(ISSN 0043-6534) WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY
The State Historical Society of Wisconsin • Vol. 77, No. 1 • Autumn, 1993 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN H. NicHOiAS MuLLER III, Director
Officers FANNIK E. HicKi.iN, President (iERAU) D. VisiE, Treasurer Gi.F.NN R. Cx)ATKS, First Vice-President H. NICHOLAS MLT.I.ER III, Secretary JANE BERNHARDT, Second Vice-President
THK STATE HISTORKVU, SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN is both a state agency and a private membership organization. Founded in 1846—two years before statehood—and chartered in 1853, it is the oldest American historical society to receive continuous public funding. By statute, it is charged with collecting, advancing, and disseminating knowledge of Wisconsin and of the trans-Allegheny West. The Society serves as the archive of the State of Wisconsin; it collects all manner of books, periodicals, maps, manuscripts, relics, newspapers, and aural and graphic materials as they relate to North America; it maintains a museum, library, and research facility in Madison as well as a statewide system of historic sites, school services, area research centers, and affiliated local societies; it administers a broad program of historic preservation; and publishes a wide variety of historical materials, both scholarly and popular.
ME:MBERSHIP in the Society is open to the public. IndixMualmemhcr&hvp (one person) is $25. Senior Citizen Indixndual membership is $20. Family membership is $30. Senior Citizen Family membership is $25. .SM/)(!?ortm^membership is $ 100. .Sit^towmgrnembership is $250. A Patron contributes $500 or more. Li^membership (one person) is $1,000.
MEMBERSHIP in the Friends of the SHSWis open to the public. Individualvaemhers\ra\y (one person) is $15. Family membership is $25.
THE SOCIETY is governed by a Board of Curators which includes twentyTour elected members, the Governor or designee, three appointees of the Governor, a legislator from the majority and minority from each house, and ex officio, the President of the University of Wisconsin System, the President of the Friends of the State Historical Society, the President of the Wisconsin History Foundation, Inc., and the President of the Administrative Committee of the Wisconsin Council for Local History. A complete listing of the Curators appears inside the back cover.
The Society is headquartered at 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706-1488, at the juncture of Langdon and Park streets on the University of Wisconsin campus. The State Historical Museum is located at 30 North Carroll Street. A partial listing of phone numbers (Area Code 608) follows: General Administration 264-6400 Library circulation desk 264-6534 Affiliated local societies 264-658.S Maps 264-64.58 Archives reading room 264-6460 Membership 264-6.587 ("ontribntion of manuscript materials 264-6477 Microforms reading room 264-65,36 Editorial offices 264-6461 Museum tours 264-6555 Film collections 264-6466 Newspaper reference 264-6531 Genealogical and general reference inquiries..264-6,'535 Picture and sound collections 264-6470 Government publications and reference 264-6525 Public information office 264-6586 Historic preservation 264-6500 Sales desk 264-6565 Historic .sites 264-6586 School services 264-6567 Hours of operation 264-6588 Speakers bureau 264-6586 Institutional Advancement 264-6585
ON THE COVER: John W. Quinney, who led the Indian Party opposition to individual allotments of Stockbridge-Munsee land in the mid-nineteenth century, as painted by Amos Hamlin. The pcrrtrait is in the Society's collections. WHi(X3)45436. An article on the reorganization of the Stockbridge-Munsee tribe begins on page 39. Volume 77, Number 1 / Autumn, 1993
WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF
Published quarterly by the State HISTORY Historical Society of Wisconsin, 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706-1488. Distributed to members as part of their dues. Individual membership, $25; senior citizen individual, $20; family, $30; senior citizen family, $25; supporting, The Campus Klan of the University of Wisconsin: $100; sustaining, $250; patron, Tacit and Active Support for the $500 or more; life (one person), Ku Klux Klan in a Culture of Intolerance $1,000. Single numbers from Volume 57 forward are $5 plus Timothy Messer-Kruse postage. Microfilmed copies available through University Microfilms, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106; The Tribal Reorganization of the reprints of Volumes 1 through 20 Stockbridge-Munsee: Essential Conditions and most issues of Volume 21 in the Re-Creation of a Native American thorugh 56 are available from Community, 1930-1942 39 Kraus Reprint Company, Route 