-,-XXXI/4 (Oct. 1950), 383-385. 139~~

----~-,..-,....-· "Haydn at Oxford: 1773-1791," Music and Letters, XX/3 (Jul. 39), 242-249. • "The Rediscovery of Haydn," Musical --~~----:::-Times, C (May, 1959), 258-259. Jacob, H. E. Joseph Haydn. His Art, Times and Glory. London: Victor Gallancz, 1950, 368 p.

~~Karajan, Th. von. Haydn in London 1791-2. Vienna: Gerald, 1861, 118 p.~~

~~Klein, R. and E. Lessing. Joseph Haydn. Freiburg: Herder, 1981, 120 p. Landon, H.C.R. Das Kleine Haydn Buch. Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1979, 121 p.~~

~~Landon, H.C.R. and H. Raynor. Haydn. London: Faber, 19721 1 07 P• Landon, H.C.R. Haydn: A Documentary Study. London: Thames & Hudson, 1981, 224 p.~~

~~--~~-~-~-· Haydn: Chronicle and Works vol. II, "Haydn at Eszterhaza, 1766-1790." Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1978, 799 p.~~

~~---,r--~~--· Haydn: Chronicle and Works vol. III, "Haydn In England, 1791-1795. 11 Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1978, 640 p.~~

~~--~~--~--=· Haydn: Chronicle and Works vol. IV, "Haydn: The Late Years, 1801-1809." Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1977, 495 p.~~

~~--~~:-:-:=------· "Haydn in Paris and London," ~ Philharmonic, Nov. 1969, 65-72.~~

~~Joseph Haydn. Vienna: Molden, 1981, ---~~~-----·224 p.~~

~~------::-=--=---=--=--· "The Place of Haydn in Early Music and the Challenge He Presents to the Early Musician," Early Music, X/3 (1982), 298-299.~~

~~The Symphonies of Joseph Haydn. London: Universal edition, 1955, 463 p.~~

~~Larsen, Jens P. "A Haydn Contract," Musical Times, CXVII (Sept. 1976), 737-738. 140~~

~~Larsen, Jens P. and George Feder. "Haydn, (Franz) Joseph," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Ed. by s. Sadie. London: MacMillan Pub., 1980, VIII, 328-407.~~

~~----~~----r.-~· "Haydn: Repertory, Interpretation, Image," Musical Times, CXXIII (Mar. 1982), 163-175.~~

Larsen, Jens P., Howard Serwer and James Webster, eds. Haydn Studies: Proceedings of the International Haydn Conference. New York: w. w. Norton, 1981, 590 p. Larsen, Jens P. "Joseph Haydn's Kuenstlerische Entwicklung," Fischer Festschrift, Insbruck, 1956, 202 p. Leman, Herbert, ed. "Joseph Haydn und die Literatur seiner Zeit," Jahrbuch fuer oesterreichische Kulturgesch, 1976, pp. 260-270. Lowers, Irving. Haydn in America. Detroit: published for the College of Music Society by Information Coordinators, 1979, 134 p. Lowinsky, E. E. "On Mozart's Rhythm (Comparison of Haydn's Phrase Structure with Mozart's)," Musical Quarterly, XLII (Apr. 1956, 166-178.

Mafzinger, Kenneth James. The Masses of Haydn and Schubert: A Study in the Rise of Romanticism. DMA dissertation. University of Oregon, 1970, 217 p. McCaldin, D. "Haydn As Self-Borrower," The Musical Times, CXXIII (Mar., 1982), 177-179.

Meyer, Ernst. "Haydn i~ England," Musikalisches Wochenblatt, XXXIII/34 (Aug. 14, 1902), 488-491. Mies, P. "Zu einigen Joseph Haydn zugeschriebenen Liedern," Musikforschung, IX/4 (1956), 54-59. Mirsky, R. P. Haydn. New York: Follett, 1963, 160 p.

