Open PDF 186KB

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Open PDF 186KB Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Oral evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157 Wednesday 9 June 2021 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 9 June 2021. Watch the meeting Members present: Simon Hoare (Chair); Scott Benton; Mr Gregory Campbell; Stephen Farry; Mr Robert Goodwill; Claire Hanna; Fay Jones; Ian Paisley; Bob Stewart. Questions 883 - 918 Witnesses I: Councillor Billy Hutchinson, PUP Leader and Belfast City Councillor. Examination of witness Witness: Billy Hutchinson. Q883 Chair: Good morning, colleagues, and good morning to our witnesses this morning for our ongoing inquiry into Brexit and the Northern Ireland protocol. You are both very welcome. For those tuning in to see other witnesses, as a result of unforeseen circumstances they are having to rearrange. We look forward to hearing from Debbie Watters and Stacey Graham on a later occasion. We are going to start this morning with Councillor Billy Hutchinson. Councillor Hutchinson, you are very welcome. Thank you for finding the time to talk to us today. I am going to kick off the questioning by dealing with the elephant in the room first. What would your message be to those who might be considering violence, either as a last resort or, indeed, as any form of resort within the democratic process? Billy Hutchinson: I have been very clear about this since Brexit. From my point of view, I say that this is a political problem. It is a trade deal with the EU and has to be treated as such. It is a political problem and can only be resolved by political solutions. Q884 Chair: Thank you for that. That is welcome to hear and very clear. For those who disagree with you, within a faction, I suppose, of the loyalist community, who say, “No, when push comes to shove, we have a right to resort to violence”, what do you say to them, if you are sitting across the table from them in the same room or whatever? Billy Hutchinson: We need to be very clear that any threat of violence in Northern Ireland is coming from the republicans. We need to be clear about that first. I do not think that, at the moment in Northern Ireland— how do I describe it?—a threat of violence is being used. Historically, we all know in Northern Ireland that, if you create a political vacuum, you create a vacuum that will be filled by violence. I do not think we have reached there yet. There is a lot of work to be done by the MPs, MLAs and everybody else to actually try to resolve this. People will say to you that, if the threat of violence was used to actually move a border, that was carried out by republicans. We need to be careful about where we base all this and what premise we are using. It was removed because there was a threat of killing. It is a border that has been there for 100 years and that threat apparently was made by republicans. We do not know the level of threat. We do not know what the PSNI puts it down as. All those questions need to be asked. The focus has shifted to loyalism because loyalists are not happy about all this. They are not happy about the protocol. They are not happy about being a region in the UK and being treated differently to other regions. Those are things we can discuss as we go along and we can explore. Q885 Chair: We will come to that. There is a final question from me on this point and then I will ask colleagues if they have anything on this point to ask Councillor Hutchinson. You probably will have heard, either in real time or in media comment afterwards, the evidence we heard a week or so ago from, among others, Mr Keys. A number of people have commented subsequently about the danger of a generational lack of understanding of the actual physical impact that violence and disruption can have in communities. Those of us of a certain age who either remember it from the telly and the media on the mainland, or were in Northern Ireland at the time, will know all too well of the horrendous situation that it was. Do you have that concern about this intergenerational differential? Billy Hutchinson: The concern I have is about how all this plays out and the perception. I know that there are MPs from Northern Ireland on the call, and they will be very clear and understand this. The difficulty in Northern Ireland is that perception is as bad as reality. The perception being given by the EU, the British Government, the Americans and everybody else is that this is all the fault of loyalism. We need to get to the bottom of this. Loyalists feel threatened at the moment and they feel threatened for a number of reasons, far too many to go through here. There are a plethora of them. Let us be very honest and frank: the protocols are a threat to business in Northern Ireland. The biggest threat is that we are sitting in the single market, as the only region in the