100, Millwood, New York 10546. John C. Savagian Communications should be addressed to the editor. The Society does not assume responsibility for statements made Communications 63 by contributors. Second-class postage paid at Madison, Wisconsin. Book Reviews 65 POSTMASTER: Send address changes to Wisconsin Magazine of Book Review Index 73 History, Madison, Wisconsin 53706-1488. Copyright © 1993 by the State Historical Society of Accessions 74 Wisconsin. Wisconsin History Checklist 76 The Wisconsin Magazine of History is indexed annually by the editors; cumulative indexes are assembled Contributors 78 decennially. In addition, articles are abstracted and indexed in America: History and Life, Historical Abstracts, Index to Literature on the American Indian, and the Combined Retropective Index to Jirurnals in Editor History, 1838-1974. PAUL H. H.ASS Photographs identified with WHi Associate F^ditors negative numbers are from the WILLIAM C. MARTEN Historical Society's collections. JOHN O. HOLZHUETER Honorary Junior Stxiety
Kill Klux Klan t t t t fit f f t T ' .1^ Mttk .. .flR. .^^S. ABI- ^^HI l^K. i^Ki rff ft fft 1f
Teckeoicyer K.dk Haniniond Edc Culberison P>urn> Westoa Barlow BickeLHarris Bump CaiducU Haik-y Wellaucr Bunge Taylor \klnloaii Brittingliam Hiibbcl) Piakertosi Buck master Naccke! Stolte FoUett Travers Steele Rounseville Hoard Fairfield
.MEMBERS
Seniors
ANTHOXY G. ZULFER RALPH HORTON' FRANKLIN BI^MP E!>wAKi> K. BURNS H. KENNETH HARLEY CHARLES D.CULBERTSON H, VV. N'AECKEL D. J. GODFREY ALFRED H, TAYLOR THOMAS B. CAU>WEI.L HARRY C, WELLAUER WILLIAM D. HOARD CifAutES M. LADUE LoRiNG T. HAMMOSI> STANLEY K. GAVENEV DEAN A. BUCKMASTEK RAY O. SCHMIDT F. LAURENCE WESTON FREDERICK AT. BR:KEL
Jun iors
DEWITT VAN- PINKERTON JOHN W. BRINWLEY LoTHROI' F. FOLLKTT KENNETH L. EDE FHILUP H. FALK JOHN R. HARRs.^i THOMAS E, BaiTTmoHAM GEOROE C. BUNGE WILLIS A, ROUN.SEVILLE ADOLPH O. TECKKMEYER MILLARD M. BARLOW GORDON G. FAiRrmty CLARENCE W, MCINTOSH ERNEST H. HUBBELL HERBERT A. STOLTE C. WESLEY TRAVERS RicHARB W, STEELE
The honorary Ku Klux Klan at the University of Wisconsin, from the 1921 Badger yearbook. All illustrations used with this article which do not have a WHi negative number are courtesy the University of Wisconsin Archives. The Campus Klan of the University of Wisconsin: Tacit and Active Support for the Ku Klux Klan in a Culture of Intolerance
By Timothy Messer-Kruse
T was the spring of 1919 when a Klan was never the object of debate or I group calling itself the Ku Klux controversy; to the contrary, it blossomed Klan HonoraryJunior Societv made its first into one of the most prominent and pow appearance at the Universit)' of W'isconsin, a erful interfraternity societies on campus, growing land-grant university whose sprawl and its members, all male, included some ing, wooded campus dominated Wisconsin's of the university's best and brightest. Still, capital. (Madison, the state's fifth-largest city, even though the Klan was instrumental in had a population of less than forty thousand organizing the fund drive that helped to residents; the university enrollmentexceeded build the Memorial Union on Langdon seven thousand.)' Street, its heyday was brief and it did not There is no evidence that the new orga have much lasting impact on either Madi nization was in any way tied to the better- son or the university community. Seventy known Invisible Empire of the Ku Klux years later, like many another campus or Klan. But for four years the group pros ganization, it is all but forgotten. But the pered under the name Ku Klux Klan, and rise and fall of the campus Klan is histori it made no attempt to distinguish itself cally instructive because it serves well as a from the Invisible Empire. Nor did the barometer of the cultural and ideological question of its affiliation ever become an climate of Madison and the university cam issue for the university administration or pus in the I920's. the campus press. The campus Ku Klux
"N May of 1919, members of the r Phi Gamma Delta fraternity took the initiative by inviting a number of ALTIIOR'S NOIF: 1 should like to thank Professor David juniors from other fraternities to a secret Zonderman and Professor Herbert Hlill, both of the Univer sity of Wisconsin—Madison, for carefully reading an earlier meeting in Madison where a branch chap version of this article. Their critical comments kept my ideas ter of an honorary fraternity called the Ku focused and my rhetoric in check. My thanks also to John Klux Klan was to be organized. Franklin Straw and the staff of the University of Illinois Archive Research Center, and J. Frank Cook and his staff at the University of Wisconsin Archives in Madison, all of whom went out of their way to assist me. Wiscon.sin Blue Book, 1921, pp. 419, 494.