Nohl, Ludwig. Life of Haydn. Trans. by G. P. Upton. St. Clair Shores, Michigan: Scholarly Press, 1970 (1st ed. Chicago: 1893), 195 p. Nowak, G. Joseph Haydn; Leben, Bedentung und Werk. Zueruck: Amalthea, 1959, 575 p. 1 41

Pandi, Marianne and Fritz Schmidt. "Musik zur zeit Haydns und Beethovens in der Pressburger zeitung," The Haydn Yearbook, ed. by Stefan Harpner and others. Vienna: Theodore Press in association with Universal ed., 1971, VIII, 165-265.

~~Pohl, Karl Ferdinand. Joseph Haydn, 3 vols. (3rd vol. completed by H. Botsiber). Leipzig: Breitkopf und Haertel (1875), 1970.~~

----~~~~--=-· Mozart und Haydn in London, 2 parts in 1 vol. New York: Da Capo Press, (1867) 1970, 593 p. Powell, Lawrence Clark. Musical Blood Brothers: w. A. Mozart, F. J. Haydn. Malibu: Press of the Prevail ing Westerby, 1966, 28 p.

~~Redfern, Brian. Haydn. A Biography, with a Survey of Books, Edition and Recordings. Connecticut: Achron Books & Clive Bingley, 1970, 111 p.~~

~~Rohatyn, D. A. "Letters Pro and Con (Hegel and Haydn," Journal of Aesthetics, XXVIII/3 (1970), 387-395.~~

~~Roscoe, Christopher. "Haydn and London in the 1780's," Music and Letters, XLIX/3 (July, 1968), 203-212.~~

~~Rossi, N. A -Musical Pilgrimage. Boston: Branden, 1971, 160 p.~~

~~Schmid, E. F. "Mozart and Haydn. Their Influence upon Each Other," Musical Quarterly, XLII (Apr. 1956), 145-161.~~

Scholes, Percy A. "Burney and Haydn," The Monthly Musical Record, LXXI (Sept.-Oct. 1941), 155-157, 172-178. Schrade, Leo. "Joseph Haydn als Schoepfer der Klassischen Musik," De scientia musicae Studia atque orationes. Ed. posthumously by Ernst Lichtenhahn. Bern: Paul Haupt, 1967, pp. 444-458.

~~Scott, Marion. "Dr. Haydn and Dr. Griesinger," Musical Times, LXXXIX/1259 (Jan. 1948), 9-11.~~

~~"Haydn: Fresh Facts And Old Fancies," Royal Musical Association - Proceedings, LXVIII (1941-1942), 87-105.~~

~~------r..,...-~· "Haydn in England," Musical Quarterly, XVIII/2 (Apr. 1932), 260-273. 142~~

----~-~~· "Haydn: Relics And Reminiscences In England," Music and Letters, XVIII/1 (Jan. 1932), 126-136. -----...... ,..~~· "Haydn Stayed Here!" Music and Letters, XXXII/1 (Jan. 1951), 38-44. Seeger, H. Joseph Haydn. Leipzig: Breitkopf und Haertel, 1961, 181 p. Somerset, H.V.F. "Joseph Haydn in England," Music and Letters, XIII/3 (Jul. 1932), 272-285. Somfai, Laszlo. Joseph Haydn; His Life in Contemporary Pictures. Translated by Mari Kuttna and Karoly Ravasz. New York: Taplinger, 1969, 244 p. Stadlaender, Christian. Joseph Haydn of Eisenstadt. Translated by P. M. Young. London: Dobson, 1968, 235 p. Strunk, Oliver. "Haydn," From Bach to Stravinsky. Ed. by David Ewen. New York: 1933, pp. 76-87. Szabolcsi, B. "Ein melodiegeschichtlicher Beitrag zu Haydn," Studia musicologica, II (1962), 281-282. Tappolet, Willy. "Haydn in unserer Zeit," Schweizerische Musikzeitung CX/5 (Sept.-Oct. 1970), 285-288.