UK that is. That means that all our autonomy would be aligned elsewhere and not to the UK. That is a threat to people’s Britishness. We were always told that the principle of consent would count. It seems to me that this actually breaches the principle of consent. It is forcing people down a road where they do not need to go. We need to be very clear and I want to make that clear. I am British. I was born in the UK. I still live in the UK. I have a UK passport and a UK driving licence. I have all those things. I am British. For me, the biggest threat to my Britishness is the single market. I do not know where the British Government will take us. If it takes seven years to get out of Europe, where does that leave Northern Ireland? I do not know whether these questions are being asked, but I certainly want to put that today. We need to manage this. It needs to look like we are managing it and we are seriously trying to deal with it. That is the issue. Chair: Let me look to colleagues now to see if they have any questions to Councillor Hutchinson on the point of violence, the use thereof and what Councillor Hutchinson has had to say. The we will turn to other points. Claire Hanna: I am happy to come in on more general questions for Councillor Hutchinson on the context. Ian Paisley: Can I declare that I have an interest? I am involved in a legal case involving the protocol. Chair: Forgive me; I should have asked that beforehand. That is my fault, not yours, and I am grateful. Q886 Ian Paisley: Councillor Hutchinson, Billy, it is good to see you. It would be very helpful if you could put on the record for us how you think unionists and loyalists could be made to feel less British as a result of the protocol. Billy Hutchinson: The difficulty is that, in terms of that understanding out there on what the protocol is, for me, I see it as a trade deal with the EU, which was supposed to be done to get us out. It has raised more issues and concerns than it has settled anything. In terms of my Britishness, I do not see why the protocol bars British goods from coming into Northern Ireland, or Northern Ireland from being able to take anything from the UK, without having to go through something else—so unfettered access. We all know that Asda, Sainsbury’s and everybody else deliver food to Northern Ireland on a daily basis. I cannot see how that is a threat to the European Union or a threat to anywhere else, but we have that. From my point of view, it is about my Britishness. This is what I am saying to you and I want this put on record. We were told, and we have always been told, that it is enshrined in the principle of consent where people go in Northern Ireland. It seems to me that that principle of consent is being dumped, or at least being tampered with to try to scare unionism. We can see that the Republic of Ireland, America, the EU and everybody else seem to think that, if they solve the problem in Northern Ireland and there is no border, it is over. I would remind people that there is a very large minority, no matter what way it goes, whether that is a pro-Irish minority or a pro-British minority. That is a very difficult thing. We live in a divided society and we need to remember that we live in a divided society. We need to be working at that. I do not have a problem with having relationships with the Republic of Ireland, but it is not about the sovereignty of the UK. It is about how we co-operate on an island that we share. That is what it should be about. From my point of view, I am waiting to see what dilutes my Britishness. I have to be honest: I heard the breakfast news this morning and they are now talking about not letting chilled goods into Northern Ireland from England. How far does this go? Q887 Ian Paisley: I am going to come to that in a wee bit with my third question, but it is just dealing with this issue of the impact this has on the sense of Britishness and the sense of being part of the same state as the rest of the UK.
Recommended publications
  • Identity, Authority and Myth-Making: Politically-Motivated Prisoners and the Use of Music During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1962 - 2000
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Identity, authority and myth-making: Politically-motivated prisoners and the use of music during the Northern Irish conflict, 1962 - 2000 Claire Alexandra Green Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Claire Alexandra Green, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 29/04/19 Details of collaboration and publications: ‘It’s All Over: Romantic Relationships, Endurance and Loyalty in the Songs of Northern Irish Politically-Motivated Prisoners’, Estudios Irlandeses, 14, 70-82. 2 Abstract. In this study I examine the use of music by and in relation to politically-motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland, from the mid-1960s until 2000.