Copynghl @ 1993 hf 'fl:e Slair llislorual Suciely iij W'isamsin All ri^//!s aj ippmducUon in ft/iy ftirji/ rrsenml. UWXcgM174 The baby carriage parade, May, 1920, a part of Itie KKK initiation.
Bump, one of the Phi Gamma Deltas, made with baby carriages up State Street and a pitch for the new organization that was around the Capitol Square—was one of the too strong for some of those present; the major activities of the group. Daily Cardinal reported that "many of the With the organization of the Ku Klux darlings slunk under the table before the Klan Honoraryjunior Society, Wisconsin Grand Hish Moyul from Illinois could re became the second university to have such veal the secrets."'- Nevertheless, the ner a group on its campus. The Klan honorary vousness of a few recruits did not spoil the society was originally founded at the Uni meeting. Within a few weeks the new club versity of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign was being hailed in the Cardinalfor having sometime before World War I, though its "the most impressive initiation" of all the exact origins remain clouded. Even the campus honorary societies.' student Klansmen displayed confusion The honorary societies of the University about their origins. In some ///z'oyearbooks, of Wisconsin were formed by fi'atemities to for example, they claimed to have been honor their most accomplished junior-class founded in 1906; in others, igOS.'' (Either members. They bore portentous names: year is suspect, as the group first appeared Skull and Crescent, Iron Cross, Inner Gate, in the yearbook in 1916, nor did it appear and so on. Like the other honor societies in the student directories or the regents' on campus, the Ku Klux Klan elected its minutesbefore then.) If the honorary Klan members from each of eighteen different existed before 1916, it maintained a sub fraternities. The process of election itself, rosa existence until that year.' its celebration with formal dinners and However, there were good reasons why dances, and the initiation of new mem a group calling itself the Ku Klux Klan bers—which, in the case of the honorary Ku Klux Klan, required all pledges to parade
' On Ku Klux Klan Honorary .Society at the University of Illinois, see the Iltio yearbook from 1916 to 1924 at the •' Daily Cardinal, .Vlav 20, 1919. Univensity of Illinois, Champaign. In the 1920 and 1922 ' Ibid.,]une 6,1919. The 6Vnrfin«^reported that no other editions, the Klan claims to have been founded in 1908. society had "thought of using na\y beans" in their initiation. ' Throughout this essay, the term "honorary Klan" de Unfortunately, the role of these leguTnes in the Klan cer notes the fraternity group that was independent of the emony was not detailed. Invisible Empire of the Knights of the Ku Kltix Klan. MESSER-KRUSE: THE CAMPUS KIAN
might either be formed, or go public, in 191.5 leashing hordes of savage blacks and greedy or 1916. Nineteen fifteen was the year of the carpetbaggers upon the South. In Griffith's premier of D. W. Griffith's film. The Birth of a film the South, white womanhood, and the Nation. It was also the year that Col. William nation are saved by the heroic riders of the Joseph Simmons took sixteen men to the top Ku Klux Klan. of Stone Mountainjust outside Atlanta, Geor The Birth of a Nation was adapted from gia, where they burned a cross, read a passage Thomas Dixon's novel The Clansman: An from the Bible, and swore allegiance to their Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan, pub new order, the Invisible Empire of the Ku lished in 1905. This date corresponds with Klux Klan. These two events were not unre the University of Illinois Klan's claim as to lated. the year of its own founding. Whatever the The Birth of a Nation was a milestone in exact circumstances of its formation, the cinematic history. It was the longest and mini Klan's coincidence with these two most popular American film yet made; it monumental events in American popular was one of the Ilrstfilms to be accompanied culture points to the .source of its inspira by a special orchestral arrangement; it was tion. The founders of the lUini Klan found the first to employ symbolism. More impor the same romantic, chivalrous, and patri tantly, Griffith's film captured the imagina otic values exemplified by the historical tion of the American public as no film ever EJan as did Col. Simmons, who was so in had before. It was the first movie to com spired by The Birth of a Nation that he set mand a two-dollar admission fee, the first to about to revive