Tenschert, Roland. Joseph Haydn. Berlin: M. Hesse, 1932, 267 p. Thomas, Guenter von. "Griesinger Briefe ueber Haydn, aus seiner Korrespondenz mit Breitkopf und Haertel," Haydn-Studien, I/2 (Feb. 1966), 49-113. Todd, R. L. "Joseph Haydn and the Sturm und Orang: A Revaluation," Music Review, XLI/3 (1980), 172-196. Webster, J. "Scorography: The Music of Haydn," Musical News, III/2 (1973), 24-26. Westrup, J. "New Lights on Haydn," Musical Times, CII (Feb. 1961), 85-86. Wyzewa, Theodore. "A propos du centenaire de la mort de Joseph Haydn," Revue de deux mondes, LXIX/15 (June 15, 1909), 7-13. 143

~~VIII. Haydn's Personal Writings~~

~~Bartha, Denes, and H.C.R. Landon, ed. Joseph Haydn; Gesammelte Briefe Und Anfzeichnungen. New York: Baerenreiter, 1965, 599 p.~~

~~Landon, H. c. Robbins. "Four New Haydn Letters," The Haydn Yearbook, ed. by H.C.R. Landon and others. Bristol: University College Cardiff Press, 1982, XIII, 213-219.~~

~~----~~~~~· The Collected Correspondence and London Notebooks of Joseph Haydn. London: Barrie & Rackliff, 1959, 367 p.~~

~~IX. Haydn's English Canzonets~~

Elson, J. "The Songs of J. Haydn," National Association of Teachers of Singing, XXVI/3 (Feb.-Mar. 1970), 16- 20. Landon, H. c. Robbins. Haydn: Chronicle and Works vol. III, "Haydn In England, 1791-1795. 11 Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1978, pp. 377- 400. Scott, M. Marion. "some English Affinities And Associa tions of Haydn's Songs," Music and Letters, XXV/1 (Jan. 1944), 1-12. APPENDIX

Joseph Haydn Six Original Canzonettas (1794) *

* Copied from: Joseph Haydn, ~L_i~e~d~e~r~f~u~e~r--=e_i_n~e Singstimme mit Begleitung das Klaviers. Eds. P. Mies and M. Helms. Munich: G. Henley, 1982. '145

~~VI ORIGINAL CANZONETTAS (1794)~~

~~25. The Mermaid's Song ADM Ruter .. Allegretto ., " ' • ' -- ' .! ~ ;' (/;~ l! (..JV ' • - - -- (ll • ~ • • I ;J ~ ~ • • • ••"' -~~

10.. - '-' t. No ...· ..... , . ..D .om. .~ I. Come, lie . Mid wllat"'' lit_ 1"""'"-oo .. " - --·-- t- - ... ,. .__ • - - • ., • -... • • ,. .. ~~~ •../ ;J_./ •.../ •../ ;J_./ ~.../ ~./ • " '-' :;. tbe • l"ftD ud cia... 7 _---.:, ud I •Ill far lie . low ... roll . .. , wave'-• Picll ... laid fJorr. " -·

