Wai 898, # A109

Crown Forestry Rental Trust

Oral and Traditional History Volume Ngāti Tamainupō, Kōtara and Te Huaki

An Oral an Traditional History Report (Wai 775)

Author: George Barrett

October 2012

Contents

Preface ...... 5 Acknowledgements...... 5 Introduction ...... 7 Chapter One Traditional Tribal History ...... 9 1.1 Ng ā Tupuna o Tamainup ō...... 9 1.1.1 Tongatea and Manu (c 1500) ...... 9 1.1.2 Kaiahi and Pehanui (c 1525)...... 10 1.1.3 Manutongatea and Te Wawara-ki-te-rangi (c 1550)...... 11 1.1.4 Kōkako and Wh āea Tapoto (c 1600)...... 11 1.1.5 Summary: Section one...... 12 1.2 Tamainup ō meets Mahanga and marries Tukotuku (c 1600)...... 13 1.3 Gifting of land as peace gesture between Mahanga and Kōkako ...... 14 1.4 Pouwhenua descriptions ...... 15 Map 1 Ng āti Tamainup ō Pouwhenua 1600 circa ...... 16 1.5 Toa K ōtara and Te Huaki Whakapapa lineage to Whenu...... 16 1.6 Formation of Ng āti Tamainup ō (c 1600)...... 17 1.7 Toa K ōtara and Ngaere: Waipa and Waikato River P ā (c 1725)...... 17 1.8 Ng ā papakainga o T ōa K ōtara me Tamainup ō...... 19 1.9 Formation of Ng āti K ōtara (c 1725)...... 19 1.10 Te Huaki, K āwharu, Ahiturama and Horong ārara P ā (c 1725)...... 20 1.11 Formation of Ng āti Te Huaki (c 1725) ...... 21 1.12 The Battle of Tarap ātiki (c 1800) ...... 21 1.13 Battle of Huripopo (c 1800)...... 22 1.14 Ng āti Toa Attack at Karioi (c 1810) ...... 23 1.15 Battle of Te Wharu (c 1819) ...... 24 1.16 Battle of Te K āraka (1819) ...... 24 1.17 Ng āti Tamainu occupation of former Ng āti Toa whenua in Kawhia (c 1819). 25 Table: Tribal Whakapapa...... 26 Chapter Two Nineteenth Century Leadership and Kingitanga Relationships...... 27 2.1 The schedule of owners for Ng āti Tamainu, Ng āti Te Kanawa ...... 27

1 2.2 Pātene’s conversion to Christianity (1835)...... 28 2.3 Pātene enters Three Kings Institute (1848)...... 29 2.4 F.D. Fenton establishes Karakariki Settlement (1857)...... 29 2.5 Tribal Factions, Kingite Supporters and Loyalist M āori...... 30 2.6 Wiremu P ātene and his Leadership Role...... 31 Map 2 Ng āti Tamainu Block 1867 Compensation Court decision ...... 33 2.7 Ng āti Tamainu, Ng āti K ōtara and Ng āti Te Huaki Block Ownership...... 33 2.7.1 Parish of Waipa Lot 57 Ng āti Tamainu, (School Reserve) 25 acres ...... 33 2.7.2 Parish of Waipa Lot 61 Ng āti Tamainu, Total: 456 acres...... 33 2.7.3 Parish of Waipa Lot 62 Ng āti Tamainu, Total: 1612 acres ...... 35 2.7.4 Parish of Waipa Lot 63 Ng āti Te Huaki, Total 3699 acres ...... 37 2.7.5 Parish of Waipa Lot 64 Ng āti K ōtara, total 4631 acres...... 37 2.7.6 Parish of Waipa Lot 65 (Paritata Peninsula) and Lot 69 (Karakariki Flour Reserve) combined Total: 1061 acres...... 38 2.7.7 Parish of Waipa Lot 66 Ng āti Tamainu Total 13, 587 acres ...... 44 2.7.8 Parish of Waipa Lot 68 (Urup ā reserve) Ng āti Tamainu Total: 2 acres...... 46 2.7.9 Parish of Waipa Lot 70 Ng āti K ōtara (Urup ā Reserve), Total: 22 acres ...... 46 2.7.10 Parish of Waipa Lot 71 Ng āti Te Huaki, Total: 100 acres ...... 46 2.7.11 Parish of Waipa Lot 73 (various owners), Total: 347 acres...... 46 Map 3 Returned Raupatu Land Native Land Court decision 3 rd July, 1889...... 47 2.8 Ng āti Tamainu mortgage with the Department of Native Affairs...... 47 2.9 Tragedies and Misfortune Befall the P ātene Wh ānau ...... 48 2.10 Ng āti Tamainup ō Legal Status...... 49 Chapter Three Whaingaroa District Highway and Harbour Boards...... 50 3.1 Formation of Public Reserves between 1883 to 1886...... 50 3.2 King Tawhiao Names Waingaro After the Loss of a Ngawha ...... 51 3.3 Whaingaroa District Highway Board Replace Tribal Place Name...... 51 Map 4 Ngawha around Waingaro and Ōhautira...... 53 3.4 Summary...... 54 Chapter Four Research Methodology ...... 55 4.1 Oral Research Methodology ...... 55 4.2 Thematic Analysis for Oral Research...... 55 4.3 Kaumatua and Kuia Interviews...... 56 4.4 Discussion on Commercial Fishing...... 59

2 4.5 The Fish Species Caught...... 59 4.6 Discussion on Kaimoana Despoliation...... 60 Map 5 Ng ā wahi Taniwha, kaitiaki me wairua ...... 65 4.7 Summary: Kaumatua and Kuia interviews...... 67 Chapter Five Participatory Mapping Wānanga ...... 68 Map 6 Waingaro Landing ...... 69 Photo 1 Focus Groups 1, 2, 3 & 4 ...... 69 Map 7 Pirere Point, Paroa Point and Ōhautira River ...... 70 Map 8 Whiwhiroa Bay, Paritata Peninsula...... 71 Map 9 Haroto Bay...... 72 Map 10 Ng ā w āhi tawhito me ng ā w āhi tapu ...... 73 Map 11 Wh ānau ahi k ā and remaining tribal estate...... 74 5.1 Summary: Mapping information...... 74 5.2 University of Waikato Oceanographic Research Project...... 75 Map 12 Wahi tapu, Waingaro P ā and Mai-Uenuku-ki-te-whenua Marae ...... 76 Chapter Six Environmental Impacts and Local Government...... 77 6.1 Whaingaroa Sediment Report...... 77 6.2 Tainui Awhiro Trust Challenges Paritata Marine Farm Resource Consent ..... 78 Map 13 Proposed Pacific Oyster Farm ...... 80 6.3 Conclusion ...... 80 Bibliography ...... 82 Published Sources ...... 82 Manuscripts ...... 82 Thesis ...... 83 Interviews ...... 83 Newspapers...... 83 Information pamphlet...... 83 Reports ...... 84 Maori Land Court Minute Books...... 84 Journals of the House of Representatives and Parliamentary Debates...... 85 Maps ...... 85 Crown Forestry Rental Trust Commissioned Reports ...... 85 Waitangi Tribunal-Commissioned Reports ...... 86 Transcripts ...... 86

3 Archives ...... 86 Appendix 1 ...... 87 Appendix 2 ...... 89

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Preface

This report was initiated in October 2010, as part of a draft scoping report for an oral and traditional history research project for Te Tai Hau-ā-uru. The Mana Moana, Mana Whenua, Scoping Report for an Oral and Traditional History Project for Tau Hau-ā-uru was completed in February 2011. A Waitangi Tribunal Judicial Conference decision was made in April 2011 for the completion of a full Oral and Traditional Report for Te Tai Hau-ā-uru. This report fulfils the Ngati Tamainup ō, K ōtara and Te Huaki Volume for the Waitangi Claim- 775.

Acknowledgements

Acknowledgement is due to the following people: David Huirama- Kaumatua for Mai- Uenuku-ki-te-Whenua Marae and Ngati Tamainup ō whakapapa expert and kaumatua interviewee; Edward Wilson- Claimant for Wai 775; Kathleen Osborne- kuia interviewee and for providing access to view private whakapapa manuscripts pertaining to Te Tamainup ō, Huaki and K ōtara; Ruby Barrett- kuia interviewee; Lou Belle Barrett for her editing support and patience.

Special thanks also to the Trustees for Waingaro P ā: Nora Palmer, Charles and Huirangi Tahana, mapping w ānanga facilitators; Tamati Amuketi, Ani Ngaia, Rangiwahia Osborne and Caroline Samson; Mai-Uenuku-Ki-Te-Whenua Marae Trustees; Tainui Awhiro Trustees and staff including Angeline Greensill (Chair), Rolande P āekau (Administrator) and Liz Greensill (Treasurer); staff from Crown Forest Rental Trust, Mihi Harris-Brown (Research Facilitator), Moka Apiti (Mapping & Design) and Verity Smith (Manager).

Much appreciation and thanks to wh ānaunga for attending oral and Traditional Research Wānanga at Mai-Uenuku-ki-te- Whenua Marae and the Participatory Mapping W ānanga held at Waingaro P ā and for feedback on draft reports, including: Te Rira Huirama, Chad Huirama, Bronson Wati, Terei Huirama, Tuku Huirama, Terry Huirama, Helen Huirama, Phil Huirama, Sharyn Huirama, Tonga Huirama, Jude Huirama, Karen Huirama, Manawa Huirama, Lamour Clark, Nellie Martin, Gus Rawiri, Marina Maniapoto, Peni P ārehi, Hono Huirama, Doris Amuketi, Basil Osborne, Kui Anderson, Keni Waitere, Maria Tengu, Albert Tengu, Te Manawa Tengu, Deanna Tengu, Te Kurawhekaeo Matenga, Sonny Matenga, Jennifer

5 Kanawa, Robert Maniapoto, Maryanne Herewini, Norman Awhi, June Cassidy, Waiata Cherrington, John Tahana, Rangimarie Tahana, Trevor King, and Dianne Matenga.

Kairangahau

Ko Hori Barrett taku ingoa, Ko Pungawhakatihi te maunga, Ko Ōhautira te awa, Ko Ng āti Tamainup ō te iwi, Ko Waingaro te p ā, Ko Tainui Awhiro Ngunguru Te Po, Ngunguru Te Ao, Rire, rire, Hau, Pai Marire.

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Introduction In the course of undertaking this historical research project involving tribal whakapapa and tracing the movements of tupuna, the acceptance of evidence given as an oral record has been necessary and may well be open to interpretation by other experts on certain points. As such, consideration of tribal versions of a particular event or the names of a tupuna is duly acknowledged. 1 This is particularly so in the context of witness evidence taken from the Native Land Court hearings and details documented by some of the early ninetieth century historians. Every effort has been made to present accurate ancestral accounts in this report as the most accepted versions of actual events.

Chapter One Traditional History This chapter presents and abridged traditional history of Ng āti Tamainup ō, K ōtara and Te Huaki. The tribal whakapapa traces the mixed ancestory of Aotea, Tainui, Te Arawa and Mataatua waka as the progenitors to the eponymous tupuna Tamainup ō and his progeny Toa Kōtara, Ngaere and Te Huaki.

Chapter Two 19th Century leadership and Kingitanga Relationships This chapter focuses on the nineteenth century leadership of Wiremu P ātene as a Methodist Minister and his offspring Maata and Anaru P ātene. The P ātene wh ānau made a significant contribution towards the development and promotion of literacy, religion and tribal entrepreneurism at Karakariki Settlement located on the banks of the Waipa River for the people of Ng āti Tamainu[p ō], Maniapoto, K ōtara, Te Huaki and others. Wiremu P ātene was an important representative on behalf of the people of Ng āti Tamainu[p ō], K ōtara and Te Huaki for the return of their confiscated lands in through the Ngaruawahia Compensation Court Hearings in 1867.

Chapter Three Early Settlers, Whaingaroa District Highway and Harbour Boards

This chapter provides a brief overview of early P ākeha settlers who had purchased blocks of returned Raupatu land that had formerly been awarded to Wiremu P ātene. These settler farmers went on to become founding members of the Whaingaroa Highway District and Harbour Boards. Their role as committee members provided them with the necessary means

1 Whaea T āpoko (mother of Tamainup ō) is known and Wairaka, Hineparia

7 to petition the Crown in the acquisition of land for landing sites such as the Waingaro and Ruakiwi Landings and the Whaingaroa Hot Springs (Waingaro Hot Springs) for public reserves. Through the establishment of these reserves, they were able to attain considerable personal wealth, from which their descendants have benefited and continue to benefit as elected local body representatives. Despite their long term relationship with tangata whenua they have not served the social, environmental and cultural interests of the tangata whenua.

Chapter Four Oral Research Methodology

This chapter provides the background and the basis of the Waitangi 775 claim, namely the despoliation of kaimoana within Whaingaroa Harbour over the course of the last 80 years. The stories of wh ānaunga have been expressed through individual interviews and facilitated group discussions. The underlying objective for the oral research was to identify the individual’s perspectives on the social, cultural and physical environment as they pertain to Whaingaroa Harbour.

Chapter Five Participatory Mapping Wānanga

This chapter is the presentation of mapping data generated by interviewees and focus group discussions from the Waingaro P ā Mapping W ānanga held on the 3 rd of March, 2012.

Chapter Six Environmental Impacts, Scientific Research, Local Government and Conclusion

The final chapter reflects on the Whaingaroa Harbour Sedimentation Report; the Tainui Awhiro Trust challenge to the proposed Marine Farm at Paritata Peninsula; and provides a conclusion to this report.

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Chapter One Traditional Tribal History This chapter presents and abridged traditional history of Ng āti Tamainup ō, K ōtara and Te Huaki. The two principle reference texts are; Bruce Biggs & Pei Te Hurinui Jones, Ngaa Iwi O Tainui (1995) and Lesley Kellys, Tainui (1949). The basis of these authors’ research has been referenced from Pei Hurinui Jones’ interviews with Aihe and Te Nguha Huirama in 1932, both of whom were of Ng āti Tamainup ō descent and born in Waingaro 2. Other sources have included oral evidence Kauki Tauira from Mercer Minute Book 12, 1909 pages 201-207 and Rewi Tahana, pages 279 to 280 Mercer Minute Book 13 Taitangi Maru pages 93-94, 1909 and Angela Ballara, Taua, ‘Musket Wars’, Land Wars or Tikanga, (2003) pages 293- 295.

There are three sections in this chapter that will describe the formation of the hapu groups over time, using J.B.W. Robertson’s method of using tribal genealogies as a basis for M āori chronology 3. The first section relates to ancestors of Tamainup ō and their mixed tribal whakapapa. The second section explains the marriage of Tamainup ō to Tukotuku and land gifted to them as gesture of peace between Mahanga and K ōkako. The third section relates to Toa K ōtara, Ngaere and Te Huaki their deeds and their places of occupation on the Waikato and Waipa Rivers.

1.1 Ng ā Tupuna o Tamainup ō

1.1.1 Tongatea and Manu (c 1500) The whakapapa of Tamainup ō begins with Tongatea 4 5 the brother of Ruap ūtahanga who are descendants of Turi, Captain of the Aotea Waka. Ruap ūtahanga was the second wife of Whatitua who was a direct descendant of Hoturoa captain of the Tainui Waka. Tongataea had been requested to tohi 6 his sister’s first born son Uenuku Tuwhatu.

2 David Huirama, Tamainup ō kaumatua. 3 J.B.W Roberton ‘Genealogies as a basis for Maori chronology’ Journal of the Polynesian Society (JPS), 1956, 65, pp48-50 4 Kelly, Tainui, The Story of Hoturoa and his descendants 1949 , pp 81-82 5 Biggs & Jones, Ngaa Iwi o Tainui, 1995, pp108-109 6 Tohi is a traditional child naming ritual.

9 During his journey from Taranaki to Aotea, Tongatea was waylaid at Marokopa. Tongatea had in his possession a fish talisman which attracted Kahawai in their multitudes to the Marokopa River. Grateful for their good fortune, the local people (of Ng āti Awa descent) presented him with a beautiful young woman as a wife, her name was Manu.

A short time after his marriage to his young bride, Tongatea announced his intentions to return to Taranaki to be with his first wife. Manu fearing he would to return with a war party and take her people’s kai moana for himself disclosed her fears to her brothers who quickly overtook Tongatea on his return journey and killed him. A daughter was conceived during their brief marriage, she was named Pehanui (large peelings) in reference to her father’s gluttonous habit of eating Karaka berries 7 with the skins on.

1.1.2 Kaiahi and Pehanui (c 1525) Kaiahi was a rangatira and a descendant of Toroa, Captain of the Mataatua Waka. He led a party of his people from the East Coast and to Marokopa where he met Pehanui who was now an attractive, young woman. He slept with Pehanui during his brief stay in which she became pregnant. Before leaving he asked her to remain with her people and promised he would soon return. Pehanui gave birth to a son whom she named Manutongatea.