the Ku Klux Klan in the be honored with a private showing at the South. Indeed, these were values shared by White House. Griffith's cinematic artistry the great majority of the white population made an impression upon a public used to of America. slapstick films that took vaudeville as their Dixon's novel and Griffith's film were model. instrumental in associating the Ku Klux But artistry alone was not what propelled Klan with patriotism and morality in the The Birth of a Nation to success; the film eyes of the white public. These were values succeeded by synthesizing a number of sepa that many Americans—including many stu rate racist and historical stereotypes into a dents on the University of Wisconsin cam single powerful symbolic experience that pus—felt were under assault after World President Woodrow Wilson proclaimed was Warl. In 1920,theZ)af/))Cardma/bemoaned "writing history with lightning."'' The film the loss of the spread-eagle patriotism that vindicated the myth of the Confederacy as had reached a fever pitch on campus dur "the lost cause," a brave but vain struggle ing the war: against odds which succeeded only in un- [M]en and women have apparently shut their eyes to the dignity and glory '' Lewis Jacobs, The Rise of the American Inlm: A Critical of American citizen.ship. In the wake of HisUnj (Teachers College Press, Columbia University, New the noble and passionate patriotism of York, 1971; originally published in 1939), 174-187. Thomas war days has come a spirit of indiffer Dixon, who wrote Th£ Clansman and with D. W. Griffith ence, almost cynicfsm, toward those co-produced 'Ihe Birth of a Nation, was a former classiuate of things which have made otir nation Woodrow Wilson at the Johns Hopkins University (188.3) who supposedly "duped" the president into screening the revered in the past. This virus seems to film at the White House. See Southern Horizons: Tlw Autobiog have affected even the student body at raphy of Thomas Dixon (Alexandria, Virginia, 1984), xv-xix, Wisconsin." 167-168, 29.5-.304; Arthur S. Link, Wilson: The New Freedom (Princeton, 1956), 252-254; and volume 4 of Ray Stannard Baker, Woodrow Wilson: Life and letters ((harden City, New ' Daily Cardinal, May 9, 1920. See also Norman A. York, 1931), 220-224. Zimmerman, "A Triumph for Orthodoxy: The University of I \\ \,i; MIT'I The Ku Klux Klan formal, Decembei, 1919.
By adopting the name Ku Klux Klan in of them were present at the meeting at which such a climate, students draped themselves the Klan's petition was approved.** How in the flag. They saw themselves as aligned ever, it is suggestive of the general climate with "real Americans, "not bigots and hood of opinion on campus that no one else on lums. In postwar America, the name con the senate took issue with the group's noted not only patriotic ideals but also name. fraternal ideals, mystery, and racial "white Demanding that student clubs change ness." their names in order to conform to main stream attitudes—and sometimes for what appear to have been trivial reasons—was a lY the winter of 1919, the hon- standard practice of the student senate. At B^orar\ ' Ku Klux Klan was ready its very next meeting, for example, the sen to apply for official status and university ate rejected the application of the Anglo- recognition. Early in December it peti American Club because "the name of the tioned the student senate for a charter, which was immediately granted without discussion. At the time, at least three mem " Minutes of the Student Senate, Series 20/2/2/4-1, bers of the Ku Klux Klan honorary society Decembers, 1919, in the University of Wisconsin Archives, were themselves student senators, and two Madison. The honorary Klan senators were: Wesley Travers, Reuben Chadbourne, and William Collins. Unless otherwise noted, all subsequent citations to archival series are to be found in the University of Wisconsin Archives, whose docu- Wisconsin During World Warl" (doctoialrlissertadon, Uni mentaiT, resources proved invaluable in the writing of this versity of Minnesota, 1971). essa\'. MESSER-KRUSE: Tl IE CAMPUS KIAN organization was undesirable." No one While the Ku Klux Klan honorary soci questioned the motives of the Anglo-Ameri ety easily passed whatever litmus tests the can Club; indeed the senate stated that the senate had regarding the name and politi "purpose of the organization was worthy." cal viewpoints of campus clubs, it received Instead, the senate was concerned about a rougher reception at the next level of what the world beyond the university would bureaucratic consideration, the faculty think. " [T] he name, to an outsider, would committee on student life and interests. imply an attempt toward leaguing between When the petition of the Ku Klux Klan the United States and the British Empire," came up before this body of five professors and this, for some reason, was seen as and two deans, the committee voted to inappropriate at the time.'' postpone its approval, stating that "the The same student senate worked strenu Committee felt that it did not know enough ously to bar two leftist student organiza ofthe aims ofthe organization."''