~~•. 1' ,. ~- ·- • •• • • • - . r .. .. '~~

~~~../ ~../ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ; ;J • • • 146~~

~~If f.~~

t! way __ lead til< - ... · pe..rl . , ...... lou man • 1.. . Ia 0 .,. . -... ., elliot f. ·- - - .. ~- -·· -· ~ - I r I:...J r I j I • ~ J .J .. Jr - •• .." '-•· ud I will i'::! '"¥ Jl: ...... , &Wellotar ao ~- Itt¥ _1, • • .. - - I I -.~ li i- .~ J jl-r--jl ~ jl I

~~",.~~

~~t.: ··btJ~ til< pearl , ...... atorm 7 wi"ds .... f&l a " ( J..~~

u " • t! ;;:;- ,.. II<. wllt"' tilt pearl 1 ...... ,.. "01)'• atorm . , WiDCI• .... fu • wq. 8&01111 , .." - -- • .. I - - - .. _,., " . - '"' pearl 1 ""•• ...... ••tnd• ...... • WIQ' . .~ • .. .. Jl .. Jl t- - - .. • .. 14 7

~~,, t. t. • I ~ Come Wjth .... and we will ro wt!n 'ht ft>Ck• or cor - al~~

_L. _,_.., '· : " ·f. .... ,. _,-+--- • I .'- • •• - .... . • • • • • I - '· t. of eor ~ al• ,,....,.._ Fol .. lo"',., fol .. low, fol • Jov.·. fol • 1.,... ,, cro""·· low -. fol - I""·· fol,..._...., - ,__., ~ • • - i _....._ ' _"I. r--.~ ..1 Jl ~ • .. - • • • • . '" . .-1 I : ~ a:t. Come With ••• &lid Wt will 1* 3 • ' ~! .. . .. ~-~- . I! ' ' . :.; :r• :r • : " • • .. . I ~ f I ~ t. ~ ; I !:: . ,"{ : : : : : :

~~15 " f., wlten the ft>Ck• or cor - &I I'""', WlteJ"f U>e rocks of cor - al l'rD"'· fol • lo"·· '" __. " - - f I ft ~ r . ~ .J ,J .J .J ,J •· • : ------t.~~

f., fol • ao ..·• fol· low ... fol - low. fol - lo..,., fol • l~w .. . f':\ ~ I""-- I t. .... f ... .. " . I -JJ "' ..l - ,..... I':\ -.~ • • • • .. • !& .. • •• l . • • 148

~~26. Recollection A.nDt HUDter~~

~~#. Ada!!:iO~~

~~t,; ,., -~ ~ I !~td;. l '·~~

~~,~ * • ~ i...-.:5: ft f ' t t ,.1 ..1 I I~~

~~I v !' ' I~~

~~t,; t. Tile ua aoD eome•~ ;;;a first_ .. -1 . Z. Tilt fleet • · ID& Uad .,,_ ...... lie~ I ,, - r-e .t,; - -== ,_...• .. I -= .. ft fi ·- i It·~~

!"' • v ! ! I .. " 1!!!!!1!!!!!!1! ll --- ~ but )'OU re turn 110 more_, but ,.,. .. Cllrn DO ~ -. In . r;y trace_, .aezn o . r)' I -=. " I In #. I """""""' I'E ll t,; .. ft - . .l ..1 ... {I I ! -.. I I

~~10 _.1!. ... more. Wily un 1101 '~ '-- thtlT tn.ce~ ID f&.rl e;, l&op_ " t,; .,.,.,., ., ..,. ..._, • '...!._,!_!_.' ~· ,. : ------...;:: -..;;::: < - tll~lablir 149~~

~~.. }I e.: ft _,.._? tlays. for . IP'--· wlllcb u- C&D M'er ft . .Oft~, ou • .., . rap . . ld fllebt_ &1111 all \lot put ... ,lact.. \lao put ... . ~·C&-t .. ,.~~

r4 ~ y- --r T. ,.. ~- .. --.---.- ,, :!I .J. ~ .n • t. - .. . .. - ._ Wll)' un . aot 1- $H dqsfor pt_, wbic.b tltD• C&Jl aeir ft • -fl. C&D r.efr rt · h> faD . C)' ..op_ &Mir rap. id lli&bt. aad all 1M pit ... placo, IH~:ro·

~~.. ,_., 1- I ,._ - ~f r • .. I I I ft p i I I __, I l .. J~T-J.r.-- ~ .. l ~l~~

~~I I --.. .., l .... • I~~

"" ._ ... _, 1ton:? 0 ol:cyo_ too fair_, too brig hi to laSt-, &ft JDU ID· dHd for •v-~ •'•«- But u_! I wake_ to eDd-JHI ~·, &Dd t.eaft tbf fad iDg Vi·IJDD.S " - I !'"---. ._ . > -.o.....J : .. •:-• ~ • > • ft • [-j ,..... ,_, I : ,.. - ,.______... - ...... _ pas.t? 0 - olay• too - fair. too br.r~::' close. But a.b! I to e11d · lK& ... ' - " - ' - ...... ·t.. - ... - ft - ft- I " ._ Lf t.J t.J Lf L! tJ L! tJ tJ u -r ...... __ • 150

.. " t, last. ... :JOU la · dee•lfor ev •• ,... ? 0 ~ too fair--, too •·oes. &ad tean Yi .. liOili cloao. ..all __ ! - fad·IDII: But I wake_ to " I ...---. t, ~ 4 .. p .. _, ,_, • !o1 .-;--: • -6 ' ' ' I.. r r· r· r·

~~...... - - brigh•-- to l.tit. an :JOU In-deed for ev •• ..,t, an J'DU ja-dH"d for ev . or nd . less woes. and lear& &lie fad· lq Yi- aiou cl-,aad tU.,.IM fad ·Ia& yj . li"ns~~

~~I. " "'"- - t. - ...____...... p • i -. Jl I .. • • ~ .. - J .J ' I - - ~ .~~

~~" •· II. p>i!, are you In· deed for ev or p.ut?~~

~~t t " • I .... •. • .. --= ft ft • • - ft- .....,, ·I t • ~~· : - -==~~

~~II " tJ~~