    [Show full text]
  • Four Nations Impartiality Review: an Analysis of Reporting Devolution
    APPENDIX A Four Nations Impartiality Review: An analysis of reporting devolution Report authors Prof. Justin Lewis Dr. Stephen Cushion Dr. Chris Groves Lucy Bennett Sally Reardon Emma Wilkins Rebecca Williams Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies, Cardiff University 1 Contents Page 1. Introduction and Overview 2. General sample 3. Case studies 4. Reporting the 2007 elections 5. Current Affairs Coverage 2007 6. Five Live Phone-In Programmes (Oct-Nov and Election Samples) 7. Devolution Stories on BBC Six O’Clock News and 6.30pm Opt- Outs 8. Omissions 9. Devolution online: Focus groups 10. Bibliography 11. Appendix 2 1. Introduction and Overview The scope of the study The central aim of the study was to examine how devolution is reported in UK-wide BBC network television and radio news, BBC network factual programmes and BBC online news. This analysis took place within the broad framework of questions about impartiality and accuracy, and asked whether the coverage of the four nations is balanced, accurate and helpful in understanding the new political world of devolved government. The focus of the study fell on the coverage of politics in the broadest sense, including the impact of specific policies and debates over the future of devolution, rather than being limited to the reporting of the everyday business of politics within Westminster, Holyrood, Cardiff Bay or Stormont. We conducted two substantive pieces of content analysis. The first was based on a sample of four weeks of news coverage gathered during an eight week period in October and November 2007. This involved 4,687 news items across a wide range of BBC and non-BBC outlets.
    [Show full text]
  • The Unsung Heroes of the Irish Peace Process Ted Smyth
    REC•NSIDERATI•NS Ted Smyth took part in the Irish peace process as an Irish diplomat in the United States, Britain, and the secretariat of the New Ireland Forum. The Unsung Heroes of the Irish Peace Process Ted Smyth Why did the Irish peace process eventually been viewed as traitors to their Catholic succeed in stopping the sectarian killing af- tribe, but today they are celebrated for their ter centuries of violence in Ireland and when courage and integrity. other sectarian conflicts still rage around the The road to peace in Ireland was led by world? Might there be lessons the Irish many, many individuals who made contri- could teach the world about reconciling bit- butions large and small. There were politi- ter enemies? The political successes in cians who were truly heroic, but it should Northern Ireland owe much to that oft- never be forgotten that the ordinary people scorned ingredient, patient, determined, and of Northern Ireland steadily found their principled diplomacy, which spanned suc- own way toward reconciliation, defying his- cessive administrations in London, Dublin, tory and the climate of fear. Maurice Hayes, and Washington. The result is a structure a columnist for the Irish Independent and a surely durable enough to survive the IRA’s veteran peacemaker puts it well: “Through- disturbing recent violations: an apparently out the troubles, in the darkest days, there long-planned $50 million raid on the have been outstanding examples of charity Northern Bank in Belfast in December at- and courage, of heroic forgiveness, often, tributed to IRA militants and the leader- and most notably, from those who had suf- ship’s unabashedly outlaw offer to shoot fered most.
    [Show full text]
  • A Year in Review, the Year Ahead
    2018: A YEAR IN REVIEW, 2019: THE YEAR AHEAD Foreword from Rt Hon Patricia Hewitt, Senior Adviser, FTI Consulting 2018 was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2017. Which was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2016. And there’s no sign of let-up as we move into 2019. The unresolved questions of Brexit - how? when? whether at all? - will inevitably dominate the coming year. Even if Theresa May brings back from Brussels a new political declaration sufficiently compelling to command a majority in Parliament - a highly unlikely prospect at the time of writing - the end of March will mean the start of a fresh, complex round of negotiations on a future trade deal, conducted under the shadow of the Irish backstop. For most people, that would be preferable to the collapse of Mrs May’s deal and, almost inevitably, the collapse of her government and a subsequent constitutional crisis. Faced with the choice between revoking Article 50 or leaving the European Union (EU) without a deal, the Commons could well produce a majority for a new referendum. Under the pressure of a leadership contest, the personal and political rancour in the Conservative Party could finally break apart Europe’s hitherto most successful party of government. A no-confidence vote that would be defeated today could command enough votes from the Brexiteers’ kamikaze tendency to force another General Election. And Labour - with most of its moderates MPs replaced by Corbynistas in last-minute candidate selections - could win on a ‘cake and eat it’ manifesto of a Brexit that would end free movement but provide frictionless trade (Irish backstop, anyone?).