A few years later Kaiahi returned with a war party, having forgotten his earlier promise to Pehanui. The people fled for their lives abandoning their villages, Kaiahi did not pursue them. Manutongatea, still a child, was taken prisoner and put in a kete to be eaten the following morning. That evening hot from singing and dancing inside the wharenui the war party warriors went outside to cool off. When Manutongatea heard them he called out the following words “Manu-tongatea’s [tehe]skin is chilled by the wind. Pehanui daughter of Manu, Pehanui wife of Kai-ahi”.8 When the people heard the words of Manutongatea they told Kaiahi. He demanded to have the child bought to him on seeing his son, he wept over him with the realization that one day he come to him to avenge his ill treatment, the next day Kaiahi withdrew his people.

7 Ibid, para 7.4, p77. 8 Ibid, para 10.3, p94.

10 1.1.3 Manutongatea and Te Wawara-ki-te-rangi 9 (c 1550) Manutongatea 10 as a grown man asked his mother where he could find his father, she said to seek him where the sun rises 11 . He assembled his war party and headed off to the East Coast. At Roto-iti he came across some people who had been recently attacked by Kaiahi. The chief offered his daughter Wawara-ki-te-rangi (heavenly sound) who was already betrothed to another man after Manutongatea explained he was seeking vengeance against his father.

Taking Te Wawara-ki-te-rangi as his wife and he went directly to the P ā of Kaiahi where he decided to make peace instead with his father. By the time Manutongatea embarked on their return journey, Wawara-ki-te-rangi was already pregnant. On their return passage she had a particular food raving for K ōkako, for which the travel party snared and consumed many Kōkako. At the birth of their son, he was given the name K ōkako.

Kōkako is the only offspring to have been raised by both parents. All of the offspring were either born or raised at Marokopa. The people of Marokopa are thought to be of Ng āti Awa descent but according to Biggs there is no tribal whakapapa that traces Manu with Ng āti Awa or how they came to occupy the land.

1.1.4 Kōkako and Wh āea Tapoto (c 1600) Not much is known about K ōkako as a youth. His story begins as a rangatira who leads his people to a place called Āwhitu 12 which is situated in the Manukau Harbour. He fights with people there, a hapu belonging to Tuheitia.

In retaliation Tuheitia took possession of plantations belonging to K ōkako. Realizing he cannot match the strength of Tuheitia. K ōkako decided to withdraw with his people from Āwhitu for short time and return to Marokopa. Soon after K ōkako had departed Tuheitia was

9 Kelly, Tainui ; Biggs & Jones, Ngaa Iwi o Tainui refer to Wawara -ki-te-rangi as Wawara. 10 Biggs & Jones, Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , Tongatea & Manu, pp76-79 11 Ibid, para 10.4, p95. 12 Biggs, Jones, Ngaa Iwi o Tainui, para 14.3, p110.

11 drowned at sea 13 an incident that he would be held to blame. The task of avenging his father’s death would fall on his eldest son Mahanga to fulfill.

Meanwhile at a village near Kawhia 14 , K ōkako came across a wahine toa by the name of Whaea T āpoko 15 16 , she had been recently widowed and in a state of ritual restriction and could not be seen in the company of men. In a ploy to get Whaea T āpoko to come out of her whare, K ōkako called for water, on hearing his call she sent for an attendant to fetch it for him.

Kōkako followed the attendant to a puna and smashed the water gourds while she wasn’t looking. The surprised attendant tells Whaea T āpoko; angry at such insolence she headed down the path to the puna to scold the culprit. K ōkako leaped from his hiding place and forced sexual intercourse with her. Before leaving he tells her if the child born is a male he should be named Tamainup ō (boy drinks at night) or if be a girl she be called P āreinup ō. On hearing the death of Tuheitia, K ōkako leads his people into the Waikato rohe.

1.1.5 Summary: Section one This section concludes the stories about the ancestors of Tamainupō. In summary, Pehanui is the daughter of Tongatea (Aotea) and Manu (Ng āti Awa), Manutongatea is the son of Kaiahi (Mataatua) and Pehanui (Ng āti Awa), and K ōkako is the son of Manutongatea and Wawara- ki-te-rangi (Te Arawa). Finally, Tamainup ō is the son of K ōkako and Whaea T āpoko (aka Wairaka 17 , Hinepari)18 .

13 Kelly, Tainui , p90; Biggs & Jones, Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , p111. Tahinga was a brother in-law of Tuheitia; Tahinga was envious of Tuheitia’s reputation as great warrior). Tahinga had plotted and killed Tuheitia during a fishing expedition. Tuheitia would become deified as Taniwha who resides in the Waipa. 14 Whaea Tapoko was also known to have lived at Aotea. 15 Mercer Minute Book (MMB) 7, 1809, p203. Kōkako whakapapa provided by Kauki Tauira, 16 Biggs & Jones Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , pp110-126 17 MMB 7, 1909, p150 – Kauki Tauira evidence refers to K ōkako and Wairaka 18 Tainui Awhiro Poukai, commemoration booklet, 25 April 2010 - Refers to Tamainup ō as the son of K ōkako and Hinepari

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1.2 Tamainup ō meets Mahanga and marries Tukotuku (c 1600) Growing up with the notoriety of his conception and the illegitimacy of his birth was a cause of constant taunting for Tamainup ō. The taunting only urged him with to excel in athletic and warlike pursuits 19 with vigour. Along with his superior athleticism Tamainup ō was handsome and desired by women. The wife of his half brother had tried to seduce him. While he was fishing her husband snared a fish by its belly which he took as a sign of his wife’s infidelity. He returned to confront his wife and demanded to know where she had been that day; she led him to a kumara pit where he found a red feather caught on a stick belonging to a kakahu of Tamainup ō. Her husband was so enraged he assembled a group of warriors to avenge his wife’s misdeed. Tamainup ō was forced to flee and decided to go in search of his father. His mother told him to seek him in the Waikato.

While he is on a bird snaring expedition beginning on Pokohuka 20 ridge on Pirongia Maunga he caught the attention of Waitawake and Tukotuku the daughters of Mahanga; while they were out gathering huarakau. As soon as the sisters saw him, they immediately argued with each other as to who should marry him. They escorted him to Purakau where Mahanga resided at the confluence of the Kaniwhaniwha and Waipa Rivers. That evening Mahanga watched his daughters jostle each other for a place to sit next to Tamainup ō. Mahanga finally spoke, “ ka patai a Mahanga , ka ki atu a Tukotuku, ko tona tane kua riro a Waitawake.” Katahi a Mahanga ka ki atu ki a Waitawake, “waiho ano te tane a to teina” 21 . The decision so upset Waitawake she departed to live among the people of Ng āti Maniapoto.

Meanwhile K ōkako had built a pa site at a place called Kiriparera 22 on the west bank of the Waipa River a short distance from Purakau. The situation prompted Mahanga to select his best warriors to go into battle against K ōkako. Mahanga decided to stage a contest to test the leaping skills of his champion warriors. Renowned for his tallness Mahanga challenged each contestant to leap over his shoulder. All failed with the exception of Tamainup ō who achieved the feat with ease as Mahanga felt the rush of air brush pass his face. He knew then that Tamainup ō was no ordinary man and felt assured he could defeat K ōkako.

19 Biggs & Jones Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , pp114-115 20 Biggs & Jones Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , p116. 21 Tangataiti Maru, MMB 13, 1909, p93.

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Leading the attack Tamainup ō was first to leap up onto the parapet. Undetected from his vantage point he was able to recognize K ōkako who was known for wearing a red korowai. With no time to explain Tamainup ō assisted K ōkako to escape, before Mahanga and his war party could breach the gates of the p ā. Tamainup ō had killed a warrior and cutoff his arm, he had also taken possession of the red korowai belonging to K ōkako and with these items he was able to convince Mahanga, that Kōkako had been killed 23 .

At the birth their son, Tamainup ō decided to tell Mahanga the truth about his father, much to his dismay Mahanga agreed for K ōkako to tohi their child. Tamainup ō journeyed with Tukotuku via the Waikato River to Tai-pōuri a river island near Rangiriri. Tamainup ō was finally able to reveal his identity to his father in so doing Kōkako performed the tohi of their child and naming him Wairere. Thus peace was made between Mahanga and K ōkako

1.3 Gifting of land as peace gesture between Mahanga and K ōkako In gesture of peace with K ōkako, Mahanga gifted land belonging to two of his junior wives Hinetepei and Wharewaiata:

The land belonged to Hinetepei and Wharewaiata by descent from Hanui. Mahanga asked those women for it for Tamainu[po] as recognition of his services and they agreed to give it. Mahanga had no land of his own to give. In the return of the expedition Tamainu married Tukotuku . . . Thus Tamainu settled on the land where his descendants live. Mahanga had mana over the land in spite of his wives Hinetepei and Wharewaiata who are descendants of Hanui 24 25 .

22 Biggs & Jones Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , p118. 23 MMB 13, 1909, p 94. 24 MMB 7, 1909, p 206. 25 Hanui whakapapa , MMB 7, 1909, p 201.

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1.4 Pouwhenua descriptions The following pouwhenua description as described by Huirangi Tahana at the Ng ā Korero Tuku Iho Hearings held at Poihakena Marae 2010.

The tribal boundaries of Ng āti Tamainup ō begin at Motuk ōkako Point south to Kauroa (intersection at State Highway 23 and Ōkete Rd), then follow Ōkete Stream to the beach. Turn east along the shoreline to the mouth of the Waitetuna River. Where the Waitetuna River is joined by the Manga-o-Kahu Stream, follow the Manga-o-Kahu Stream to Cogswell Road at the foot of the Deviation, at a place known as Ng ā Kahikatea. Continue west in a straight line to Te Rua o T ūheitia which is behind Te Papa-o-Rotu Marae on M āori Point Road. Then north east of Whatawhata on a straight line to Cemetery Road and ending at Claudelands Show grounds. Head north to a place once called Maraw ātea (now known as Horsham Downs Rd). Then west to Komakorau (Gordonton), turn north to Mangawara stream at Taupiri. Then north from the middle of the Waikato River to Reese’s Quarry (Huntly). Then head west to Rotowaro then south west to Pukemiro. Then follow the Waingaro stream until it becomes the Waingaro River to Ruakiwi Road. Then west to a place called Taumatakoi following the shoreline back to Motuk ōkako. 26 ’

In another pouwhenua version sourced from the Hamilton Maori Land Court miscellaneous files pertaining to the Ng āti Tamainu Block and to Waingaro Marae Committee district area (circa 1953) the following pouwhenua description is given: (1) Te Rua o Tuheitia (2) Rere i te taha toka o Ohaupo ki Kirikiriroa (3) Ki waenganui o te awa o Mangawara (4) Ka puta ki te awa o Waikato (5) Ki te maunga ki runga o te Tainui bridge (6) Ki Tirohanga (hill top back of Glen Afton) (7) Ki te roto a moko (8) Ki Taumaatatekoi

26 WAI 898-Te Rohe Potae, Oral and Traditional Hui 3, Poih ākena Marae, 12-13 April 2010.

15 (9) Ki te awa o Makomako (10) Ki te Moana o Whaingaroa (11) Ki Motuk ōkako (12) Ki te wapu o Whaingaroa (13) Ki te Hohipera o Whaingaroa (14) Ki te Koroa o Kauroa (15) Ki Ranui (16) Ki te Rua o Tuheitia

Map 1 Ng āti Tamainup ō Pouwhenua 1600 circa

1.5 Toa K ōtara and Te Huaki Whakapapa lineage to Whenu In this section, the stories of Toa K ōtara, Ngaere and Te Huaki are told of their deeds and places of occupation on the Waipa and Waikato Rivers. There are many Waikato hapu who can trace their whakapapa to Tamainup ō and Tukotuku such as Ng āti Haua, Ng āti Hape,

16 Ng āti Mahuta and Ng āti Wairere 27 to name a few. The whakapapa that binds Ng āti K ōtara and Ng āti Te Huaki to Ng āti Tamainup ō is through Whenu the oldest child of Wairere. In times of battle and defense Ng āti Tamainup ō, K ōtara and Te Huaki always remained as close allies.

1.6 Formation of Ng āti Tamainup ō (c 1600) Wairere had a number of wives and many famous offspring but it was his eldest son, Whenu from his first wife Hinemoa who would become the grandfather of Toa K ōtara, Ngaere and the great grandfather to Te Huaki. Wairere and Hinemoa had three children they were Whenu, Iranui and Takerewakanui. Hinemoa died as a young mother, her children were adopted by Tamainup ō and Tukotuku, and from that point forward the family became known as Ng āti Tamainup ō.

Tamainup ō had given Whenu the task of collecting the bones of his ancestors, and interning them at a cave in the Whaingaroa Harbour. It’s not known exactly where the cave was located but there are numerous places where limestone caves could be found around the Harbour. Whenu married Hinemotuhia; they named their first born child Te Kete Iwi. Te Kete Iwi married Hinemata and they had five children they were Toa K ōtara, Ngaere, Mata-te-Rangi, Huamoetu and Mamaku.

1.7 Toa K ōtara and Ngaere: Waipa and Waikato River P ā (c 1725) The story of the how Ngaruawahia was named tells a tale of reconciliation and reunification between Ng āti Tamainup ō and Ng āti Maniapoto. Ngaruawahia was the epicentre of Ng āti Tamainup ō territory as the tribal boundaries stretched from Motu K ōkako in Whaingaroa Harbour to Horotiu on the Waikato River down to Rahui Pokeka (Huntly) and back to Whaingaroa. Ngaere and Toa K ōtara had established p ā sites on the Waipa and Waikato Rivers.

27 David Huirama, Ngati Tamainup ō kaumatua and whakapapa expert.

17 The arranged marriage between Heke-i-te-rangi the eldest daughter of Ng āti Maniapoto Rangatira Mania-uru-ahu, to Toa K ōtara is essentially a love story 28 . Heke-i-te-rangi became infatuated by the well oiled athletic body and agile haka performance given by Ngaere as entertainment for their esteemed manuwhiri. She stole away to declare her love to Ngaere and they end up eloping to his Pukeihua (Pukeaihua) Pā hilltop fortress in Ngaruawahia 29 . Toa Kotara held no ill feeling toward his younger sibling; as he was a powerful tohunga, fighting was beneath him. Such was his importance as a spiritual advisor during times of battle and as an oracle he became the conduit between the spiritual realm and the world of mortals. For her father, the actions of Heke-i-te-rangi came as a loss to his personal mana and brought shame on his people; relations between the tribes become estranged.

Some years later Heke-i-te-rangi gave birth to a son. In a gesture to reunite the two tribes, she invited their fathers to tohi their new born child. Ngaere was at the height of his power and influence, Pukeihua P ā was a formidable hilltop fortress and posed a challenge to all would be contenders.

A large Ng āti Maniapoto flotilla journeyed to Pukeihua via the Waipa River to attend the celebration. As the Maniapoto contingent passed the southern boundary of Ngāti Tamainup ō at the Manga-o-tama stream on the western bank of the Waipa River they called out to the people of the villages as they passed, ‘“to whom does the land belong” and the people reply “Ngaere”’ they were impressed by the mana of Ngaere 30 .

The Waipa River P ā sites were Waikuku, Te Whakapaku, Marohemo and Waikeria. Two kilometres out of Ngaruawahia on the Whatawhata road there is stream that during the time of Ngaere where waka could travel to within one kilometre of Pukeihua (3km east of the Waipa River). When the two tribes gathered at Pukeihua, Te Kete Iwi raised the new born baby above his head and said, “this is the child of Heke-i-te-rangi, I shall name him Mana-o- te-rangi (day of honour), to honour the Maniapoto contingent who came that day. In celebration, Ngaere called to his people to open all their kumara pits, “wahia ng ā rua”, hence the name Ngaruawahia. As there were many large kumara pits from Pukeihua P ā to Ng ā Huinga (the confluence of the Waipa and Waikato Rivers) a distance of two kilometres.

28 Kelly, Tainui, pp 208-211 29 David Huirama, spelling of Pukeihua.

18

Figure on the left depicts Heke-i-te-rangi, centre figure Mana-o-te-rangi, right Ngaere depicted with a missing tooth.

ā Photograph 1. Pukeihua P Source blogspot.com/2010/puke-i-aahua-pa-palisade.ngaruawahia.html

1.8 Ng ā papakainga o T ōa K ōtara me Tamainup ō Tamainup ō and Tukotuku had a papakainga called Te Kaurere next to the Tunaeke stream near the intersection of Karakariki Valley Road and State Highway 27, four kilometres from Whatawhata. In their later years they moved to a kainga called Kopae (now called Hopuhopu). Tamainup ō and Tukotuku are buried on Maunga Taupiri 31 .