~~~ t I":' " I 1. • i """""""' -= Jt---1 • ~~, l>j • I 1 .. - • p I .. I":' ,..- . . 151~~

~~27. A Pastoral Song .Amle Hunter~~

~~Allegretto , ~~~

~~v 11 ~-!! JIIIIE ~ - .. -~ t,....t-r - --l.j ft - ! - -,.., ; ~ " ~ ~~ ll .~ .J .. ~ I ,___.,_, L~~

~~flll!!~~

t.. ,, .. ~ _,..7'-. ' 7'"--- ~ - ....,...._' ' ' - ~ .. ;'- - - .1- ;_ I I r. "" =- _;--. t.. ,. - - ~- - - • • - •" .... - t.. 1. )ly ;::-:. ,;" ~Ids Dt ~lod- ~ l>alr with loud• ;;- ., lave, tit 2. 'Tis wd \0 uink ue day• an cone, wben uooe --lo\"e we-re aur; 1 I "" .. =-- .. ~ - r -- t.. t,...:;...; - ---r_: .. ~ j -- ;p I )l - _... .~ . .J .~ ~ ~- I ,.__....i_l • u .A»Ii

t.. :;- my lllel:\·u. ••ith rib - &Jidi rare. ud lace D)' ~ ice ~lue: ah ap • OD this Doo - ay SlDDf, &lid aicbwhto .o...... , " .... --= .... - '-' .. :..,t....; "--':-J ft I ' I : --"' - ,__ ___, .. n - " tl 11.1 tie ap D)' aJeeve11 With rib . ud• raft, and lace, Uld Jaer Ill)' bod · ict 1 a it ap - OD uio •o• .. S)' alone, ud •tel>. ud &l&b "'hen DODt C&D " .... ~ - ... - t..· ft ft ~. II" II • ~ • ~#· t. ll :r _li'?; .... ' -~ I

~~e.; ,. ,. ,. 152~~

~~II '· .. t. ltlu• For 'll'b)', ••• erie• . lit latl.l'. ADd while I &plD Ill)' " .. ,__, ,____ , ~- - ' t. - ~ ·_jJ J I ~: J -~ ), tJ t.l'~~

~~••,, .. !!~~

~~still and •·el'p. •·hilt- otb en ~&Dee a.>d A . flax en llaftd. ud aiDi ID)' ahn pit th• " .... I fl' ; ~ •·"" ~ •••• •· 11!!!!1!!!!!1!!! _. _, ~ I .. 1>. .. I! ~~~

t. ... ~ J a caret C&D ;. or creep. Lu - It in ,. r-=. W&)'; a Vii a. alerp . )In 'II'S)'; Ia&. HeiDi or lind, ·'il•ao.. · Lu ,. • O• " .... ~ I ...... s v- ... = l I •fL ~ ~ : -~~ . • . ... ' -,. p~ - - - .. r - ,., .. f':'.

t- las! I ~,. ... c• or -p... ·llil• Lu . "D Ia :-: -)'. .-JuJt Vii . I~ aeem5 a . aleep or tlea.d. DOW Lu . ltln Ia a wa.f, DO\\" II== ,, .... ~ ~ - ... ~ !~.-:---.. v ~ - - !" .. • .. •#L • . ! : • r • --- '· .... : t- Lu . ltin 15 & .. W&)' • ,. • Wo:J.f, ,. • -•>¥ Lu . ltln ia a -way, ,. • - w:.,y • ia • .. way ,., .... - .~ • .. - f':'. '- . • - - Jl ~-~ ~ ' : ~ • .. v - • • 153