    [Show full text]
  • Bordering Two Unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics de Mars, Sylvia; Murray, Colin; O'Donoghue, Aiofe; Warwick, Ben Book — Published Version Bordering two unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit Policy Press Shorts: Policy & Practice Provided in Cooperation with: Bristol University Press Suggested Citation: de Mars, Sylvia; Murray, Colin; O'Donoghue, Aiofe; Warwick, Ben (2018) : Bordering two unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit, Policy Press Shorts: Policy & Practice, ISBN 978-1-4473-4622-7, Policy Press, Bristol, http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv56fh0b This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/190846 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom of Information Act 2000 (FOIA) Decision Notice
    Reference: FS50718217 Freedom of Information Act 2000 (FOIA) Decision notice Date: 12 June 2019 Public Authority: Mid & East Antrim Borough Council Address: The Braid 1-29 Bridge Street Ballymena BT43 5EJ Decision (including any steps ordered) 1. The complainant has requested information from Mid & East Antrim Borough Council (‘the Council’) about its attendance at a dinner hosted by Ian Paisley, MP. The Council disclosed some information and withheld the reminder, citing the exemption at section 40(2) (personal data) of the FOIA. 2. The Commissioner’s decision is that the Council was entitled to rely on section 40(2) of the FOIA to refuse to disclose the names of local business people it had invited to attend the dinner as its guests. However, she found that it was not entitled to rely on section 40(2) to refuse to disclose the names of the Council employees who attended the dinner. The Commissioner also found breaches of section 1 and section 17 of the FOIA with regard to the Council’s handling of the request. 3. The Commissioner requires the Council to take the following steps to ensure compliance with the legislation. Disclose to the complainant the names of all Council employees who attended the dinner. 4. The Council must take these steps within 35 calendar days of the date of this decision notice. Failure to comply may result in the Commissioner making written certification of this fact to the High Court pursuant to section 54 of the Act and may be dealt with as a contempt of court. 1 Reference: FS50718217 Background 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Singing and Policing Are a Match, Says Cambridge Lt. Pauline Wells (Continued from Page 1) America’S Darkest Days, How I Felt,” She Says), but Vice and Support
    May 2017 Boston’s hometown VOL. 28 #5 journal of Irish culture. $2.00 Worldwide at All contents copyright © 2017 bostonirish.com Boston Neighborhood News, Inc. ‘The Peacemaker’ lays out the trials and successes of Padraig O’Malley By Peter F. StevenS BIr StaFF His work is of world importance – literally so. At a recent screening of the documentary “The Peacemaker” at Plimoth Plantation, the person- al struggles of Padraig O’Malley are presented on a parallel track with his labors to bring conflict resolution to the world’s bloodiest, most intractable trouble spots. O’Malley, the John Jo- seph Moakley Professor of International Peace and Reconciliation at the Uni- versity of Massachusetts Lt. Pauline Wells singing the anthems at the March 19 St. Patrick’s Breakfast. Don West photo Boston, has worked tire- lessly in such lethal locales as Iraq, Nigeria, Kosovo, Padraig O’Malley Singing and policing are a match, and Northern Ireland. Traveler for peace As the film explores, years, the award-win- the 73-year-old O’Malley ning Cambridge-based says Cambridge Lt. Pauline Wells draws upon his experi- filmmaker James Demo ences with addiction, By Sean SmIth Fenway Park, Gillette Stadium and events. She has headlined benefit accompanied O’Malley to approaching wars and direct and produce “The SPecIal to the BIr Faneuil Hall – in nearly 16 years of concerts (some of which she attends conflict as a form of that It’s not that Pauline Wells wasn’t singing professionally. “I had such in civilian attire) to support military Peacemaker,” a docu- disease.