1.9 Formation of Ng āti K ōtara (c 1725) Toa K ōtara had a p ā tuna at Horotiu, called Tamangane. He married Mahara-ki-rangi; they had two sons one was named Toroaihuroa 32 and Kawhairu 33 . Toroaihuroa was initiated as a high priest by his father and had his P ā Whakaioranga 34 on the banks of the Ōhautira River. Toa K ōtara distinguished himself as a high priest, spiritual advisor and strategist for Ng āti Tamainup ō raiding parties, it was on his instructions that warriors were sent to fight. His descendants would take his name as Ng āti K ōtara. It is not known where K ōtara is buried. Given his tapu status as a high priest it was in the better interests of protecting the tribe and future generations.

30 Ibid, para 37.12, p244. 31 Kathleen Osborne interview, 25 February 2012 32 Toroaihuroa in Biggs & Jones Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , pp250 -253 33 Kawhairu is often referred as K āwharu but is not to be confused with K āwharu the son of Ngaere from his first marriage to Koata. 34 Ibid, para 39.2, p250,

19

1.10 Te Huaki, K āwharu,35 Ahiturama and Horong ārara P ā (c 1725) Te Huaki was the son of Mamaku and Watawhiti. Mamaku was the youngest brother of Toa Kōtara and Ngaere. Te Huaki grew up Waikeria p ā36 with his cousin K āwharu who was raised at Te Whakapaku p ā on the Waipa River. Kāwharu was a son of Ngaere from his first wife Koata. Te Huaki and Kāwharu distinguished themselves as great warriors under the command of Ng āti Raukawa Rangatira, Ng ā Tokowaru at a battle at Te Tumu near Maketu where they defeated Te Arawa.

Before the battle began, Kāwharu looked at the food calabashes and noticed there were remnants of food, he called out to Te Huaki and said, “Oh Hua a partly filled dish” 37 his comment denigrating Ng ā Tokowaru for not supplying enough food for his warriors. Ng ā Tokowaru on hearing Kāwharu’s comment to Te Huaki urged them to, “fight on, fight on, I will fill it” 38 , alluding to an offer of his daughter Toreheikura to Te Huaki 39 . The pair fought on and defeated Te Arawa

On returning to their respective p ā on the Waipa River, Kāwharu and Te Huaki turned towards Whaingaroa. On crossing the harbour they were hailed by Ng āti Tahinga Rangatira, Uat ītahi to Horong ārara p ā. Uat ītahi was conspiring to have Te Huaki and Kāwharu killed the next morning. A sentry was sent to summon Te Huaki and Kāwharu, recognizing his kinsman, gave warning and assisted their escape. Before the pair separated company K āwharu asked Te Huaki to avenge their ill treatment.

Te Huaki returned to Waikeria and married Toreheikura the eldest daughter of Ng ā Tokowaru as promised and settled down to a quiet life. Remembering his promise to Kāwharu he asked Ahit ūrama a champion warrior of Ng ā Tokowaru to fulfill his promise to Kāwharu.

Ahit ūrama agreed. He assembled a raiding party and camped the first night at a p ā called Kainga-pipi near the present site of Waingaro P ā. The following day the raiding party landed

35 K āwharu and Te Huaki, in Biggs & Jones, Biggs & Jones Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , pp253-60 36 Private collection, Kathleen Osborne 37 Biggs & Jones, Ngaa Iwi o Tainui , p254 38 Ibid 39 David Huirama

20 at P ātikirau Bay and planned their attack. Early the next morning they crossed the mudflats using tea tree brushes so as not to be heard. When they’d had made it to the other side Ahit ūrama climbed the watch tower where he began his chant when he finished, it was the signal to start the attack. Upon hearing his chart the local people were enthralled by his voice and called out for an encore. The people were taken completely by surprise and were all killed with the exception of a child by the name Pouhoro-Moana, who was a close relative of Kāwharu.

1.11 Formation of Ng āti Te Huaki (c 1725) Te Huaki is remembered as a great warrior to his descendants, from which they took his name to form Ng āti Te Huaki. Although he lived at Waikeria on the Waipa River his bones are buried at an unmarked site on the eastern shoreline of Whaingaroa Harbour on what is designated the Te Huaki Block 40 .

1.12 The Battle of Tarap ātiki (c 1800) In a battle that would involve Tainui (Whaingaroa) 41 and Ng āti Tamainu 42 , and eventually Ng āti Koata, over a quarrel between Rangihuia (Ng āti Tamainu) the wife of Tarakit ūhanga ( Tainui) “he threatened to make mincemeat of her parents” 43 . After hearing of his threat, Ng āti Tamainu threatened to impale his head. When he heard of the threat from Ng āti Tamainu, he raised a taua and killed some Ng āti Tamainu people who fled to Waipa. Tainui then attacked a Ng āti Mahanga p ā near Waitetuna called Papat īraha. In retaliation Ng āti Mahanga, Ng āti Tamainu, Ng āti Huakau and others raised a taua at Waitetuna. While they were making preparations the chief Te Moanatako of Ng āti Mahanga travelled to Whaingaroa to give warning to Ngāti Koata chief Mauriri, who responded with the proverb, “brave though small in numbers”. Mauriri led his people out and met the taua from Waitetuna at Tarap ātiki

40 Te Huaki lot 63, 3699 acres, Tamainu Minute Book (TMB), 1889, p31 41 Angela Ballara, Taua, ‘Musket Wars’, Land Wars or Tikanga , 2003, p 283, “From 1800 according to Mohi Te Rongomau the West Coast of the Waikato Region was collective of people specifically identified as the Tainui Tribe (Whaingaroa ). This is not to confused with the Tainui Waka of the wider major tribal groups of Ngati Maniapoto, Waikato, Ngati Raukawa and others.” 42 The oral testimonies from Native Land Court hearings throughout the nineteenth century refer to Ng āti Tamainu and Tamainup ō interchangeablely . 43 A.Ballara, Taua, p294.

21 (Raglan Township). In the battle that ensued he was captured and killed and his defeated people fled. 44

1.13 Battle of Huripopo (c 1800) During the same time a wahine toa by the name Te Wiri of Waikato was surprised and killed at Mangaohia on the Waipa River by people from Aotea and Kawhia. Te Wiri was Ngāti Reko on her father’s side and Ngāti Naho on her mother’s side. A taua consisting of Ngāti Mahanga, Ngāti Tamainu, Ngāti Reko, Ngāti Naho and Patup ō made their way to Kawhia to exact utu. On hearing the events at Whaingaroa they diverted their attention there. Under the cover of night their covert approach into Whaingaroa was discovered at sunrise by a Ngāti Koata party from Horongārara P ā on paddling out to collect red ochre. The party raised the alarm in which a garrison from Horongārara P ā came to meet the Waikato taua, hailing from hilltop vantage points Waikato taua warned them not to come nearer.

Ngāti Koata taua hailed in response that they would pursue the Waikato taua all the way to the Waipa River. Waikato retreated with Ng āti Koata in pursuit, they reached a stream called Huripopo which was situated in a steep ravine that could only be crossed on four planks. They removed the planks to delay their pursuers and ascended a steep hill. Exhausted from their exertion they sang a lament realizing their pursuers would inevitably close in on them. When the Ngāti Koata ascended the hill they were too exhausted to fight. Two of their chiefs were captured leaving the others to flee back down the ravine falling into the Huripopo stream where they easily overwhelmed. 45 Among Ngāti Koata dead was principal chief Te Huia and tohunga Tuarea who had predicted the current events would come to pass. Ngāti Koata again came under a retaliatory attack after a taua of Ngāti P āoa and Ngāti Hine came to Whaingaroa but found the p ā deserted. Moving onto to Aotea Ngāti P āoa / Ng āti Hine attacked the Ng āti Koata p ā, called Ōwhakarito where the chief Te Waitapu was killed; the remaining Ng āti Koata fled to Kawhia and sort refuge at a p ā called Whenua āpo. Ng āti Mahanga under Te Moanatako and Ng āti Pou under Uetoka filled the vacuum of the vacated Whaingaroa Ng āti Koata lands.

44 Ibid 45 A.Ballara, Taua , p295.

22 Ng āti Koata had been the most powerful west coast people. Their territory extended from Kawhia, Aotea to Whaingaroa. The abandonment of their Whaingaroa lands and their fall back to Kawhia greatly weakened them as a people. They sought protection under the rising leadership of Te Rauparaha and the mana of Ng āti Toa 46 .

Around 1810 Te Rauparaha sent a Ng āti Koata emissary to Whaingaroa urging the Waikato groups to return their lands. The Ng āti Koata messenger returned with news of their refusal and continued occupation of their land. To add further insult to injury Te Rauparaha was provoked by the killing of some close female relatives and his nephew Te Rangihaeata by Ng āti Pou. Te Rauparaha signaled his intention to Ng āti Pou to exact utu, which was received with scorn as he was a relatively unknown upstart 47 .

1.14 Ng āti Toa Attack at Karioi (c 1810) Te Rauparaha set out with his largest waka taua at night and launched a surprise attack on the unsuspecting Waikato people who suffered heavy casualties and including a high number of chiefs, including Uetoka of Ng āti Pou, Te Mata-o-Tūtonga, Te Moanatako, T ūmonanataiaha and Te Wharenohi. 48 The Ng āti Toa attack ignited a massive counter attack from the combined forces of Waikato of Ng āti Pou, Ng āti Mahuta, Ng āti Ata and Ng āti Tipa the fleet of waka taua made their way down the coast losing two waka at Ruapuke. When the Waikato waka taua reached Ōteke near Waiharakeke they were attacked by the local people but were defeated with the killing of their principal chief Te Wehu and two other chiefs Ingoa and Pātea. 49

The local people retreated to their p ā, whereby the sister of Te Rauparaha shouted to her attackers, “[T]hese are the slaves of Mai ōtaki who are attacking us” 50 , upon hearing her plea the Waikato taua made peace and withdrew their forces. According to Te Wheoro a possible explanation may have related to her ancestors having assisted Ng āti Ata in a battle against Ng āti Mai ōtaki. 51

46 Ibid 47 Ibid., p296. 48 Ibid 49 Ibid., p297 50 Ibid 51 Ibid

23

1.15 Battle of Te Wharu (c 1819) By 1819 Ng āti Toa and Ng āti Koata were living at various p ā sites around South Kawhia, (Awaroa and Rakaunui). According to accounts by Te Wh ēoro, Mohi Te Rongomau and Hone Kāora 52 Te Wharephui and Taiko of Ng āti Koata led a taua to Whaingaroa killing leading Ng āti Tamainu Chief Totoia. Their taua continued onto Waipa and killed Poha (Powha or Poheha) and Koroku before returning to Kawhia. In retaliation Ng āti Mahanga, Ng āti Tamainu, Ng āti Reko, Ng āti Mahuta and others were under the command of Te Awaitaia and Tuhataho. As the taua arrived at Kaipapaku in Kawhia, the northern-most cultivations of Ng āti Koata, they surprised and defeated a group of Ng āti Koata who had just crossed the harbour to tend to their crops. Taiko, Te Wharepuhi, Manu-ki-tawhiti Te Hahana and many others were killed, the battle became known as Te Wharu 53 .

1.16 Battle of Te K āraka (1819)

The same Waikato taua, under the leadership of Te Awaitaia, Te Punatoto, Te Hiakai and Te Kanawa crossed Kawhia Harbour to Te Maika to the south shore where they made their way on foot to Lake Taharoa to where the Ng āti Toa were encamped. Te Rauparaha had observed the encroaching taua and sent messengers out for more reinforcements. He ordered unattended canoes be destroyed, in order to cut-off their return. He mobilized Ng āti Koata to attack the Waikato taua from the rear to cut-off their retreat.

The next morning Te Rauparaha went by waka and came within calling distance of the Waikato campsite. In a bid to parley with the Waikato taua he offered terms of peace through the sharing of land whereby Ng āti Toa would have the larger portion. Te Hiakai rejected his peace offering. Te Rauparaha departed with the final word that the battle will commence the following morning. At dawn Te Rauparaha split his forces. Waikato taua lit a fire to create a smoke screen to cover their retreat in a ploy to reach a place called Waitutuki, an open space where they would have a better fighting chance. When the smoke cleared Te Rauparaha saw the Waikato hastily retreating and pursued them.

52 Ibid, p301

24

When Te Rauparaha’s forces closed in on the Waikato forces with Ng āti Mahanga at the rear they suddenly faced their pursuers and began fighting. Ng āti Mahuta took two casualties by musket fire in the midst of the fight Raparapa, a famous fighting exponent of his time, was killed in a duel using traditional weapons by Te Awaitaia. The death of Raparapa demoralized the resolve of his allies. Te Rauparaha noticed his forces floundering and he, who was himself quite ill, made his exit from the battleground by waka 54 . Ng āti Koata arrived too late to render any assistance and retreated to Kawhia. The battle would become known as the battle of Te Kakara and marked a pivotal point for Te Rauparaha and the struggle of his people who could not remain in Kawhia. Te Rauparaha would depart from Kawhia with his great taua of Ng āti Raukawa, Ng āti Toa, Ng āti Tama and Ng āti Koata to engage in campaigns in the southern regions of the North and South Island 55 .

1.17 Ng āti Tamainu occupation of former Ng āti Toa whenua in Kawhia (c 1819) After Ngāti Toa had abandoned their lands on the south side of Kawhia around Rakaunui and Te Awaroa, a section of Ng āti Tamainu along with the people of Ng āti Te Kanawa took possession of the vacated Ng āti Toa lands. Among the warriors of Ng āti Tamainu was a young warrior and rising leader among his people who would become known by his baptismal name Wiremu P ātene. Chapter Two will discuss Wiremu P ātene in more detail.

This concludes the traditional historical accounts of Ng āti Tamainup ō/ Tamainu. At this juncture it must be stated that the principle ancestor from which the people of Ng āti Tamainup ō take their name is the illegitimate son of K ōkako and Whaea Tapoko (pp.12 & 13 p.25), and is not to be confused with Tamainu who is son of Te Urupu and Hinewairangi (refer tribal whakapapa tables) six generations removed from Tamainup ō. Throughout the nineteenth century official records through the Native Land Court and Compensation Court hearings refer to Ng āti Tamainup ō and Tamainu interchangeably, generally meaning they were one and the same.

53 Ibid 54 Ibid., p305. 55 Ibid., p301.

25

Table: Tribal Whakapapa

Aotea Waka Turi = Hinekawa

Turimatakena = Ruamoewai

Turimataoneone = Tatairangi

Te Kapunga-o-te-rangi = Puruora

Kaokao = Koutu-o-te-rangi

Turimataorehua = Kaurorooro

Houtaepo = Hiatarere

Tongatea = Manu Ruaputahanga

Mataatua Waka Kaiahi = Pehanui

Manutongatea = Wawara-ki-te-rangi Te Arawa Waka

Kōkako = Wh āea Tapoko Matau

Tamainup ō = Tukotuku Tribal Whakapapa integrates with Tainui Waka

Wairere = Hinemoa (1st wife)

Whenu = Hinemotuhia Iranui Takerewakanui

Te Keteiwi = Hinemata

Toa K ōtara = Mahara-ki-rangi Ngaere = Heke-te-rangi Mata-te-rangi Huamoetu Hine-tuarangi Mamaku = Watawhiti

Toroaihurua Kawhairu Mana-o-te-rangi = Tini Te Huaki = Toreheikura Tonganui Hape

Te Urupu = Hinewairangi Te Rauhinga Pārewahia Waimuruiwi Ngauru

Tamainu = Waiwhakatupu Taputeraka Ngai

26 Chapter Two Nineteenth Century Leadership and Kingitanga Relationships

Wiremu P ātene was showing promise as leader and warrior for his people in the retaliatory campaigns against Ng āti Toa, Ng āti Koata and Tainui. In the dispute between Rangihuia (Ng āti Tamainu) and her husband Tarakit ūhanga that led to the battle of Tarap ātiki, Rangihuia is said to be the mother of Wiremu P ātene 56 . Pātene chose to remain in Kawhia where he became principle rangatira for the Kawhia section of Ng āti Tamainu as they would eventually become known. In 1886 the Te Awaroa block was awarded to the people of Ng āti Tamainu and Ng āti Te Kanawa 57

2.1 The schedule of owners for Ng āti Tamainu, Ng āti Te Kanawa 58 Arapata Ngahimi Te Rangi Wereka Ara Weti Paratene Tamainu Whakikania Arani Pereka Te Kou Whaiuru Aihe Huirama Pohe Te Hou Wetere Eketone Aperahama Nikorima Paekauri Teamomako Whanga Hone Piripi Pareumanui Tengahere Minors Hua Pikopiko Tuuku Hori Weti Hautai Pepene Eketone Te Kore Manono Hera Mahina Pairama Te Rangitakaroro Pango Houpapa Huirama Ropiha Tuhimatarenga Kohi Kanawa Rapata Rokena Teiwi Tarapuhi Keti Rokena Rawhiti Tautoru Teneti Kau Wairingiringi Ruru Teata Katipa Raku Taerere Kiri Katipa Rehuwai Tewi Tokoroa Matana Rangimohia Te Huirama Rapata Mere Eketone Rangitotohu Te Nguha Huirama Matapuna Rumatera Takiaho

56 David Huirama 57 Mihi Pepene the claimant stated her claim by right of ancestry as the land had been gifted by the rangatira Makaore of Ng āti Tamainu – Te Kanawa and by permanent occupation. Discrepancies concerning Pepene’s claim, concerning her mother Ripeka who was the wife of Pakeha Trader Turner . Makaore had entered into an agreement to allow Turner to graze his cattle on their land for a payment of a cask of gunpowder. The agreement was said to have been made around 1822. Otorohanga MB 1, 1886, p64.