* tions from campus: the Social Science Club, Though the committee clearly had ques formerly known as the University Socialist tions about the goals ofthe honorary Klan, Club, and a pacifist organization, the New it is not clear that their concerns were con Eorixm. Despite the fact that the Social nected to the group's name. It is more likely Science Club was an established group that that the committee's apprehensions predated the senate itself, and that the stemmed from its experience with this gen senate's own constitution exempted previ eral class of undergraduate organizations. ously existing clubs from review, the senate, At the time, the half a dozen or so junior in an unprecedented action, voted to deny honorary societies were frowned upon and it recognition in January of 1920.'" A few clo.sely watched by the administration. The months later the senate went after the New university's dean of men, Scott Goodnight, Forum. Here again a group's name was an a stern and eccentric overseer of student issue. The president ofthe senate, Lawrence morals, derided them as "organizations al W. Hall, "stated his objections to the name ways in debt, their initiations, sometimes Forum because ofthe war record ofthe Old public, often end in fatalities, and their Forum. He advocated another name."" parties are very unsatisfactory. "'''After many W^hen the senate voted not to approve the episodes of violent hazings and rowdy ini cltib, it also cited the fact that one of the tiation parties, the administration had be New Forum's speakers had defended the gun to crack down. That same year, two of Milwaukee Socialist Victor Berger, and that the most prominent societies were placed the group did not conform to the "attitude on probation and ordered by the faculty ofthe Senate on radicalism."'-^ subcommittee on societies, fraternities, and politics to keep their initiation parties pri vate, not to "paddle" their pledges, and to cut out any "rough stuff" whatsoever.'"' " Minutes of the Student Senate, Series 20/2/2/4-1, Whatever the faculty oversight com Januar>7, 1920. '" Scott Goodnight to Vincent O'Shea,January 14, 1920, mittee's particular reservations, they were filed with the Minutes ofthe Student Senate, Series 20/2/2/ 4-1. See also the minutes for January 7, 1920, and the Daily Cardinal, February 27, 1920. The Social Science Club wa.s organized under the name University Socialist Club in 1907. '•- Ibid., March 3, 1920. The Student Senate was formed in 1916. See Reuben G. " Miruites ofthe Cominittee on Student Life and Inter Beiike, "Student Political Action at the University of Wiscon ests, Series 19/5/.3-1, December 11, 1919. sin, 1930-1940" (master's thesis. University of Wisconsin, " Student Life and Interests Committee, May 6, 1925. 1951), 20, and Merle Curd and Vernon Carstensen, The For anecdotes on Goodnight's character, see Robert E. University of Wisconsin: A History, iS-?,^-/925 (2 vols., Madison, (iard, University Madison U.S.A. (Madison, 1970), 58-61. 1949), 2:508. '' Subcominittee on Societies, Fraternities, and Polidcs, " Minutes ofthe Student .Senate, \pn\ 7, 1920. Jtme 1, 1920. WISCONSIN M.\(;A/JNE OF IIIS^oR^• AUTUMN, 199.^ not serious enough for the committee to campus of the symbolic connection be reject the honorary Klan's application for tween the campus honor society and the a charter. The committee did demand symbols of the Invisible Empire. Newspa that the honorary Klan submit a more per descriptions of the early activities of detailed description of its aims, but upon the honorary Klan alluded to the society's receiving it they placed the university's use of Ku KJux Klan ritual. Early in the fall stamp of approval upon the group."' semester of 1919, about thirty young men, representing various campus fraternities, PPROVAL of a group calling gathered at the Madison Club, an exclusive A^itsel f the Ku Klux Klan as an private establishment at Monona Avenue official campus