    [Show full text]
  • Members' Office Costs Allowance 2007-2008
    Members' Office Costs Allowance 2007-2008 Neeson, Sean Account Name Date Amount Expenditure Description Supplier Name Capital - IT Equipment Purchase 10-Mar-08 £562.83 IT Maintenance NCS (NORTH) LTD Capital - Office Equip Purchase 03-May-07 £186.31 IT Maintenance NCS (NORTH) LTD Capital - Office Equip Purchase 04-Dec-07 £123.36 Office Equipment MR SEAN NEESON Members Consumables 17-May-07 £135.13 IT Maintenance NCS (NORTH) LTD Members IT Equipment - Non Capital 07-Aug-07 £74.99 IT Maintenance MR SEAN NEESON Members IT Equipment - Non Capital 07-Aug-07 £176.93 Chair MR SEAN NEESON Members IT Equipment - Non Capital 05-Nov-07 £19.00 IT Equipment MR SEAN NEESON Members IT Maintenance 23-Apr-08 £293.75 Home Printer Component NCS (NORTH) LTD Members Internet 03-May-07 £105.71 Internet MR SEAN NEESON Members Internet 07-Aug-07 £105.71 Internet MR SEAN NEESON Members Internet 05-Nov-07 £105.71 Internet MR SEAN NEESON Members Internet 07-Feb-08 £105.71 Internet MR SEAN NEESON Members Miscellaneous Expenses 08-Jan-08 £145.00 Electoral Register MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 03-May-07 £39.99 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 06-Jun-07 £39.99 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 07-Aug-07 £39.99 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 15-Oct-07 £80.05 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 05-Nov-07 £39.99 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 04-Dec-07 £39.99 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 07-Feb-08 £40.00 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 18-Mar-08 £40.36 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON Members Mobiles 23-Apr-08 £80.92 Mobile MR SEAN NEESON
    [Show full text]
  • New Hybrid Connectivity Based Approaches
    Appendix C: Hamiltonian Paths with Double Pheromone Ant Colony System Optimisation This appendix contains the full list of topics of the hamiltonian path identified by the algorithm presented on the PhD thesis of David M.S. Rodrigues Reading the news through their structure: new hybrid connectivity based approaches. This appendix is available in digital format at http://www.davidrodrigues.org/pdfs/phd/ and on the accompanying CD delivered with the printed copy of the thesis. As news follow a hamiltonian path the first news in the following list is connected to the last news of the list to complete the path. • Eurozone debt crisis live: Italian senate passes austerity law | Business | guardian.co.uk • Greek leaders agree to unity government as future hangs in balance | World news | guardian.co.uk • Lucas Papademos to lead Greece’s interim coalition government | World news | guardian.co.uk • The euro will survive – and Britain will join, says Michael Heseltine | World news | guardian.co.uk • Eurozone bailout fund falls short of e1 trillion target | Business | The Guardian • Euro debt crisis: Greek PM George Papandreou to resign | World news | guardian.co.uk • Chaos in Greece amid battle to form a ’government of national salvation’ | World news | The Observer • Eurozone debt crisis: EU members line up to demand ECB intervention | Business | The Guardian 1 • Italy passes austerity measures – clearing way for Berlusconi to quit | Business | guardian.co.uk • European debt crisis live: pressure mounts as finance ministers meet | Business | guardian.co.uk
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Ireland Peace Initiative
    Northern Ireland Peace Initiative JOURNEY TO BELFAST AND LONDON Report and Policy Recommendations by William J. Flynn and George D. Schwab February 1999 Contents • Acknowledgment • Foreword • Policy Recommendations • From Hate to Hope • Conclusion ACKNOWLEDGMENT At the invitation of the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a National Committee on American Foreign Policy mission consisting of William J. Flynn, chairman, and George D. Schwab, president, spent a week (November 2-7, 1998) in Belfast discussing the peace process in Northern Ireland and in London where we also discussed U.S. and British global security interests with leading statesmen, politicians, diplomats, and academics. The meetings took place at Stormont Estate, 10 Downing Street, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the House of Commons, think tanks, and the American embassy in London, among other sites. Before embarking, Dr. Schwab was briefed at the State Department by James I. Gadsden, deputy assistant secretary of state for European and Canadian affairs; James M. Lyons, special adviser to the president and the secretary of state for economic initiatives in Ireland; Katharine E. Koch, special assistant, office of the special adviser to the president and the secretary of state for economic initiatives in Ireland; and Patricia Nelson-Douvelis, Ireland desk officer. Although this report and the policy recommendations it contains focus on Northern Ireland, the material gathered on U.S. and British national security interests will be incorporated in relevant NCAFP publications, including those forthcoming on NATO and the Middle East. The sensitivity of some of the issues discussed led a number of people to request that they not be quoted by name or identified in other ways.