27 Meri Tengahere Tepuaha Weti Rapata

2.2 Pātene’s conversion to Christianity (1835)

In 1834 the London Wesleyan committee resolved to establish a Wesleyan Mission Station in Kawhia. In 1835 James Whitely established the Wesleyan Mission at Waiharakeke 59 , among his early converts were the Ng āti Tamainu and Ng āti Te Kanawa people. The following extract describing Wiremu P ātene’s conversion to Christianity, is taken from William Morley’s book, The History of Methodism in New Zealand , published in 1900.

He had a splendid physique, and by birth was related to the highest chiefs of Waikato the very aristocracy of Maoridom. On a field of battle he first met the Rev J Whiteley who sought to make peace between two contending parties. Hitherto he had taken delight in the raids of this tribe, and was fast gaining celebrity as a warrior. Now he became an attendant at the Mission Church, and soon after was converted. Possessing considerable mental power, and the gift of oratory which most of the higher class Maoris had, he began to preach and was soon popular.60

Pātene’s conversion to Christianity and charismatic leadership would have been contributing factors for the Kawhia Ng āti Tamainu people to convert en masse. In Angela Ballara’s, book The Dynamics of M āori Tribal Organisation from c.1769 to c.1945 , she postulates the influence of rangatira over their people and their willingness follow their leaders particularly in situations where they become Christian converts.

Of course, chiefs varied in their approach to the new Christian sects. Sometimes they were the leaders and their people the followers. The people would generally follow the chief's choice of denomination 61 .

58 Otorohanga Minute Book (OMB) 1, 1886, pp93-94. 59 Morley, History of Methodism in New Zealand, 1900, p67 60 Ibid, p100 61 Angela Ballara , The Dynamics of M āori Tribal Organisation from c.1769 to v.1945 , 1998. p251.

28 2.3 Pātene enters Three Kings Institute (1848) In 1848 Pātene moved his family, along with some of his Kawhia wh ānaunga, to Auckland so they may receive a formal education and advance the social and economic development of their people. It was also the same time he started his training as a Methodist Minister. 62

2.4 F.D. Fenton establishes Karakariki Settlement (1857) In 1857 F.D.Fenton Resident Magistrate for the Waikato acting on instructions from Governor George Grey was sent to establish a settlement for Māori loyalists on the Waipa River 63 where civil law would be implemented. The request was at the behest of loyal Waikato Ng āti Tamainup ō, Kotara, Te Huaki and others residing on the Waipa river.

Fenton had arranged to meet with Hori Takarei, Rangatira for Te Huaki at Taupiri. Takarei and Fenton reconnoitred for a suitable site between Whatawhata and Karakariki. They agreed on a site at Karakariki. Fenton recorded the following meeting that took place during his meeting with Hori Takarei.

In the evening there was a meeting of 9 hapus, about establishing a new settlement where law and order can carried out without interruption from the kingites.64

Wiremu P ātene was invited by the chiefs, Hori Takarei of Ng āti Te Huaki, Pita Wharemana of Ng āti K ōtara, Tamati Te Kapua and Wataruahi to establish a tribal flour, native school and church at Karakariki 65 . In 1858, the tribal flour mill 66 and 100 acres were planted in wheat, corn and potatoe crops 67 . In 1859 68 , P ātene was ordained as a Methodist Minister and his offspring Maata (daughter from a previous marriage) and Anaru had graduated from Three Kings Institute. He moved his family to Karakariki where Maata (21 years old) was

62 Maori Newspapers, book 5, no 36, 9 July 1878 p445, website:nzdl.org. 63 J.E. Gorst, The Maori King: Or the Story of Our Quarrel with the Natives of New Zealand, 1959 64 A.Ballara, The Dynamics of M āori Tribal Organisation from c.1769 to v.1945 , p251 65 MMB 7, 1909, Waipa lot 66, p319. 66 Waipa Lot 69, Mill Reserve 100 acres , Mercer MB 7, 1909, p205. Crown grant awarded on 4 February 1881, assignees Wiremu P ātene of Ng āti Tamainu and Pita Wharemana Ng āti K ōtara. 67 A. Armstrong, The Karakariki Valley 1850-1950, p5. 68 Morley, p100.

29 appointed the role of head master and Huirama Riutoto 69 as a school teacher although both shared the role of teaching.

The Karakariki settlement was supported by P ātene’s Kawhia Ng āti Tamainu wh ānaunga being Tewi Kingi, Huirama Ruitoto, Hera Puketia, Pepene Eketone, Amuketi Rokena, Wereka Rokena, Metiria Takiaho and Eureti Rap āta 70 .

2.5 Tribal Factions, Kingite Supporters and Loyalist M āori There were factions within Ng āti Tamainup ō, Ng āti K ōtara and Ng āti Te Huaki 71 who were strong Kingitanga supporters and took up arms against the Queen. Karakariki Settlement was essentially a loyalist enclave. Under the leadership of Wiremu P ātene, Pita Wharemana and Hori Takarei they chose to distance their support of the King Movement as they did not want risk confiscation of their land or appear to be Kingite supporters 72 .

In July 1863 Governor George Grey declared war against the King Movement. A large taua of Kingite warriors traversed the Karakariki Ranges over Ngāti K ōtara whenua to retrieve a naval cannon buried on the northern beaches of Whaingaroa Harbour.

On the night of 25 September 1863; a flotilla of canoes carrying well over a hundred armed Waikato natives (sic) was seen coming down the Harbour towards the town. Residents who had sort safety on board vessels lying in the harbour watched while they lifted the cannon into their canoes and paddled back again up the harbour. Next morning only the prints of many bare feet marked the place where cannon had lain so long. 73

David Huirama describes his tupuna Huirama Te Huirama who commanded a force of three hundred warriors at the battle of Meremere the first line of defence against General Cameron’s British Imperial Army of three thousand 74 . Pita Wharemana of Ng āti K ōtara and

69 MMB 7, 17 June 1909, p316, 70 MMB 7, January 1891, rehearing Waipa Parish lots 57, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, and 68, Judge Seth Smith p223. 71 Compensation Court ,1867, Raupatu Document Bank, p39575 72 Compensation Court ,1867, Raupatu Document Bank p39762 73 C.W.Vennell and S.Williams, Raglan County: Hills and Sea: A Centennial History, 1876-1976 , p77-78 74 David Huirama interview, Mai-Uenuku-ki-te-whenua Marae, 28 February 2012

30 Wiremu P ātene were at the battle of Meremere 75 they were there to offer prayers and spiritual guidance for the encamped Kingitanga forces.

After the Waikato Kingitanga campaign in July 1864, Ng āti Tamainup ō, K ōtara and Te Huaki prisoners of war who were taken to Kawau Island and those who managed to evade capture retreated beyond the Puniu River to seek refuge within Te Rohe Potae.

Governor Grey’s proclamation of 1864 calling for tribes to pledge their loyalty to the Queen and submit to the Crown, brought with it the promise of rewards and opportunity for loyal Māori to stake their claim to land.

The land of those natives who have adhered to the Queen shall be secured to them; and to those who have rebelled, but who shall at once submit the Queens’ authority, portions of the land taken will be given back for themselves and their families 76 .

2.6 Wiremu P ātene and his Leadership Role The post-Raupatu conflict left a leadership vacuum from which there was no clear tribal leadership representing the interests of the Waikato Ng āti Tamainup ō. Huirama Te Huirama was certainty a Tamainup ō Rangatira, he was from Waingaro and a cousin to King Tawhiao but was killed at the battle of Meremere 77 . However, Photograph 2. Cannon Carving Waingaro P ā according to Kaumatua David Huirama, it was common practice for Kingite warriors to fake their own deaths by leaving personal items such as a favoured weapon on the battle field. Huirama Te Huirama was cited

75 Compensation Court,1867, Raupatu Document Bank p39755. 76 NZ Gazette , 1864, p 461. 77 David Huirama interview, 25 February 2012.

31 as having fought at the battle of Orakei. It is uncertain what became of Huirama Te Huirama, but he did not return to Waingaro.

Wiremu P ātene was already a rangatira among his Kawhia Ng āti Tamainu wh ānaunga, he had been invited by his Waikato Ng āti Tamainup ō wh ānaunga to lead their people into a new phase of tribal social and economic development. P ātene was a classic warrior of a bygone era and a contemporary of Te Awaitaia, Te Rauparaha, he could claim direct descent to Tamainup ō through several whakapapa lines 78 . P ātene assumed the leadership of the Waikato Tamainup ō people, because he had support of the people and the mana to act as representative on their behalf.

The Compensation Court hearings of 1867 79 , P ātene petitioned for the return of 25,000 80 acres on the western banks of the Waipa River. The whole block was called the Ng āti Tamainu Block held in trust under his name until individual land shares were determined in 1889. In 1871, P ātene had obtained a Crown grant for 1000 acres for himself and two blocks of 260 acres for his son Anaru.

78 MMB 7, 1909, pp321-322 79 Raupatu Document Bank, Vol 103, 11 February 1867, pp 39708-3980. 80 Evidence of Hone P ātene in MMB 7, Parish of Waipa lots 65 and 69, 22 August 1902, p205.

32 Map 2 Ng āti Tamainu Block 1867 Compensation Court decision

2.7 Ng āti Tamainu, Ng āti K ōtara and Ng āti Te Huaki Block Ownership On the 3 rd of July 1889, the Native Land Court made the following determinations for the on the ownership of the land blocks outlined below:

2.7.1 Parish of Waipa Lot 57 Ng āti Tamainu, (School Reserve) 25 acres 81 1. Hone P ātene 2. Pepene Eketone 3. Huirama Ruitoto

2.7.2 Parish of Waipa Lot 61 Ng āti Tamainu, Total: 456 acres 82 1. Aperahama P ātene – 12 acres

81 Hamilton Minute Book (HMB), 1, 3-12 July 1889, pp12, 37. 82 HMB 1, 3-12 July 1889, pp17-29, 34-35.

33 2. Mere P ātene – 12 acres 3. Hone P ātene – 12 acres 4. Te Rira P ātene 12 acres 1 share 5. Te Hiakai Hakaraia P ātene 6. Raiha Mangu P ātene 7. Riria P ātene 12 acres 1 share ā 8. Wikitoria P ātene Trustee Hone P tene 9. Arihi P ātene 10. Horomona Watarauhi – 12 acres 11. Unaiki Watarauhi – 12 acres 12. Marekura or Matiaha Matekura – 12 acres 13. Katene Horomona – 12 acres 14. Meri Matenga – 12 acres 15. Karaka Maketu – 12 acres 16. Epapara Te Whao – 12 acres 17. Huirama Ruitoto – 12 acres 18. Hiria Huirama – 12 acres 19. Anatipa Pukatea – 12 acres 20. Tewi Kingi or Te Wi Kingi – 12 acres 21. Horina Hapakuku – 12 acres 22. Meri Houngariri – 12 acres 23. Maaka P ātene ā 24. Maata P tene 12 acres 1 share 25. Panapa P ātene Trustee Aperahama P ātene 26. Haara P ātene 27. Erueti Te Houpapa – 12 acres 28. Kahimo Houngariri – 12 acres 29. Metiria Takiaho – 12 acres 30. Erueti Rapata – 12 acres 31. Hone Mohi – 12 acres 32. Katene Te Huaki – 12 acres 33. Meri Te Rewanga – 12 acres 34. Miriama Hatarere – 12 acres 35. Werereka Rokena – 12 acres

34 36. Amuketi Rokena – 12 acres 37. Pepene Eketone – 12 acres 38. Hera Pukatea - 12 acres 39. Turia Hikaurua – 12 acres 40. Wetere Eketone – 12 acres 41. Hera Tohora -12 acres 42. Erana Rangikauraua – 12 acres 43. Mere Pihopa 44. Hui Pihopa 45. Pene Pihopa 24 acres 1 share 46. Makareti Pihopa 47. Heeni Pihopa

2.7.3 Parish of Waipa Lot 62 Ng āti Tamainu, Total: 1612 acres 83 1. Aperahama P ātene – 45 acres 2. Mere P ātene – 45 acres 3. Hone P ātene – 45 acres 4. Te Hiakai Hakaraia Pātene 45 acres 1 share 5. Riria P ātene 6. Raiha Mangu P ātene 7. Riria P ātene 45 acres 1 share 8. Wikitoria P ātene Trustee Hone P ātene 9. Arihi P ātene 10. Horomona Watarauhi - 45 acres 11. Unaiki Watarauhi – 45 acres 12. Matekura Matiaha or Matiaha Matekura – 44 acres 13. Katene Horomona – 44 acres 14. Meri Matenga – 44 acres 15. Karaka Maketu - 45 acres 16. Epapara Te Whao – 45 acres 17. Huirama Ruitoto – 45 acres

35 18. Hiria Huirama – 45 acres 19. Anatipa Pukatea – 45 acres 20. Tewi Kingi or Te Wi Kingi – 45 acres 21. Horina Hapakuku – 45 acres 22. Meri Houngariri – 45 acres 23. Maaka P ātene ā 24. Maata P tene 45 acres 1 share 25. Panapa P ātene Trustee Aperahama P ātene 26. Haara P ātene 27. Erueti Houpapa – 45 acres 28. Kahimo Houngariri - 45 acres 29. Metiria Takiaho – 45 acres 30. Erueti Rapata – 45 acres 31. Hone Mohi – 45 acres 32. Katene Te Huaki – 45 acres 33. Meri Te Rewanga – 45 acres 34. Miriama Hatarere – 45 acres 35. Pepene Eketone – 45 acres 36. Werereka Rokena – 45 acres 37. Amuketi Rokena – 44 acres 38. Hera Tohora – 44 acres 39. Hera Pukatea – 44 acres 40. Wetere Eketone – 44 acres 41. Erana Rangikauraua – 44 acres 42. Turia Hikauarua – 44 acres 43. Mere Pihopa or Paraea 50 acres , 1 share 44. Hui Pihopa 45. Pene Pihopa 46. Makareti Pihopa 47. Heeni Pihopa

83 Hamilton MB 1, 3-12 July 1889, pp17-29, 35-37

36 2.7.4 Parish of Waipa Lot 63 Ng āti Te Huaki, Total 3699 acres 84 1. Hori Takarei (chief) – 270 acres 2. Amuketi Te Whata – 252 acres 3. Roka Matiaha – 270 acres 4. Wairakau Amuketi – 270 acres 5. Wirihana Pouaru – 270 acres 6. Mere Ani Hemopo or Mereani Hemopo -270 acres 7. Kerenapu Hakaraia Te Huaki – 168 acres 8. Te Rira P ātene – 74 acres 9. Te Hiakai Hakaraia P ātene – 75 acres 10. Ripeka Takarei – 90 acres 11. Te Wera Hepata – 90 acres 12. Te Raku Hepata – 90 acres 13. Maata P ātene – 135 acres 14. Takawai Moananui -135 acres 15. Miriama Matenga – 67 acres 16. Peti Matenga – 67 acres 17. Hone Pumipi or Hemi – 67 acres 18. Kameta Matenga – 67 acres 19. Hera Ngawati – 50 acres 20. Mere Riutoto – 50 acres 21. Mere Pitia – 50 acres 22. Hepata Turingenge -200 acres 23. Haara Pungarehu – 270 acres 24. Erana Rangikauraua – 30 acres 25. Haara Ngareti – 30 acres 26. Mere Pouaru -270 acres