~~28. Despair Am>• HUDter '· .... Ada ~rio- e. I' ,..-=~ •. , .. _L- .,.. '· . ~ ., - . I r •· ...... - I ft t~-..t 1~ ... ~ - : c I l r I~~

~~" . ~ e. t. TU &II . pllll of ay lnll'lt · lag burt till 2. My 110r - I'OWi VOTC•h>C "' .. ttlr cra\'f. DO " ... ~ - f•j e. " - IS ...... __ ... • r w: I ~~ ~ b.- I : ' : . l ' - .. ~~~

~~r...... , no"'' my tongue- bOlth H·n;cy~. till aao ..· my tonr,ur ·~th De"er ... tr~y·d-. IEICil'E' Ula.Jl p..t.lll thy =c•n t.lr b~&5t. DO aot-eiUlJ pain tby &•n • tie br-t-:ait-.~~

~~,, .. ~. ---= " ' - e. y - .., ., - • •• }' ' _.. . I l ' - -~~

~~_A _iLl'~~

tJ ·- Dr apair at leagtb,.. ft&l• U:t u~art, d< 'l'bink, tleal.b . cives. fret • dom to <r iiOln. Uunk --. -.. .. - .., .., .., .., ... q•· ' - crtSc. f f:'a: h.. ~ .... l -~ q• 11 i ., ~. q• ...... ~- • • • • 154

'· ~ t. &p:lif at Jea~t: re · 'ft&li tile aiD:U"t; DO time caa Ctilrt, DO .Op< can dt".lth ch·e• '''"'. dom to tile alave~ aor •o~rm. for .. -rm at ,, ~ - - \ t. •· ~ ...... ' v ~ I.....!. ,.f! , f'-1 '~'rf; V frz ~ ! .. •· IJ ...... 1.. j ,..._ II : ~ ~· ~ ~ " " i I I I'

~~II '· » ..~~

~~aid. DO Jaopr C&D Dt. sp~ir at ft5t, wl:leJJ rm at ,.Aink,death &iv~s • ! - L..:: ...... ,. • - - v - '"F _, • ., .. ~~~

~~.J,. .. ~~~

lengt~ t·e.vea.ls. the am.ut: DO time can .,.C:\ll"t' __- , DO llopt- "'an aid ___ free-dom to_ tile 11l.1ve, aor mou I'D for ___ wllen I'm at ftl1_.--- ' .- !lll!l::l::i::: ...... __..: I' Oiiiiiiii , ~ ~ I" • • ~ ~ y > • > I ... ~ • .. - ··~ .1. -'OJ!.

~~I r,.. f, " .. .~ c:===: ~ - === - f., - ~ - [J) •• "'~ ~ .. ft }J f =- ·-· r,.. ~ _fL-'1_.1 " ;:-~ _.,~ ~. f., -- ...... l ~ r ====~~

~~3. Yet, if at eve you chaaet to 1tra~· 4. Tbear'er the pr•)' fate ~caU,, •: !'ior eheck tbe tean I• by pity abed. •: •I A aigb may rile I• uubeard by m•. •i I\ 155~~

~~29. Pleasing Pain Anae Huater Allegretto ..~- oc I ~ ~ ·' " ~ - " ·-~ •t. I' I I ' ~ r _il ~r~~ .... -n- 1 J ...... : .n~~

~~• ,., ~ ... Far from ,. ..rob· •lllc ki • OlD .b&iott, J• lioubts, re fa&n, tll.at lay it WUlei .. ,....._. ,., " - I " .. - • fi I" ~ )1~ ~~~-.. .ti - ~--..~-- ~ .. I -~ ......~~

~~11 II M~~

t.: M&r ux · lou• liayo of •.... - I"'C pain. fly lit\" - :. i':' .... ~ " .. "'--. _!,_ " I. I r ... I" I -~ II I I --- " .t, - - ,., ~ -~ ~~- ~ " I .. I '"' I - -....::.J.• - - I' ' ~ II" .. !":'