    [Show full text]
  • Party Politics in Ireland In
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by University of Huddersfield Repository REDEFINING LOYALISM —A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE David Ervine, MLA —AN ACADEMIC PERSPECTIVE James W McAuley IBIS working paper no. 4 REDEFINING LOYALISM —A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE David Ervine, MLA —AN ACADEMIC PERSPECTIVE James W McAuley No. 4 in the lecture series “Redefining the union and the nation: new perspectives on political progress in Ireland” organised in association with the Conference of University Rectors in Ireland Working Papers in British-Irish Studies No. 4, 2001 Institute for British-Irish Studies University College Dublin IBIS working papers No. 4, 2001 © the authors, 2001 ISSN 1649-0304 ABSTRACTS REDEFINING LOYALISM— A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE Although loyalism in its modern sense has been around since the 1920s, it ac- quired its present shape only at the beginning of the 1970s. Then it was reborn in paramilitary form, and was used by other, more privileged, unionists to serve their own interests. Yet the sectarianism within which loyalism developed disguised the fact that less privileged members of the two communities had much in common. Separation bred hatred, and led to an unfounded sense of advantage on the part of many Protestants who in reality enjoyed few material benefits. The pursuit of ac- commodation between the two communities can best be advanced by attempts to understand each other and to identify important shared interests, and the peace process can best be consolidated by steady, orchestrated movement on the two sides, and by ignoring the protests of those who reject compromise. REDEFINING LOYALISM— AN ACADEMIC PERSPECTIVE In recent years a division has emerged within unionism between two sharply con- trasting perspectives.
    [Show full text]
  • The UK's CHANGING
    Democratic Audit The UK’S CHANGING DEMOCRACY The 2018 Democratic Audit Edited by Patrick Dunleavy, Alice Park and Ros Taylor The UK’S CHANGING DEMOCRACY The 2018 Democratic Audit Edited by Patrick Dunleavy, Alice Park and Ros Taylor Democratic Audit Published by LSE Press 10 Portugal Street London WC2A 2HD press.lse.ac.uk First published 2018 Cover and design: Diana Jarvis Cover image: Union Jack © kycstudio/iStock Printed in the UK by Lightning Source Ltd. ISBN (Paperback): 978-1-909890-44-2 ISBN (PDF): 978-1-909890-46-6 ISBN (ePub): 978-1-909890-47-3 ISBN (Kindle): 978-1-909890-48-0 DOI: https://doi.org/10.31389/book1 Text © Democratic Audit and the individual authors. Images © Democratic Audit and the individual authors or copyright holders attributed in the source information. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 2.0 UK: England & Wales licence. To view a copy of this licence, go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc/2.0/uk/. This licence allows for copying and distributing the work in any form and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for noncommercial purposes, providing author attribution is clearly stated. Note, copyright restrictions apply to some images; see source information for individual licensing terms, where they differ. This book has been peer-reviewed to ensure high academic standards. For our full publishing ethics policies, see http://press.lse.ac.uk Suggested citation: Dunleavy, P, Park, A and Taylor R (eds), 2018, The UK’s Changing Democracy: The 2018 Democratic Audit, London, LSE Press.
    [Show full text]