2.7.5 Parish of Waipa Lot 64 Ng āti K ōtara, total 4631 acres 85 1. Pita Te Wharemana (Chief) - 594 acres

84 Hamilton MB 1, 3-12 July 1889, pp13-16, 20-21,30-31, 85 HMB 1, 3-12 July 1889, pp12-13, 29-30.

37 2. Kahimo Moananui or Kahemo – 504 acres 3. Hatarete Te Auahi or Maata P ātene – 504 acres 4. Hikaurua Pumipi – 504 acres 5. Iriwaata Heemi – 504 acres 6. Rawiri Heemi – 504 acres 7. Rewi Tahana – 504 acres 8. Miriama Toahiahia or Miriama Hatarete – 252 acres 9. Harihona Keepa – 168 acres 10. Rangiwau Keepa – 168 acres 11. Rangiwau Keepa – 168 acres 12. Mihi Keepa – 168 acres

2.7.6 Parish of Waipa Lot 65 (Paritata Peninsula) and Lot 69 (Karakariki Flour Reserve) combined Total: 1061 acres 86 Owners: Ng āti Tamainu, 1-125, Ng āti K ōtara, 126-197 1. Anatipa Pukatea – 10 shares 2. Amuketi Rokena – 10 shares 3. Anaru Eketone – 13 shares 4. Aihe Huirama – 7 shares 5. Ara Erueti – 7 shares 6. Anaru Huirama - 4 shares 7. Erueti Rapata – 7 shares 8. Erana Rangikauraua – 7 shares 9. Hone Pātene – 8 shares 10. Horomona Watarauhi – 10 shares 11. Hiria Huiama – 7 shares 12. Horina Hapakuku – 7 shares 13. Hera Tohora – 7 shares 14. Hone Mohi – 7 shares 15. Hui Pihopa – 7 shares 16. Heni Pihopa – 7 shares

38 17. Hera Huirama – 7 shares 18. Huirama Riutoto – 6.5 shares 19. Hikihiki Huirama – 7 shares 20. Haara P ātene – 9.25 shares 21. Hori Erueti – 7 shares 22. Hana Eketone – 6 shares 23. Hoana Erueti – 7 shares 24. Hemi Kerenapu – 0.25 shares 25. Hone Pumipi Hemi – 0.5 shares 26. Hera Houngariri – 5 shares 27. Hohi Huirama- 5 shares 28. Horomanga Huirama – 5 shares 29. Hira Huirama- 4 shares 30. Huiatahi Matapuna – 5 shares 31. Hare Peti- 0.25 shares 32. Haerewharara Terei– 4 shares 33. Hone Eketone – 6 shares 34. Huirua Unaiki – 4 shares 35. Hare Kameta – 0.25 shares 36. Hineone Hira – 4 shares 37. Katene Horomona – 7 shares 38. Karaka Maketu – 7 shares 39. Kahimo Houngariri – 10 shares 40. Katene Te Huaki – 1 share 41. Kohi Huirama – 7 shares 42. Kerenapu Hotana – 2 shares 43. Kerepa Hotana – 2 shares 44. Karaka Hotana- 2 shares 45. Kawa P ātene or Mamae P ātene – 2 shares 46. Kameta Peti – 0.25 shares 47. Kura Peti – 0.25 shares 48. Kiwa Wharepaikea- 0.25 shares

86 MMB 7, 22-27 August 1902, pp205-207, 217-228, 237-243.

39 49. Kirimaku Wharepaikea- 0.25 shares 50. Matekura Matiaha – 6.5 shares 51. Meri Matenga – 7 shares 52. Maaka P ātene – 9.25 shares 53. Maata P ātene – 9.25 shares 54. Mere Pihopa – 0.5 shares 55. Matereti Pihopa – 0.5 shares 56. Maehe Huirama – 7 shares 57. Mere Eketone – 12 shares 58. Matapuna Tewi – 7 shares 59. Matekino Kerenapu – 0.25 shares 60. Maengarau Hemi – 0.25 shares 61. Maro Matapuna – 4 shares 62. Metiria Matapuna – 4 shares 63. Maremare Huirama-4 shares 64. Miriama Amuketi – 7 shares 65. Meri Rangiauta – 4 shares 66. Ng āti Hamahona – 4 shares 67. Nepia Matiatia – 7 shares 68. Nganeko Matiaha – 7 shares 69. Nga Amuketi – 7 shares 70. Ngapera Terei – 7 shares 71. Ngapaki Kameta – 1 share 72. Nehupo P ātene – 10 shares 73. Nehupo Rangiauta – 5 shares 74. Ngaheko Karaka -5 shares 75. Panapa P ātene – 5 shares 76. Pene Pihopa – 5 shares 77. Peti Hemi – 1 share 78. Pakete Kameta – 1 share 79. Pairama Metiria – 7 shares 80. Pani P ātene -10 shares 81. Pereka Rangiauta – 4 shares 82. Puku Maehe or Tuku Maehe – 4 shares

40 83. Rangiauta Karaka – 7 shares 84. Raiha Kerenapu 0.5 shares 85. Raiha Kameta – 1 share 86. Rina Amuketi – 7 shares 87. Rangihia P ātene – 4.5 shares 88. Rina Maerekai – 4 shares 89. Tewi Kingi or Tewi Kingi – 6 shares 90. Taerere Matiaha – 7 shares 91. Tito Kameta – 0.5 share 92. Tewi Eketone – 7 shares 93. Tahuata Matapuna – 4 shares 94. Tame Wharepaikea - 0.24 share 95. Tuku Karaka – 4 shares 96. Tama Te Ngu – 4 shares 97. Tukehina Kameta – 0.25 share 98. Te Hira P ātene – 37 shares 99. Te Hirere Huirama – 7 shares 100. Te Nguha Huirama – 7 shares 101. Te Kanawa Erueti – 7 shares 102. Te Houpapa Huirama – 7 shares 103. Te Mana-o-te-rangi Horomona – 7 shares 104. Te Paki Kameta – 0.5 share 105. Te Hiria Kameta – 0.5 share 106. Te Ruitoto Aihe – 6 shares 107. Te Rehuwai Morehu – 6 shares 108. Te Iwikau Matapuna – 4 shares 109. Te Rangitamiro Huirama – 5 shares 110. Te Rangikataua Huirama – 4 shares 111. Te Aotakare Huirama – 4 shares 112. Te Rira Te Hou Huirama – 4 shares 113. Te Rei Ngapera – 4 shares 114. Te Rira Wharepaikea – 0.25 share 115. Te Aka Hiria- 0.25 share 116. Te Awa Taerere – 4 shares

41 117. Te Tuhi Wiremu – 0.5 share 118. Te Rari Kameta – 0.25 share 119. Unaiki Amuketi – 7 shares 120. Wetere Eketone – 7 shares 121. Werereka Rokena – 10 shares 122. Wareta Matiaha – 7 shares 123. Waikowhai Matiaha – 7 shares 124. Wiremu Kahui – 4 shares 125. Wiremu Amuketi – 5 shares 126. Hapimana Hatarete – 23 shares 127. Hoana Iriwata – 23 shares 128. Hemotitaha Tahana or Marara Moananui – 1.5 shares 129. Hapa-3 shares 130. Harihona – 2 shares 131. Hapi Rawiri – 1.5 shares 132. Heke-i-te-rangi Rawiri – 1.5 shares 133. Henare Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 134. Haimona Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 135. Hone Harihona – 1.5 shares 136. Hina Harihona – 1.5 shares 137. Henare Ngawhika – 1.5 shares 138. Ihepera Rawiri – 1.5 shares 139. Irawata Heemi – 23 shares 140. Kahimo Moananui or Kahi Moananui – 29 shares 141. Kameta Harihona – 1.5 shares 142. Keti Rawiri – 1.5 shares 143. Kahuwaero Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 144. Kate Tahana – 1.5 shares 145. Kareko Harihona – 1.5 shares 146. Kuki Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 147. Miriama Hatarete – 1.5 shares 148. Meri Te Rewanga – 23 shares 149. Mihi Keepa or Oriwhare or Oriwhata – 25 shares 150. Maata Moananui – 23 shares

42 151. Mako – 3 shares 152. Moananui Rawiri – 1.5 shares 153. Manawa Iriwata – 2 shares 154. Mere Maria – 1.5 shares 155. Mere Kahukoti - 1.5 shares 156. Matehaere Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 157. Miriama Tahana – 1.5 shares 158. Mihi Te Moki – 1.5 shares 159. Ngawhika Takerei – 1.5 shares 160. Ngaringi Rawiri – 1.5 shares 161. Ngahooro Harihona – 1.5 shares 162. Ngamiri Tautari – 1.5 shares 163. Ngapeti Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 164. Purukamu Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 165. Pakipaki Harihona – 1.5 shares 166. Rawiri Heemi – 23 shares 167. Rewi Tahana – 23 shares 168. Rangiwau Keepa – 25 shares 169. Rangitoia Rawiri – 1.5 shares 170. Ramiria Iriwata – 1.5 shares 171. Ripeka Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 172. Ramiria Iriwata – 1.5 shares 173. Raiha Hapimana – 1.5 shares 174. Raukura Ngawhika – 1.5 shares 175. Rewi Te Rake – 1.5 shares 176. Roore Te Rake – 1.5 shares 177. Takutai Iriwata – 1.5 shares 178. Tuutari Iriwata – 1.5 shares 179. Tuhoe Harihona – 1.5 shares 180. Tawa Harihona – 1.5 shares 181. Taukiri Tipene – 1.5 shares 182. Tahana Rawiri – 1.5 shares 183. Taurua Harihona – 1.5 shares 184. Takarangi Harihona - 1.5 shares

43 185. Taumata Te Rahikoi – 1.5 shares 186. Tiriti Ripeka – 1.5 shares 187. Te Ehutu Iriwata – 23 shares 188. Te Putu – 6 shares 189. Te Karere Te Hutu – 1.5 shares 190. Te Taheha – 1.5 shares 191. Te Paea Iriwata – 1.5 shares 192. Te Whakapoupou Kahukoti – 1.5 shares 193. Te Wharemana Tahana – 1.5 shares 194. Te Keepa Tahana – 1.5 shares 195. Te Rawha Harihona – 1.5 shares 196. Te Whakahawea – 1.5 shares 197. Te Waihakurangi – 1.5 shares

2.7.7 Parish of Waipa Lot 66 Ng āti Tamainu Total 13, 587 acres 87 1. Aperahama P ātene – 943 acres 2. Mere P ātene – 743 acres 3. Hone P ātene – 593 acres 4. Te Hiakai P ātene 743 acres, 1 share 5. Te Rira P ātene 6. Raiha P ātene 7. Riria P ātene 744 acres, 1 share 8. Wikitoria P ātene Trustee Hone P ātene 9. Arihi P ātene 10. Horomona Watarauhi – 443 acres 11. Unaiki Watarauhi – 443 acres 12. Matekura Matiaha – 394 acres 13. Katene Horomona – 194 acres 14. Meri Matenga – 194 acres 15. Karaka Maketu – 194 acres 16. Epapara Te Whao – 194 acres

44 17. Huirama Ruitoto – 843 acres 18. Hiria Huirama – 443 acres 19. Anatipa Pukatea – 503 acres 20. Tewi Kingi or Te Wi Kingi – 743 acres 21. Horina Hapakuku -183 acres 22. Meri Houngarir – 183 acres 23. Maaka P ātene 24. Maata P ātene 170 acres, 1 share 25. Panapa P ātene Trustee: Aperahama P ātene 26. Haara P ātene 27. Erueti Houpapa – 518 acres 28. Kahemo Houngariri 443 acres 29. Metiria Takiaho – 293 acres 30. Erueti Rapata – 443 acres 31. Hera Tohora – 443 acres 32. Hone Mohi – 143 acres 33. Katene Te Huaki – 143 acres 34. Meri Te Rewanga – 143 acres 35. Pepene Eketone – 174 acres 36. Miriama Hatarete – 143 acres 37. Werereka Rokena – 244 acres 38. Amuketi Rokena – 244 acres 39. Hera Pukatea – 144 acres 40. Wetere Eketone – 144 acres 41. Turia Hikaurua – 144 acres 42. Mere Pihopa or Paraea 43. Hui Pihopa

44. Pene Pihopa 176 acres, 1 share 45. Makareti Pihopa 46. Heeni Pihopa 47. Erana Rangikauraua – 76 acres

87 HMB 1 , 3- 12 July 1889, pp17-29, 32 -34.

45 Rebel Natives

1. Ng āti Hamahona – 29 acres 2. Tuku Merekai Maketu – 29 acres 3. Hone Hunu Takiaho – 29 acres 4. Rawiri Piharau – 29 acres 5. Kerei Toihau – 20 acres 6. Kahukoti Tukiri – 22 acres 7. Rihia Te Ropiha – 22 acres 8. Wiremu Te Tuhi – 22 acres

2.7.8 Parish of Waipa Lot 68 (Urup ā reserve) 88 Ng āti Tamainu Total: 2 acres 1. Anatipa Pukatea

2.7.9 Parish of Waipa Lot 70 Ng āti K ōtara (Urup ā Reserve) 89 , Total: 22 acres 1. Pita Wharemana

2.7.10 Parish of Waipa Lot 71 Ng āti Te Huaki, Total: 100 acres Created under section four of the Confiscated Lands Act 1867 90 , was created reserve for former native rebels. The owners were indicated as Timoti Ngakuku, Kahukoti Pungarehu and two children (Gazette 1879, Vol II, p 1489)

2.7.11 Parish of Waipa Lot 73 (various owners), Total: 347 acres Reserve for former native rebel under section four of the Confiscation Lands Act 1867, this block was given a crown grant on the 3 November 1881. The grantees total nines persons. Of

88 HMB 1, 3-12 July 1889, pp.12, 37, 89 Crown Grant dated 4 February 1881. 90 It shall be lawful for the Govenor from time to time as the he shall think fit by proclamation in the Gazette to reserve out of lands taken under various Acts are to be deemed to the Crown Lands, such lands as to him seem fit and thereout to grant such portion or portions thereof as he shall think fit to grant person or persons of the native race as shall be proved to his satisfaction to have been in rebellion and have subsequently submitted to the Queens’ authorityor by warrant under his hand to set apart out of the land so reserved as last aforesaid such portion of portions thereof as he shall think fit for the benefit of any such person or persons as last aforesaid. from statutes of New Zealand, 1867 pp483n – 485.

46 these were, Herena Iruiru, Huihana Karaka, and Mere Iruiru of Ng āti Tamainu (Gazette, 1879, Vol II, p 1480).

Map 3 Returned Raupatu Land Native Land Court decision 3 rd July, 1889

2.8 Ng āti Tamainu mortgage with the Department of Native Affairs In 1874, P ātene petitioned the Department of Native Affairs for a loan of 350 pounds with the approval of the Ng āti Tamainu Block owners some of whom were included as signatories to the mortgage.91 Although ownership of the Ng āti Tamainu Block was not determined until the 3rd of July 1889, with the supporting signatories of his Kawhia Ng āti Tamainu wh ānaunga Pātene was able to mortgage the loan against 15,047 acres of the 25,000 acre block awarded by the Compensation Court in 1867. The loan was approved by H.T. Kemp at an interest rate of 5%. The money was for the purchase of a coastal shipping vessel and Store at Karakariki.

91 , Maori Deeds of Land Purchases in the North Island of New Zealand, Vol1, Province of Auckland, Deed No 447 p45. Ngati Tamainu Block, 15,047 acres, 16 July 1874 mortgage, signatories Wiremu P ātene ,Tamati Kapua, Epapara Te Whao, Huirama Ruitoto, Wi Kingi, Ihimaera, Mohi Te Rongomau and Eruiti Te Hou

47 The money was slow to arrive, the shipping vessel was lost at sea and the Store had burnt down leaving the tribe 600 pounds in debt and unable to service the repayments.

The background to the purchase of the coastal shipping vessel is described in the Daily Southern Cross of November 1, 1872. The vessel was to be used to transport M āori produce and pigs from Raglan to Auckland. This was a ‘joint venture’ involving ‘The Ngatitamainu tribe’, ‘Naylor’s tribe’ (Ng āti Mahanga], ‘Tainuis tribe’, Hone Te One, Eruiti and other Kawhia M āori. Wiremu Ngati Tamainu were to be the majority shareholders. 92

The Department of Native Affairs refused to allow the land to be leased or to be refinanced through private lenders. P ātene and others eventually put their case in a letter to the Native Affairs Minister Bryce with a plea to have the debt written off. The Crown relented and the debt was written off under the Special Powers and Contracts Act, 1882. The fallout of the failed Crown mortgage was followed by a series of tragedies and misfortune for the P ātene wh ānau.

2.9 Tragedies and Misfortune Befall the P ātene Whānau On the 24 th of August 1874 Maata P ātene died suddenly at the age of 34, she had no children. Maata was the driving force behind the operations of the school. In 1875, the flour mill was advertised for sale along with the hundred acres, store house, dwelling and landing on the Waipa River 93 . On the 26th of July, 1878 at the age of 30, Anaru P ātene died of an infection after four days of having discovered a minor wound on his lip. He was survived by his wife and two children 94 .