organization raised not a (now Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard) ripple of concern among the student body. and East Wilson Street. The Daily Cardinal There were no editorials or letters denounc reported that as their initiation ceremony ing it in the campus newspaper. Not even progressed there came from the dining the more radically inclined students made hall "great clucking and other mysterious the issue a matter of public debate. noises known only to the Klan," which To be sure, the Ku Klux Klan was not yet finally reached such a crescendo that the a matter of national concern. In the fall of club's management threatened to throw 1919, the official Ku Klux Klan was still a the lot of them out.'^ Commenting on one regional organization whose members num of the first campus Ku Klux Klan meetings, bered less than two thousand, mostly con one Daily Cardinalwag wondered what the centrated in Alabama and Georgia. No fraternity Klansmen wore: "Klavern" (chapter) existed in Wisconsin. The brainchild of William J. Simmons— D'ya spose that they attend in sheets the revived and modernized Ku Klux KJan with eyes cut out, piercing through —was still a relatively small regional orga like gleam of intelligence, only it can't nization. It would be another year before be that with the K.K. Stewards hang the Klan connected with the advertising on to the linen closet. Masquerades genius of Atlantans Edward Young Clarke ought to be easy for that crowd.'-' and Elizabeth Tyler, who together popu larized the secret society and built it into a nationwide organization that eventually HE honorary Klan made rapid boasted millions of members.'' Tinroads into the so-called "Latin Quarter," as fraternity- row on I .angdon Street Yet, even though the Atlanta-based In was known at the time. Fraternities had in visible Empire of the Knights of the Ku creasingly dominated campus social life since Klux Klan was still a regional phenom the turn ofthe centuiy when the center ofthe enon, because ofthe popularity of Griffith's campus universe shifted away from the old film and Dixon's novel, Klan imagery was literary and debating societies. By the 1920's, well known in both the North and the fraternities were at their height of prestige South by 1919. There is evidence of an and influence, setting the pace for all campus awareness on the Universitv of Wisconsin acti\ities. Undergraduate men who did not belong to fraternities were referred to as "bar barians," or "barbs" for short.-"
"' Minutes ofthe (;ommittee on Student Life and Inter ests, Series 19/5/3-1, Januan' 15, 1920. Unfortunately the letter containing the detailed aims of the honorarv' Klan cannot be found in the University of Wisconsin .Archives. ' Daily Cardinal. October 19 and 22, 1919. '^ Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in Ike Cily, 1915- ' Ibid., October 22 and 23, 1919. i9i0 (New York,'l967), 8-9. ' (iard. University Madison U.S.A., 103. UIli(X:i)4H()19 The YMCA (left) and the Armory on Itie University ofWiscon.sin campus, about 1914.
Fraternities attracted a disproportionate spend only $13.50 for the night's entertain share of the more wealthy, elite students ments, but the fraternity man needed at who came to the university. University Presi least $37.50 to enjoy the evening in the style dent Edward A. Birgc observed that frater to which he was accustomed.^' The exist nity members "come from well-to-do fami ence of this elite student population fos lies and have much better opportunities for tered class consciousness and elitist atti preparation than the average students."-' tudes. One "disillusioned alumnus" of a Indeed, two-thirds of fraternity members Madison fraternity complained ofthe snob did not have to work to support themselves bery and narrow-mindedness that the Latin while in school.-- The class disparity be Quarter fostered: tween fraternity men and the other stu dents was especially evidenton thenightof The fraternity man firmly believes he the annual prom. It was estimated at the is better than the man who has not time that the average "barb" would need to been fortunate enough to attend col lege, if not better than the barb. Sin clair Lewis, in his Arroivsmith, defined a fraternity as a place where neckties, ~^ Edward A. Birge, General Correspondence Files, pants, and ideas were owned in com- Series 4/12/1, March 16, 1920. '-' Curti and (Airstensen, Hie University of Wisconsin: A History, 2:501. '-' Beiike, "Studeiu Political Action," 1;5-16. \\-ISCONSIN MACAZINE OF I IISrORY AU'I'UMN, 199."?