~~t.l tu.rn &·la.in, fly, fl.)', fiJ•. fly II .J . f! ~·~ •• I .. - !":' _1 - ,_. ~ )l J • . .-=: " r '.'/· .. I 156~~

~~•• '· . "' aev - et• 10 ... ;:;, a-cai.a.. " .. ~ -~~-~-~ r 1'- ... • - I I - I .). J )1 J ;I .. • - • ~ .. ..- .J "' r r~~

•• 24 Verse " "- - t.. llut ah. I . crawra·d wit)\ flow'J'5i "· t.ur11. ,. ami iD& lt.our&, ., .... leu fan ., '· . - r t.. ' !" ~ •rr----· r I" I !"'' .. ; !"'I --r· .. i:F.5 ~-~ J )! J )t I l - ' " "" "' COIDt, fair , JoJ• ud wlob " ~-and '· .. "" .~ .. "' . "" .~ .. .. t.. . I : " - r ~ !:..,_"" r .. r ...,

~~Ill '-~~

~~t.. dance in 1po1··ti\'t -rou..a.ds a • way. ud ~ .. '· " - "" .. • • - II"' - "' ,_. ~II _.) .._ 1 ... 1,...... I .. I. '- • .J• '· ·~·~·_._· l .. r "' "" ..~~

~~"' dance iD 1por tive rounds a . way. t.. • ..... ~~~ ~~it ~~---..- :· --~ .. t. t.. II"' - ft -;;-- 1-=: r I I ,._ 1.- ,.._ IJ I.: .:_._ .. iJ ,. .• J... -~ .... 1 .. .. I .a..; .... F.=: . 157~~

~~•• ,_ sd Verse - .. ab~ll tllf So ao. aeeu p.l . 17 elide o'er .. . riDOllllft'a •• aal ·WOld llde, _A ....- - I ... ~ ~- .., I ' . .. II I v . ~-n~-. r-{T1:·m --~ f - . -~v I I .~~

~~_1, .. . aor ll&d ·ro· CHII ••• wrb ~~ir • ...,,.,. IO eal& ob. lli . ioa'• '· ·- " ~ -. '- , ' "-._!.* .....I v I • I" ... ~.1 . I f. J ~ 1l ... "" -"' . I ... '--.J-• - v p~~

~~II •~~

~~... pt:t.ce. ful aou.rce. lo calm ob . llv . io.i• ,, . 11M • ... • !:_;t':. • •- (8) - t. . I' . 1 ..~ ~ .. • ... & I ' . .~~

~~" .. ~':'- .~~

~~'IJ pe-.. t·e - ful &OUrce. to ...... olr-liv. loD'• ;:c• · ful oource.~~

~':'- ,...... ,._ _.., " .. . ~ Jl.. ' ' ' ' """' .... I .. • I - - ~ ~':'- ia -,_j..: . .-.... .-.-...... ft~ I j,J .. • ,J.&,J ... ,J.C J• . & J v "' • " .. "' " .. ·;-~ii ~~~ ~~--- ••• -~ . . _,___. .. ~- ft- ft. I -- I 14- ·~ I~ ~,&~.C.,J.i J .L J ... ;..J.J..I~ .. ~· J 4J. • . - • 158

~~30. Fidelity Aline H Ullter , Allegretto ... I , I I _! ,..-:-*~ c.-~! • ...... J*. ~- ...... t.· F ":' u ··~ .. _..... - I ~ J ... J J. r:r:n J7"1'J IJ. JJ. l7"n~~

~~• .. 1':\~~

~~t. 'l.'llile ••I - low lnarat Ue l'a&•h iar wiacl•,&Dd .laaav - 'I .laaau no •Jtow'r, , ~- -=-- t. , ~ . ' I':\ .I' I' ' • ,J ~ !'7'7: ~·~.J ~ r.-n f'Tn ~• • I : .. I q• ' • .. ~~~

~~t. lllll aaa . toa1, .... iar ••• 0.81 fiDdl •• , ' , t.•, .. lt. - - " ,, ' 1':\ .....~~

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