In 1879, the Karakariki Native School was taken over by Methodist Missionary Henry Cort Schankenberg, as the M āori students could no longer be provided with flour and vegetables from the tribal mill 95 . On the 4 th of July 1895, 100 acres of the Ng āti Tamainu Block was partitioned by Pepene Eketone which included the Karakariki Settlement. The block was

92 Daily Southern Cross . November 1, 1872. ‘Native Intelligence’. 7. 93 Waikato Times , 1875. 94 Maori Newspaper 9 July 1878, pukapuka nama 36, pp 445-447 95 Armstrong Anthony, The Karakariki Valley 1850-1950 , 2011

48 mortgaged to local store owner Albert Hamblin. The Eketone wh ānau defaulted on the loan the block was transferred through the register of the Supreme Court to Hamblin.

In 1884, P ātene died at the age of 74, he was buried at Karakariki. In the last years of his life he had taken to drink and became estranged from his wife, he had sold his land interests around Ruakiwi and Waingaro. His tangi received a large turnout of King Movement Supporters including King Tawhiao. Despite his position of maintaining his distance from the King Movement he was equally respected as leader for his people.

2.10 Ng āti Tamainup ō Legal Status Throughout the nineteenth century Ng āti Tamainu was to feature more frequently than Tamainup ō, however, according to accounts Tamainu and Tamainup ō have been used interchangeably. In recent history Ng āti Tamainup ō was bought back into vogue through the Fraser Labour Government’s Waikato/Tainui Raupatu Settlement in 1946. Ng āti Tamainup ō was among the 33 Waikato hap ū signatories to the deed of settlement. Pei Te Hurinui Jones was a key negotiator and advisor to Te Puea Herangi and King Koroki. Pei Jones was well acquainted with Te Nguha and Aihe Huirama, together they have provided him with tribal whakapapa and ng ā k ōrero tuku iho pertaining to Tamainup ō, and they essentially set the record straight with Jones. Ng āti Tamainup ō has since been recognised as the principle west coast tribe representing the hap ū interests of Ng āti K ōtara and Ng āti Te Huaki for the Waikato Raupatu Claims Settlement Act 1995 and the Waikato River Settlement Act 2010.

49

Chapter Three Whaingaroa District Highway and Harbour Boards

In 1881, the Te Puia Ngawha 96 (Waingaro Hot Springs) caught the attention of the early settler farmers in Waingaro. Sam Wilson was the first settler farmer in Waingaro; he bought land at the mouth of the Kirikiri Creek. 97 In 1889, he sold his small land holding which became a wharf for the Ruakiwi Landing; with the proceeds of his land sale he built the Waingaro Hotel around 1889. In 1883, Sam Pickings purchased 900 acres from Wiremu Pātene. A further 1000 acres was made available from around 1885, that land stretched from the Waingaro Hot Springs to Te Akautea (near Glen Massey). On the northern shoreline of Whaingaroa Harbour J.K. MacDonald purchased land commencing from Whaiwara Bay to the Tukotuku Creek which included the western Taumatakoi pouwhenua.

3.1 Formation of Public Reserves between 1883 to 1886

Sam Wilson, Sam Pickings and J.K. MacDonald were members of the Whaingaroa District Highway and the Whaingaroa Harbour Boards. During their term as committee members, they petitioned for a 20 acre landing reserve at the mouth of the Whaingaroa River for the Waingaro Landing and land for the establishment of a highway from the Waingaro Landing to Ngaruawahia. 98 In 1886, they petitioned for 5000 acres for the Whaingaroa Thermal Springs 99 (Waingaro Hot Springs), the Crown gave approval for 338 acres at the current site of the Waingaro Hot Springs 100 and the Waingaro Sale yards. 101

The springs are numerous, the bed of the river being in some places so hot that the feet in standing required to be moved pretty quickly. There are two very large ones which pour out steady streams of mineral water from 150 0 to 160 0 Fahrenheit, heating the river itself for some distance.

96 David Huirama, Te Puia was the original name for the Waingaro Hot Springs 97 Geoffrey Seavill, Packhorse to Jet. The Story of Waingaro from 1868. 1972 p3 98 The name Whaingaroa River was later changed to the Waingaro River in 1886. 99 The name Whaingaroa Thermal Springs was later changed to Waingaro Hot Springs in 1886. 100 NZ Gazette , 1886, p447 101 Waikato Times 2 February 1886, p2

50 Sam Wilson and J.K. MacDonald had identified the potential of Te Puia Springs as a stopover for weary travellers en route from Auckland to Raglan. Being among the first settler farmers they set about to establish overland and harbour trade routes that provided them with access for goods and services. J.K. MacDonald made his fortune as a sheep farmer, store owner at Waingaro Hot Springs and Te Akau as well operating farm cartage and transportation businesses.

3.2 King Tawhiao Names Waingaro After the Loss of a Ngawha Prior to 1886, the Waingaro River was called the Whaingaroa River. The Whaingaroa Thermal Springs was originally known as Te Puia Ngawha and was situated near a papakainga called Pongawhakatihi. Te Puia Ngawha as well as numerous other ngawha (springs) along the Whaingaroa River were considered places of healing by ng ā tupuna and wh ānau until recent times. 102 The Whaingaroa District Highway Board acquired the name Waingaro from the name of a ngawha located on the side of the Waingaro Landing Road below the current site of the Waingaro P ā. The ngawha had been favourite spot used by King Tawhiao and his entourage when he visited a

Photograph 4. Waingaro Landing (circa 1906) papakainga called Kainganui Source: Gilmour Brothers, Turnbull National Library across the road from the Waingaro P ā. A female consort of King Tawhiao took a soak in the ngawha while she was menstruating, causing the ngawha to disappear. King Tawhiao then called the ngawha Waingaro.

3.3 Whaingaroa District Highway Board Replace Tribal Place Name In 1886, the name of the Whaingaroa River was changed to the Waingaro River and the name of Te Puia Ngawha was changed to Waingaro Hot Springs. The name Waingaro now more

102 C.W.Vennell & Susan Williams, Raglan County Hills & Sea A Centennial History 1876-1976, p132.

51 broadly describes the area between Waingaro Hot Springs and the Waingaro Landing a distance of 8.2 km. The real meaning of Waingaro is lost to the general public, except for local wh ānau 103 .

103 Sam and Marina Maniapoto interview with Ani Ngaia and Jennifer Kanawa, 2010.

52 Map 4 Ngawha around Waingaro and Ōhautira

53 Kathleen Osborne remembers the hot springs about the site of the old Waingaro Sale yards where there was a hot pool for the women and one for the men, they had separate pools because everyone bathed naked.

They had their own pools because you’re naked, you’re naked you know? You’ve got no togs, they don’t have togs in there in those days, they have their good, the M āori's have their own thing, the woman had their own the men had their own eh?. Most of the time the men got the woman washing their clothes their shearing clothes down in the pool eh, down in the hot water pool 104 .

3.4 Summary Early settler farmers obtained Maori land resources as delegated agents for Crown and local authorities for personal advantage. The renaming of the Whaingaroa River and Te Puia Ngawha to the Waingaro River and Waingaro Hot Springs was done so without any understanding of where or how the name came about. Waingaro was a name given by King Tawhiao to commemorate a loss of ngawha because of a breach of a tapu he had placed on it.

104 Kathleen Osborne interview, Huntly, 25 February 2012

54

Chapter Four Research Methodology The focus of this section is to document the oral history regarding the environmental despoliation of kai moana within Whaingaroa Harbour due east of the Ng āti Tamainup ō pouwhenua boundaries of Motuk ōkako and the Raglan Wharf within the past 80 years. The evidence presented is anecdotal as told and experienced from wh ānaunga who have had a lifelong relationship with Whaingaroa Harbour and its waterways.

4.1 Oral Research Methodology The purpose for conducting the oral interviews was to identify social and cultural themes of inquiry and how these themes intertwine with the physical environment with regards to Whaingaroa Harbour over a time frame of 70 to 80 years.

Individual interviews were conducted with Kaumatua and Kuia on the basis of their age and life experience. They were interviewed according to the typical question and answer format. Group interviews were conducted across a broad age range from teenagers to tribal elders. The process for group discussion was enhanced using a method known as Participatory Mapping 105 . This style of group facilitation was chosen because it is ideally suited to working with indigenous people of underdeveloped countries as a process of ‘flax roots’ consultation, extracting cultural, history layers of spatial land and water body information from individuals at the community level.

4.2 Thematic Analysis for Oral Research There are four themes of inquiry which explore the individuals’ sense of belonging to their papakainga (personal landscape), their cultural knowledge (cultural landscape), social interactions (social landscape) and to their sense of connection with Whaingaroa Harbour (environmental landscape). From this analysis a holistic perspective can be extracted from an individual interview or group discussion.

105 “Stakeholder Engagement Strategies for Participatory Mapping”, NOAA Coastal Service [DATE]

55 4.3 Kaumatua and Kuia Interviews

A sample of three tribal elders were chosen for the interviews on the basis of their age and their childhood experiences with gathering and fishing of kaimoana within Whaingaroa Harbour when it was considered to have been in a pristine state. The onset of despoliation of shellfish beds became evident from about the late 1960s although this is purely anecdotal evidence there is no scientific research to back it up. The tribal elders are David Huirama (Ng āti Tamainup ō), Ruby Barrett (Ng āti Tamainup ō) and Kathleen Osborne (Ng āti K ōtara and Tamainup ō).

David Alfred Huirama is the grand nephew of Te Nguha and Aihe Huirama. He was adopted by Joseph North Cocker who was of English and Tongan descent and his wife Rini Te Riutoto who was David’s aunty, his biological father was Te Rira the older sibling of Rini. David possesses the hand written Tamainup ō whakapapa book from which Pei Te Hurinui Jones’ research on Ng āti Tamainup ō, Ng āti K ōtara, Ng āti David Huirama Te Huaki and Ng āti Mahanga was originally referenced.

well, yes about learning about your culture ours specifically Ng āti Tamainup ō and being fortunate and having my grandfather and his two older brothers Aihe and Te Nguha compile whakapapa, across the road here, across the little house there at Ranui and we call it the whareiti they compiled this book of genealogy in 1934, Pei Te Hurinui Jones actually came over here when he needed whakapapa of Tamainup ō and on occasions of Mahanga they were able to give him that information and that way we were fortunate of having that book compilation of genealogies right back . I took advantage of that and try to learn as much as I can 106 .

106 David Huirama Interview, Mai-Uenuku-Ki-Te-Whenua Marae, 28 February 2012

56 When asked which hap ū he affiliates to, he also includes tribal affiliations with Waikato River Iwi Ng āti Mahuta and west coast Iwi Ng āti Mahanga.

well our hapu is actually Ng āti Tamainup ō , Ng āti Mahuta and Ng āti Mahanga integrated by six lines coming down Ng āti Tamainup ō, five lines coming down Ng āti Mahuta and four lines coming through Ng āti Mahanga originally it was Tamainup ō, Mahanga but as we come down through the generations we start to integrate with Ng āti Mahuta so either/ either whether we say Ng āti Mahuta, Ng āti Mahanga they know Ng āti Mahuta, Ng āti Tamainup ō it’s a fine line between the two. 107

As a child, David worked in the wh ānau garden with his older whangai sister. Their wh ānau had a very large garden where they grew riwai, k ūmara, kamokamo, corn, and water melon. They grew enough for their own needs but the bulk of it would go for the Koroneihana. The ‘White Truck’ from Turangawaewae Marae would come out and collect the vegetables from wh ānau from all around Waingaro and Ōhautira . David grew up at Ranui until he moved away at the age of seventeen to find work and ended up working for a Hellaby freezing works in Auckland.

Kathleen Osborne affiliates to Ng āti Tamainup ō and Te Huaki. Her mother was Hera Rotana, her father, Tamati Manuwhiri Nikora Nepia Amuketi, her grandfather was Napia Amuketi and her grandmother was Wati Te Tuhi Tara Hawaikii. Kathleen was born in Ngaruawahia, but her grandfather was born in Waingaro. Kathleen Osborne

She grew up on their wh ānau papakainga on the corner of Waingaro and Ōhautira roads. Their whare was the only wooden Pākeh ā constructed house in Waingaro. The Raglan County Council moved the surveyed highway route through the middle of the site where the house was supposed to be built. The wh ānau had a large garden where, as a child, she was required to weed and pick the peas.

107 David Huirama interview, Mai-Uenuku-Ki-Te-Whenua Marae, 28 February 2012

57 Her father worked at Richardson’s Mill, on the Paepaeruru Block, the former Ng āti K ōtara tribal block. When she was six years of age, the Mill closed down and her father moved the family to Glen Afton to work in the coal mines.

Yeah, well, that used to be all garden. And up the top, by the pa, where Sammy and them used to be that used to be all garden for our people. Down below down there where Iris and them, where the Maniapoto is . . . its all garden there and same as your uncle and them, but they Koro Tahuata there’s all garden there too. They had heaps and heaps of gardens eh? 108

Ruby Rangiwhakahaere Ngahere Barrett was born on the 3 rd of March 1932, she is of Ng āti Tamainup ō descent. She was born at Pukekahu which is a short distance from the mouth of the Waingaro River. Her father, Te Hou Ratauhinga Ngahere of Taranaki descent, her mother Metiria Rawiri and her grandmother Matapuna Kingi were all born in Waingaro. During her childhood their wh ānau garden was on the hill Ruby Barrett top and their papakainga overlooks the present site of Waingaro P ā.

Ruby recalls, every wh ānau had a garden and every kainga had a name. Whakato was a place near the Waingaro Falls where there was a particularly large garden where everyone would help out with planting, weeding and harvesting. There was a particular type of riwai (potato) grown that, when it went rotten, was called Kotero; the old people would gather them up and cook it in the ashes. As a child she enjoyed eating Kotero but the traditional way of cooking was dying out even then.

Shared, yeah , very much so , they do , i nga tangi , you see money is not as much aye, but they not short of kai, they bring it from their place, their donations, those with money they give it alright 109 .

108 Kathleen Osborne interview, Huntly, 25 February 2012, 109 Ruby Barrett interview, Ngaruaw āhia, 1 October 2011,

58 4.4 Discussion on Commercial Fishing

At the age of thirteen David was working for his grandfather’s commercial fishing business. They would do their fishing around Haroto Bay, The Narrows, Whiwhiroa Bay, Flounder Bay, Okete Bay, and around the Paritata Peninsula

well, as I say my grandfather Jock Cocker he was Tongan, he knew a lot about fishing, he actually was one of the first colour persons in Waikato I think to hold a license in this area. There was not many licenses in those days, we talking about the late 40’s, early 50’s they had to go under the Auckland Region we became AK 79 so we must have been the 79 th person utilising, for fishing around this area 110 .

4.5 The Fish Species Caught

Oh, all sorts Flounders, Snapper, Kahawai, Travelly, Herrings, heaps of Herrings, but because I think our mesh was 6 inches, we let all the small ones go through. The Black Parore we call black snapper all these fish were the rubbish ones these the ones we normally eat the Parore cause all the ones were commercial fisherman all the best went away except for the Kahawai. There’s a little …Mango Shark and Lemon Fish. Yeah we get a lot of those. 111

Well, because … commercial fishing became our life in summer, spring and autumn in the morning or whenever the tide was to get back out to fish and … we would go out camping for a week I would probably come back on a boat to get some water and take it back. We have fish and potatoes and pupus … peraro, mussels, kuku.112

Ruby often stayed at their wh ānaunga camping place at Hauraki point on the Paritata Peninsula. She used to help out her cousin who was a commercial fisherman as a child. Ruby’s cousin caught all the fish he needed from the along the northern shoreline of Paritata Peninsula.

110 David Huirama, 27 February 2012 111 Ibid 112 Ibid

59 “yeah, Paritata plenty, they … getting flounders there, plenty, plenty, ‘cause I live there in our experience. Like I said, my cousin there at the time was the only one who had a license for his double, paddle boat and then they catch it and we kids, you know fix up the nets and he get all this fish. … it was at Pukemiro, that’s where we sell them to the people. 113 ”

Oh, when I was … little, my cousin had no family and he has us to help him with that sort of thing, taught us to mend nets.

During the Glen Afton Miners Strike of 1939, Kathleen’s father would take the Pākeh ā miners out spearing flounders and catching whitebait so they could feed their families.

That’s why I say Pahekeheke…when my dad and them take us out …some go on horses . . and then they take some P ākeh ā out eh, … when we go back home to Waingaro it’s, sometimes the mine get strike . . . And we got no kai, they got no kai in Glen Afton so we go out, they go out … for a day take us out there eh, when we were kids, they put us in a sugar bag you know?

4.6 Discussion on Kaimoana Despoliation

From Haroto Bay to the mouth of the Waitetuna River was once the feeding and breeding ground for the fish species caught during the time of David’s youth. These areas were covered by a sea grass and type of mussel which the adult Snapper would feed on. David’s wh ānau referred to mussel as Kuku but it was called Ngoro by Ruby’s wh ānau where it was found around the Te Reti and Te Kauri Inlets on the northern arm of the Harbour.

“Just across here we used to get the big Snapper the ones with the knobs on the nose, that was in the late 40s to early 50s. Not any more. I went away as I said when I was 17 I think and I come back when I was 22-23, might even 24 I used to come occasionally but just for a couple of days or the weekend not here to stay for a month or so all those fishing things were gone …when I left the Oysters came back and took over ...” 114

113 RubyBarrett interview, Ngaruaw āhia, 1 October 2011 114 David Huirama, 27 February 2012

60

According to Ruby the Ngoro, Pupu and Peraro shell fish beds were plentiful around Te Reti which were just over the hill from the Waingaro Landing. This area is now invaded with a mangrove which has only occurred over the past 30 years.

As a child Kathleen used to go down to the Waingaro Landing to collect Pupu, a family favourite, wh ānau would also catch whitebait. Pupu was also a delicacy that was served at the Waingaro P ā Poukai until it became too difficult for wh ānau to collect in sufficient quantities.

You know it was plentiful there, pupu. And then same … white baiting … everything all things … they found there… it was all, all plentiful. 115

Discussion concerning the effects of sediment pollution on the shellfish within the Haroto Bay area

Well just down below us here, you used to be able to get pipi but they’re very small, Kokota we call them. Kokota it had a sharp lip, yeah the angle was sharper than a Tuatua, we had little bits here bits and pieces, you go down there it’s like a grave yard as you say the silt and the runoff from the floods its built up and things its killed everything even the Pacific Oysters came right up here and they were fat and bountiful and all these floods come back. 116

Kathleen discusses access issues for wh ānau to collect pupu or kaimoana

That’s right. Access to … go and get … whatever it is …, before you don’t do that. You just go along and get what you wanted to get.

Now, you can’t do that. You know you used to get some pupu and … you just can’t do that. You have to go around the next corner best pupu on the rocks you can’t do that, and ask permission. 117

115 Kathleen Osborne, Huntly, 28 February 2012 116 Ibid 117 Ibid

61 Yes, you can’t just walk on the farm because …, that whenua’s been sold and then you’ve gotta ask the P ākeh ā farmer and the farmer well, what’s that M āori fella doing walking across my land? 118

The introduction of invasive Pacific Oyster was firmly established around the Paritata in the mid 1980s. The rapid spread of the Pacific Oyster breeds in dense clumps smouldered native Peraro and Kokota and rock oyster shellfish beds and large areas of sea grass.

Well there never used to be any oysters here. There was a few rock oysters, but you get [them] around Paritata. But when I come to my uncle Kora’s Tangi that would be … 1968 it was Nora, Nora Amuketi, we got oysters down at the Farsene oysters and I didn’t believe her when I come back in the 80s and yeah in the 90s they were back here so apparently when the Chinese Boats come in the Harbour there 119

Ruby recalls the days when the native rock oysters were plentiful at Te Reti and Te Kauri, before the invasion of the Pacific Oyster.

Oysters was everywhere, yeah Te Reti was a lot of oysters . . . They died out because of the food I believe they feed on something, it just died out, from pollution or whatever. . . Other fishes came in; you remember those oysters, wild oysters . . . 120

Our Pākeh ā , our bosses, Mr Hall and his sons when they started coming out these oysters it got tangled up in their nets and they are the things that was eating the foods that’s going to these other shell food aye. For some they just float aye oysters. 121

Discussion concerning topics of cultural harvesting practices, kaitiaki, taniwha, wahi tapu, wairua.

David Huirama talks about fishing tikanga

118 Ibid 119 David Huirama, 27 February 2012 120 Ruby Barrett, Ngaruaw āhia, 1 October 2011 121 Ibid

62 No we weren’t very stringent as other places. I went down to the East Coast Tikitiki , man things they go through there they got these big things like a what you call those things scoop nets. But they’ve got big long ones and they go into the waves to get the Kahawai to go up the Waiapu River . But before that they go out they Mimi on their kit [kete] they mimi on their … nets an [sic] they are naked the woman are down that side and the men, all the men are naked. And if you go to get some kaimoana you don’t take a knife or any sharp instrument in your hand if you are coming back the next day you don’t eat the kai you bought today so if you’re going three days you wait till the third day and you go and eat all the kai, gathered but if you going that day only you eat that kai. If you’re going the next day, this is how stringent they are. They took it to another level, where we, certain things we didn’t do. When you on the boat you don’t whistle to me this was a little things compared to other places. Some places we weren’t allow to you know, but some place we’ll give you, you know you knew where something there because the hairs stand up, you know there’s something. 122

David talks about kaitiaki Conga Eel at the Narrows Mussel bed

. . . we had to go the narrows to get the mussels … we go in this side there to get the mussels, get a boat full. We had a big eel there they call it a conga eel it was sorta kaitiaki when … we get enough then they see the eel and that was enough every time they see the eel they know they have taken enough so you know it was a kaitiaki … to us but many years later the divers from Hopuhopu, Fijians, they clean out that place of mussels and I’m thinking what happened to our kaitiaki this attack you know. 123

David talks about a Taniwha at Mai-Uenuku-ki-Te-Whenua Marae . . . There was Taniwha down below here; I think I told you this story before. Paipi and them thought it had mana it had status to this marae but we didn’t want it cause as you know, I’m… in the … Mormon Religion, we kind of leave those things alone we respect it, we just keep well away from it. But we didn’t like, want

122 David Huirama, 27 February 2012 123 Ibid

63 it, having things around, the children are so ignorant that really they could get hurt. . .124

Kathleen talks about barking kaitiaki eel near Waingaro Landing and Ōhautira Road’s intersection

Yeah, there’s a bridge there. Well there’s an eel there barks at night. 125

Ruby talks about her grandmother Matapuna Rawiri. Ruby’s grandmother was a rongoa healer and she had a spiritual experience while she was out eeling at the Ōhautira Road Bridge next to the Paepaeruru farm block. This is where she received her wairua tohu at the ancient p ā site Whakaoiranga belonging to Toroihuroa the son of Toa K ōtara.

I only heard this from my mum that her mum went eeling and there was no eel to bite nothing and start to pack up and go home and she looked and saw these things drifting towards her (inaudible) there was a lot of rubbish branches they landed right in front of her took them home but you know Maori live by those things. . She went home she took these things over and there it was there it was the rongoa from the beginning. 126

David talks about the Parawai stream as a spiritual place for healing.

Well across the road there straight down there’s a creek there used to be a pine tree there on the other side there was some willows and there used to be a pool there they used to go down there and do some karakia there you know baptism things like that, the tree and branches and stuff like that, … to me became one of those things, you know held in esteem and one of [. . . ]’S cousins you know [. . .] his cousins came down and by that time that pool … sort of flatten out through floods and it became a little pool there he climb up on the stump of the tree and dive down and he come up he had a stiff neck, he had for years I think it was a couple of years before it went away, a lot of people was talking you know how Māori talk you know there’s something a little more than the ordinary so this was

124 David Huirama, 27 February 2012 125 Kathleen Osborne, 27 February 2012 126 Ruby Barrett, Ngaruaw āhia, 1 October 2011

64 one of the, to me it was a wahi tapu used to take people down there when they sick do a karakia and sprinkle them with water down there had a special place there. 127

Map 5 Ng ā wahi Taniwha, kaitiaki me wairua

127 David Huirama, 27 February 2012

65 David talks about placing a rahui on long fin tuna on the Ōhautira and Waitetuna Rivers against eel fishing

I was wanting to put a rahui either rahui or closure on the long fin eel this is a dieffenbachia [(sic] they call it Australis dieffenbachii put a rahui or closure on it because its endemic to New Zealand . . . I read in a book they were endangered so let’s do it now, rather some else saying they’re endangered so I wanted to put a closure in place so I go into the fisheries and I said. . . . but you have to prove its endangered so I says some scientists are saying, but you know what scientists are six will say its endangered and six will say it’s not, where do you draw the line you know yourself all they want is putea they want to justify their money to research, you know that as much as I do, I said and I sort of become disillusioned, to me I want do this and I want to do that I said hey you say how many it is and I say it’s only a quarter of the population to what it used be whatever you say why don’t we do it while we got some rather wait till we got nothing why should we wait. You see I’ll tell how the way we used to fish over here dry set and all that, take tons outta here we didn’t know, we didn’t have the education this is in the 40s, 50s that now 2010 or 11, 12 how it affects us. 128

Ruby talks about local, expert, wh ānau eel fishers.

Rongo family they were taught a way how to catch eels and my half brother I don’t how he learnt i , he probably learnt it from Jimmy Tengu, Pat, Pat Ngahere. He says to my mother you wanna eel she say ‘oh ae’ so he went. He had all the talents of the Tengu’s and the Rongos so, they only get one or two you know, they don’t rape it aye, it’s awesome aye, real manaaki mind you one or two of them they pray to I think except for my brother well he was more recently taught you see but no they don’t get more than enough. 129

Visions for the future preservation and restoration of Whaingaroa Harbour David Huirama talks about his vision for Whaingaroa Harbour

128 David Huirama, 27 February 2012 129 Ruby Barrett, Ngaruaw āhia, 1 October 2012

66 Pākeh ā came, took all our water ways in pristine condition, pristine condition. Now half the damn thing is polluted. All of a sudden they don’t [sic] us taking or part there of so at the end of day those of us who live by nature guided by nature we lost out on it because materialism came in that didn’t work. There’s shit everywhere in the harbour, shit everywhere here in the rivers all of sudden, classic example Rotorua polluted now they give it back to the people . . .” 130

. . . I like the old adage Riro whenua hoki whenua mai, Riro moana, hoki moana mai but as is but as were given in a way in pristine condition given back in pristine condition you know look at Waikato there they gave it back full of pollution but we gotta clean it up. 131

4.7 Summary: Kaumatua and Kuia interviews

The interviewees recount the pristine condition of the harbour and its abundance of kai moana. Families were self sufficient and cultivated large wh ānau gardens for themselves and their wider community. They supplemented their diets from an array of kaimoana delicacies. In times of hardship, wh ānau provided kaimoana to families in need from other communities. The interviewee’s relationship with Whaingaroa Moana transcended the physical world and traversed spiritual and cultural realms. They expressed the loss for future generations who will not share their life experiences with the harbour.

130 David Huirama, 27 February 2012 131 Ibid

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Chapter Five Participatory Mapping Wānanga

The following section is a series of maps, the result of a Participatory Mapping W ānanga held on the 3 rd of March, 2012 at Waingaro P ā. The purpose for holding the mapping w ānanga was to extract social, cultural, environmental and historical information, from a group situation and present the data in a visual format for reflection and feedback. The methodology uses a visual aid; a simple A0 photocopy map of Whaingaroa Harbour, each group has a facilitator to guide discussion on particular topics. In this case, the same interview questions from kaumatua and kuia interviews were used to prompt discussion.

The rationale for using participatory mapping was to include wh ānaunga across a broad age group from teenagers to tribal elders. The key contributor in this process was to capture the spatial experience and knowledge of the individual pertaining to Whaingaroa Harbour. There is no one expert who would be considered a repository of knowledge pertaining to Whaingaroa Harbour. An appropriate alternative is to glean information from large group of people who may each knowledge to contribute and compile it into single body of knowledge.

68 Map 6 Waingaro Landing

Photo 1 Focus Groups 1, 2, 3 & 4

69 Map 7 Pirere Point, Paroa Point and Ōhautira River

70 Map 8 Whiwhiroa Bay, Paritata Peninsula

71 Map 9 Haroto Bay

The areas of kaimoana identified by wh ānaunga were places they once went to fish or collect kaimoana these places are no longer as plentiful as they were or no longer exist. Areas where pupu was collected has diminished and reduced in size. Peraro is another shellfish which has completely disappeared in most areas where they were once collected. Kokota has all but disappeared. Mussels were once collected from the papa rock area at low tide around, ‘The Narrows and Whiwhiroa Bay’ area wh ānau have to dig to a depth of up to a couple of metres at low in the deeper part of the channel.

The worse areas affected by sediment pollution are at the mouth of the Waitetuna River and the whole of Haroto Bay. It is so bad that the Pacific Oyster beds are dying out. Access to collect kaimoana is prohibitive due to wh ānau land that has been sold off. The kaimoana is a no longer a reliable traditional food resource as it once was sustaining wh ānau who lived on their land.

72

Map 10 Ng ā w āhi tawhito me ng ā w āhi tapu

73 Map 11 Wh ānau ahi k ā and remaining tribal estate.

5.1 Summary: Mapping information

The mapping w ānanga held 3 March 2012, provided an opportunity for wh ānaunga to come together and discuss their personal stories, which sadly, were generally phrased in a past context. There are very few wh ānau who are able to go the places of camping as they did in the past, these places have been long since abandoned. Those few wh ānau that can still access the kaimoana, experience their efforts as disappointing; expectations of catching flounder is now considered only enough for a feed, gone are the days where surplus kaimoana could be shared with families and the tribal elders. Pupu, was once a plentiful delicacy, now it’s either too small or too few to pick for a family meal. It is same situation for Whitebait, Kokota, Tuna, Snapper, King Fish, Herring, Mullet, Piharau, Peraro, Kanae, and Kutai. Wh ānaunga have expressed a desire to be involved in preserving and restoring their precious kaimoana for future generations.

74 5.2 University of Waikato Oceanographic Research Project Steven Hunt, a PhD Student from Waikato University presented his oceanographic PhD project to wh ānaunga attending the mapping w ānanga. His research project required the positioning of oceanographic instrumentation equipment in various locations within Haroto Bay and around Paritata Peninsula. The purpose of his longitudinal study is to measure the effect of climatic change on wave action and at various depths around the Whaingaroa Harbour. The findings of the Steven’s research will determine what changes are likely to occur in terms of rising water, erosion, sediment movement around the estuarine areas of Whaingaroa Harbour.

As a requirement of Mr Hunt’s research, he was to consult with tangata whenua, which he duly did and was acknowledged for doing so. Wh ānau considered his project, and discussed terms of reference with regards to his research and a Memorandum of Understanding 132 was drawn up between the University of Waikato and Marae Trusts for Mai Uenuku-ki-te-whenua Marae and Waingaro P ā. Kaumatua and rangatahi will be involved and informed throughout Mr Hunt’s research project which is expected to take six years to complete.

132 Appendix 2

75 Map 12 Wahi tapu, Waingaro P ā and Mai-Uenuku-ki-te-whenua Marae

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Chapter Six Environmental Impacts and Local Government

A significant contributor of kaimoana despoliation has been sediment pollution from runoff caused by erosion of surrounding farmland, during periods of high rainfall and major flood events. The degradation of water quality has also resulted from farm stock access to waterways, in particular cattle trampling unfenced shorelines of farm properties around the north and south estuarine arms of the harbour. This has led to nutrient enriched sediment accumulation and the associated mangrove invasion at the confluence of the Kirikiri Creek, Waingaro Landing, Te Kauri and Te Reti inlets.

The resulting shellfish bed despoliation is not only due to pastoral farming activities, the introduction of marine pest species such as the Pacific Oyster from Asian fishing vessels has also had significant environmental impact on this natural resource. The dragging action caused by anchoring of recreational fishing vessels causes damage to the sea bed and in particular to the grass ecology, which are criteria feeding grounds for Snapper, Patiki and King Fish (all previously abundant, indigenous fish species).

6.1 Whaingaroa Sediment Report

Wh ānau have known the effects of sedimentation pollution many years prior to the release of the Whaingaroa Sedimentation Report 133 commissioned by Environment Waikato in 2004. The report identifies historical large scale deforestation for pastoral farming from the 1890s as the primary cause for the current sedimentation build up in Whaingaroa Harbour, particularly in the estuarine areas around Haroto Bay and the Waingaro Landing. In recent years, the rate of sediment built up has increased due to climatic changes and more frequent flood events.

133 A. Swales, R.Overden, R.Budd, J.Hawken (NIWA), M.S.McGlone (Landcare Research Ltd.Lincoln), N.Hermanspahn, M.J.Okey (National Radiation Laboratory, Christchurch) Whaingaroa (Raglan) Harbour: Sedimentation and the effects of Historical Catchment Land cover Change , Environment Waikato, 2004

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Remedies to reduce sediment build up in the harbour are relatively simple and cost effective to implement, such as riparian planting and fencing of waterways and affected shoreline areas. Waikato Regional Council provides a subsidy for fencing and planting to private land owners as an incentive. However Waikato Regional Council does not enforce farmers to implement such initiatives. The scientific evidence is conclusive and yet no enforcement measures are implemented from either Waikato District or Waikato Regional Council. Local government has failed in their obligations to the tangata whenua in the protection of their taonga tuku iho as stated under Article Two of the Treaty of Waitangi.

Since the establishment of local authorities under the Municipal Corporations and the Counties' Acts in 1876, these delegated local authorities have principally served the interests of the pastoral farmers. The Whaingaroa District Highway and Harbour Boards were no exception. These delegated local authorities, over time, evolved into the present day Waikato District Council and Waikato Regional Council. The farming community have prospered, settler family descendants have been elected to civic leadership positions, i.e. Angus MacDonald descendant of J.K.Macdonald elected as the longest serving Mayor for Waikato District Council, Reginald Kellow settler descendant from Ruakiwi; longest serving Chairman for Raglan County Council 134 , Jenny Vernon 135 descendant of the Vernon Settler family from Te Uku as Regional Councillor for Environment Waikato and Waikato Regional Council. Their long association with tangata whenua has been courteous but they have not advocated nor implemented the Treaty obligations on behalf of tangata whenua within the Whaingaroa Harbour district. Successive Waikato Regional and District local body councillors have abrogated their responsibilities to the environment and their obligations under the Treaty of Waitangi to the tangata whenua to whom they supposed to represent.

6.2 Tainui Awhiro Trust Challenges Paritata Marine Farm Resource Consent In 1995, Waikato District Council approved resource consent for Terry Witchell to establish a marine farm in Whiwhiroa Bay at the west end of Paritata Peninsula. The resource consent was challenged by Tainui Awhiro Trust in the environmental court under the case Greensill v

134 Vennell & Williams, Raglan county hills and sea: a centennial history 1876-1976, 1976. 135 Robert Thomas Vernon, Te Uku (Rice Printers) 1975

78 Regional Planning Council Tribunal W17/95 136 . Angeline Greensill tangata whenua champion for Tainui Awhiro is well known for challenging regional and district planning resource consent processes concerning vested business and corporate interest’s that impact on environmental and cultural values of tangata whenua around Whaingaroa Harbour. Tainui Awhiro Trust represents the interests of Whaingaroa Harbour hap ū, Tainui Awhiro (Te Kopua, Miria Te Kakara), Ng āti Tamainup ō, K ōtara and Te Huaki. The tribunal ruled in favour of Greensill on the basis that the applicant had failed to fulfil the obligations under sections 6 (e) wahi tapu, (g) customary activities and 7 (a) Kaitiakitanga, (d) intrinsic values or ecosystems.

Mr Witchell had not consulted with tribal descendants who would have been affected by his marine farm nor had he attempted to seek tribal representatives from Waingaro P ā and Mai- Uenuku-ki-te-whenua Marae to endorse his application. The site for the intended marine farm was within close proximately of an urupa and on top of Parero shellfish bed. Mr Witchell may have had the support of the tribe had he exercised better judgement, but not at the location of his choosing. Furthermore, Waikato District Council approved Mr Witchell’s application on the basis of its economic contribution to the local economy, without consideration for the cultural values of tangata whenua. The tribunal’s judicial interpretations of the case set a precedent for future cases 137 . The final irony in the whole saga was the applicant’s intention to establish a Pacific Oyster Farm an invasive marine pest is akin to the Scottish gorse that has infested tribal whenua all around Whaingaroa Harbour since arrival of the settler farmers. Another bad of example coastal management from Waikato District and Regional Council’s failing to and exercise their obligations to tangata whenua under the Resource Management Act.

136 Resource Consent application , Waikato Regional Council, 22 September 1993, RCD 21/9 137 Greensill, ‘Inside the Resource Management Act: A Tainui Case Study ’, Masters thesis, University of Waikato, 2010, p64.

79 Map 13 Proposed Pacific Oyster Farm

6.3 Conclusion Further research is required to assess the current state within the estuarine areas worse affected by sediment pollution around the Waingaro River arm and the Waitetuna River arm. Steven Hunt’s oceanographic research will provide a future scenario on the current situation and hopefully some strategies for restoration of despoiled estuarine areas on the north and south can be developed in the near future. Whaingaroa Harbour is internationally renowned for its west coast vistas and recreational activities. More research projects are urgently required to restore to this precious taonga to its former pristine glory.

Future proofing against rural dairy farm conversions, urban intensification, population growth and tourism are live issues Waikato Regional Council and Waikato District are not keeping pace at the current rapid rate of change. The realignment of the Western Axis Highway through Waingaro and Ōhautira has made a significant increase in motor vehicle traffic in what was once considered a back country road. The higher visitor numbers are streaming into

80 Raglan all year round placing higher demands on recreational and fishing activities within the harbour.

The people of Ng āti Tamainup ō, K ōtara and Te Huaki do not begrudge the economic prosperity for the local community and the region in general but not at the expense of their taonga as defined in Article Two of The Treaty of Waitangi. Waikato District and Regional Councils have historically served the interests of farmers and commercial developers and as such have breached their treaty obligations.

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Bibliography

Published Sources

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Angela Ballara , The Dynamics of M āori Tribal Organisation from C.1769 to C.1945 , Victoria University Press, 1998

Pei Te Hurinui Jones, Bruce Biggs, Nga Iwi O Tainui, The traditional history of the Tainui people, Nga Koorero tuku ihu a nga tupuna, Auckland University Press, reprint 1996

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F.L.Phillips, Nga Tohu a Tainui, Landmarks of Tainui, Historic Places of the Tainui People, published by Tohu Publishers, 1995.

W.Morley, The history of Methodism in New Zealand, Wellington:McKee, 1900

Geoffrey Seavill, Packhorse to Jet. The Story of Waingaro from 1868, 1972

Gorst J.E. The Maori King: Or the Story of Our Quarrel with the Natives of New Zealand, Oxford University Press, 1959

Vennell C.W & Williams.S, Raglan county hills and sea: a centennial history 1876-1976, Wilson & Horton 1976.

Manuscripts Roberton, J.B.W, An outline of the history of the Maori population round Hamilton, Waikato Historical Society collection WHS MS030

Roberton.J.B.W, Maori Settlement of the Waikato District, Te Awamutu Historical Society Inc, Bulletin No 2, 1965

J.B.W Roberton , The Journal of Polynesian Society, Vol 65, Genealogies as a basis for Maori chronology ,

Norris.H.C.M, Snippets of history concerning the three Harbours of Whaingaroa, Aotea and Kawhia, 1843-1957 MS13.

82 Kathleen Osborne, whakapapa, pouwhenua, papakainga, miscellaneous

Thesis Angeline Ngahina Greensill, ‘Inside the Resource Management Act: A Tainui Case Study ’, thesis submitted requirements of degree for Masters of Social Science, University of Waikato, 2010,

Interviews Kathleen Osborne, interview Huntly, 25, 27, 28 February 2012

David Huirama interviews Mai-Uenuku-Ki-Te-Whenua Marae, 25 February 2012; 27 and 28 February 2012

Ruby Rangiwhakahaere Ngahere Barrett, interview Ngaruawahia, 1 October 2012

Mapping W ānanga 3/3/2012 Focus group participants

Lamour Clark (TH), Nellie Martin (TH), Te Manawa Tengu (T,TH) Chad Huirama (T), David Huirama (T), Te Rira Huirama (T), Terei Huirama (T), Gus Rawiri (T), Maria Madoc (T) Marina Maniapoto (T), Peni Parehia, Tamati Amuketi (TH), Hono Huirama (T), Rangiwahia Osborne (T,TH), Ani Ngaia (TH), Doris Amuketi (TH), Kui Anderson (TH), Keni Waitere (T), Maria Tengu (T,TH), Albert Tengu (T,TH), Deanna Tengu (T,TH) Te Kuratae Matenga (T,HK), Jennifer Kanawa (T,TH), Ropata Maniapoto (T), Maryanne Herewini (T), Norman Awhi (T), June Cassidy (TH), Waiata Cherrington (T,TH), John Tahana (T,K,TH), Huirangi Tahana (T ,TH), Rangimaria Tahana (T,K,TH), Hone Charles Tahana ((T,K,TH), Rolande Paekau, Trevor King, Edward Wilson (T), Diane Matenga, Ruby Barrett (T), Kathleen Osborne (TH), Basil Osborne (T ,TH), Vai Matenga (K), George Barrett (T)

Ng āti Tamainup ō (T), Ng āti K ōtara (K), Ng āti Te Huaki (TH)

Newspapers Daily Southern Cross , 1872 Maori Newspapers, pukapuka nama 36, 9 July 1878, Waikato Times , 1886, 1875

Information pamphlet Puke Wiremu, Enthnographic Researchers, WINTEC-A history of the land on which our city campus sits

83 Reports A. Swales, R.Overden, R.Budd, J.Hawken (NIWA), M.S.McGlone (Landcare Research Ltd.Lincoln), N.Hermanspahn, M.J.Okey (National Radiation Laboratory, Christchurch) Whaingaroa (Raglan) Harbour: Sedimentation and the effects of Historical Catchment Land cover Change, Environment Waikato, 2004

Maori Land Court Minute Books

Hamilton MB No 1, July 1889

Mercer MB No 7 19 August 1902 Tewi Kingi, Maaka Patene, Ruitoto Huirama, Ng āti Tamainu, Kotara, Ng āti Mahanga Whakapapa given by Pepa Kirkwood, Hone Patene and Maaka Patene

Mercer MB 11 10 June 1908 Waipa Lot 66 Maaka Patene, Anaru Eketone, Rewi Tahana Succession

Moerangi MB 12, 1909 16 November 1909 Moerangi Block Kauki Tauira, Rewi Tahana, Erueti Rore Title Investigation

Ngatitamainu MB No 01 Date 3 July 1889. Hone Patene Ng āti Tamainu, Ng āti Kotara, Ng āti Reko, Ngai Te Huaki and Ng āti Pare Title investigation, lists, hapu land lots, school reserve, urupa

Otorohanga MB No 1, 1886

Raupatu Document Bank Book Name: Raupatu Document Bank, Vol 103, 11 February 1867, pp 39708-3980. Hapu: Ng āti Tamainu Kaikorero: Wiremu Patene Compensation Court: Ngaruawahia Notes: Re "deed" presented by Mr Turton and signed by Ng āti Mahanga, Ng āti Hourua and Ng āti Tamainu p, 39743.

84 Journals of the House of Representatives and Parliamentary Debates

Appendices to Journals of the House of Representatives (AJHR), Petition. 14 August 1866, G-No 3.

Notes: Wiremu Patene; letter of petition for the return of land from between Waikato and Waipa Rivers from Ngaruawahia to Horotiu.

AJHR, Approximate Census of the Maori Population. 1 June 1874, G-7 Notes: Tribal census for Ngatitamainu, Kotara and Te Huaki

AJHR, Further Reports from Officers in Native Districts, 29 May 1875, G-1A, p2 Notes: Wiremu Patene and Karakariki Native School.

Maps

E.Fissell, Block plan ML 8223, Deed C39 , (unknown date), Land Information New Zealand, Hamilton Notes: Original survey block plan of land lots returned to Ng āti Tamainupo, Kotara and Te Huaki

Fissell, Sketch of Kaingas on Sections 62 and 63, 1913, LINZ , Hamilton Notes: Survey of papakainga on Kotara and Te Huaki blocks, LINZ archive.

Fissell Survey maps of Hamupata block, Kareao block, ML plan 8371, LINZ, 1897, Hamilton Notes: shows blocks at around Whaingaroa harbour and Waingaro River and Karakariki blocks on the Waipa River. LINZ archive

E.Fissell, field book 1071, 1879 Notes: field notes pertaining to the above blocks, LINZ Archive.

Governor George Grey’s Land Blocks Ngati Tamainu Block 1871, Turnbull National Archives

Map of Ng āti K ōtara and Te Huaki P ā sites on the Waipa River from Gorst J.E. The Maori King: Or the Story of Our Quarrel with the Natives of New Zealand, (Oxford University Press) 1959

Crown Forestry Rental Trust Commissioned Reports

Aroha Apiti-de Silva, George Barrett, Sean Ellison, Miromiro Kelly Hepi-Te Huia, Anthony Pātete, Gareth Seymour and Frank Thorne, Mana Moana, Mana Whenua, Mana Moana, Mana Whenua, Scoping Report for an Oral and Traditional History Project for Tau Hau-ā- uru . 2011

85 Waitangi Tribunal-Commissioned Reports

Boulton, Leanne, Hap ū and Iwi Land Transactions with the Crown and Europeans in Te Rohe Pōtae Inquiry District, c. 1840-1865, preliminary report . Waitangi Tribunal, 2009

Transcripts WAI 898-Te Rohe Potae, Oral and Traditional Hui 3, Hui 12-13 April 2010, held at Poih ākena Marae April 2010.

Participatory Mapping W ānanga, held at Waingaro P ā, 3 rd March 2012

Archives Methodist Church Archives Auckland, METH017, Rishworth John S, Journal, 1864-1867 Abstract: Covers period of mission work in Karakariki from 1984-1867

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Appendix 1 Ng āti Tamainupo, Te Huaki, Toa Kotara Waitangi Claim 775

Oral & Traditional Research Report

Identifying the cultural, social and environmental landscapes of tribal wh ānaunga who had lived on their papakainga around Waingaro and the Whaingaroa Harbour

1.0 Personal landscape 1.1 What is your name? 1.2 Where were you born? 1.3 Who were your parents? 1.4 Who were your grandparents? 1.5 Were they all born here? 1.6 Where was your papa kainga? 1.7 What was the name of your papakainga? 1.8 What are your hapu or iwi affiliations? 1.9 Do you know how you whakapapa to your tupuna? 1.10 Do you know any interesting korero about your tupuna? 1.11 What was the name of your papakainga? 1.12 Where was your whanau garden? 1.13 What did vegetables did you grow? 1.14 When did you leave your papakainga and why?

2.0 Social landscape 2.1 Where did you and your whanau go for mahinga kai? 2.1.1 What kai did you gather or fish there? 2.1.2 Were there any special occasions for mahinga kai mahi? 2.2 How often did your whanau go out for mahinga kai? 2.2.1 Was it a regular addition to your kai? 2.2.2 Did you harvest according to season? 2.3 Where did your whanau camp for mahinga kai? 2.4 Did you share kai beyond your immediate whanau? 2.4.1 How often these days? 2.5 Do you have access to mahinga kai sites? 2.6 What changes have you noticed? 2.6.1 Environmental 2.6.2 Loss of mahinga kai sites

3.0 Cultural landscape 3.1 Thinking about our life growing up in Waingaro how much of would you would consider was cultural? 3.2 Do you know of any stories about your tupuna? 3.3 Do you know nga tikanga ma te mahinga kai, mahi kaitiaki ranei? 3.4 Do you know the names of any taniwha or kaitiaki or korero about them?

87 3.5 Do you know where all or some of the wahi tapu are? 3.6 Do you know any korero about those wahi tapu? 3.7 Do you know where all or some of the urupa sites are? 3.8 Do you know any korero about those urupa sites? 3.9 Have you found any cultural artefacts? 3.9.1 Where did you find it? 3.9.2 What is it you found 3.10 Do you know any waiata, moteatea, tuparapara pertaining or nga iwi o Tamainup ō, K ōtara me Te Huaki? 3.11 Do you think our wahi tapu be protected and recorded for future generations to learn about?

4.0 Redress – Environmental landscape 4.1 What are all the changes to the environment around the harbour, rivers places of mahinga kai have you experienced in your lifetime? 4.2 What do you think the causes of the changes are related to? 4.3 What do you think should -be done about preserving and places of mahinga kai? 4.4 Do you think the Waingaro whanaunga should be involved in the restoration and preservation of places of mahinga kai and wahi tapu? 4.5 Do you consider tribal whanaunga or Waingaro Marae have been involved by local government in the management of the Harbour and rivers. 4.6 Who should pay for the restoration for the marine ecology of the harbour’s estuaries and rivers? 4.7 Do you think research institutes should discuss their research projects the Tangata whenua/ moana undertaken with in the Harbour and rivers? 4.8 Do you think local authorities should resource and recompense hapu representatives with to attend hearings, consultation meetings, resource planning consent processes for applications with the tribal boundaries? 4.9 What amount of compensation should be paid in the event of a treaty settlement? 4.10 What post treaty settlement entity would you prefer to manage the affairs of a treaty settlement deal? 4.11 What visionary statement you like to see for the Harbour and rivers for mokopuna now me uri i heke iho mai

5.0 Visionary statements

5.1 What visionary statement they have for Whaingaroa Harbour and the River tributaries, Waingaro, Ōhautira and Waitetuna for the future generations of Nga Toko Toru.

Note: The above questions do not need to be asked in any particular order, so long as the questions are asked. Allow the interviewee to speak on recollections as they remember it.

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Appendix 2

89