moil. Unfortunately, I have found this book, and held both the senior and sopho- to be very close to the truth. The frater ,more class presidencies. Thus, within two nity stifles any attempt to change the years of its appearance at the University of status quo through the immense pres Wisconsin, the honorary Klan had fulfilled tige of its upper classmen.-' one of the goals it had set out for itself in its constitution, namely, to "take the lead Besides dominating campus culture, fra in affairs ofthe campus."-'' ternities monopolized campus politics as well. The most prestigious and sought-after honor was to be elected senior class presi rOST of tliese campus offices were dent, and an unbroken chain of fraternity M elective positions, and some men was elected to that office between came with salaries. Such plums were hotly 1913 and 1933. Between 1920 and 1924, contested in electionswhere accusations of four of five senior class presidents were fraud and corruption were not infrequent. members ofthe honorary Ku Klux Klan.-^ Election organizers went to extraordinary lengths to combat ballot stuffing. Four work Dominance of campus politics was ac ers and one supcrx-isor were on duty at all complished only because the Latin Quar times at each polling place. The supervisors ter voted as a bloc. One ofthe functions of were to be "men above reproach, and not the junior lionorary societies was to forge susceptible to any political influence." Polls ties between fraternities, especially when were closed during the noon hour because it came to selecting candidates for office. it was considered "a bad hour for the perpe Few organizations could boast of their tration of fraud." But despite these pre members' holding as many prestigious cautions, election officials expected that offices as could the honorary Klan. For "efforts will be made to stuff ballotboxes."-' example, one not atypical year's crop of One alumnus from this era remarked in the honorary Klansmen (1921-1922) were 1930's that "campus politics are a lot cleaner members of the student senate, student than they used to be."-''* Upton Sinclair, the court, the Badger yearbook board, the socialist author of The Jungle, came to Madi alumni committee, the prom and home son in the early I920's on a speaking tour coming committees, the university tradi and later published his impressions of stu tions committee, the Campus Religious dent life at Wisconsin: Council, and ncarlyall varsity sports squads and theatrical companies. Members of that year's Ku KJux Klan also served as direc There arc the usual fraternities and tors on the YMCA cabinet, the Student sororities, organized into little snob Union board, the Memorial Union fund- bish groups, and busy with student poli drive committee, the athletic board, and tics, "log-rolling" and "back-scratch ing." If the purpose ofthe university is the Daily Cardinal board of control; in to prepare students for what they are deed, Klan members chaired many of to meet in the outside life, these things, these. During that same year, honorary Ku of course, have their place.--' Kluxers edited both the Daily Cardinal (the campus news-paper) and the Badger ye?Lr-
•'" Sampled was the honorar)' KKK class of 1921 -1922. An excerpt from the KKK's constitiuion was found in the min- '-'•' Bantu's Greek Exchange, October. 1925, p. 384. vites ofthe Conmiittec on Student Life and IiUerests, Decem -' Beiike, "Student Political Action," 15. On the cenlral- ber 11, 1919. ity offraternities to University ofWisconsin life in the 1920's, '-' ("ircular entitled "Universitv Elections Data," Series see Curti and Carstensen, 'The University ofWisconsin, 2:438, 19/8, box 5, in the "Student Senate" folder. 500, 503, 6.59. Honorary KKK senior class presidents were: •-'" Beiike, "Student Political .Action," 14. FrederickM. Bickel (1920),FrankL. Weston (1921),Guiseid '•' Upton Sinclait% The Coo.se-.Step: .A Study of :\iiirrican M. Sundt (1922), and Walter A. FrauLschi (1924). Education (Pasadena, Califoiiiia, 1922), 237.
10 •19%..
til '•'MJ* t
VVlli(X:i)42()18 7'/!g /)e/Za Kappa Epsilon fraternity house from 1909-1923 at 524 North Henry Street xoas built in 1851 l>yj. 'T. Marston as his residence. Photo taken by Dr. GeorgeE. Orsech, 1951. The house was demolished about 1962.
One of the few independent, uncen- fraternities kept their lock on these cam sored student publications of the period, 7"he pus positions. 7%(?&or](^ion denounced the Scorpion, complained about the election fraternities' grip on campus polidcs: system with its "opportunities for graft" and those "incumbents of student offices The organizations most responsible [who] have in the past somehow been able to for the present mismanagement of cam buy a car to assist them in their duties."""' pus life are Ku Klux Klan, Skull & Cres Honorary societies were one way that cent, and Inner Gate. What the jusdfi-
'" Tli£ Scorpion, April 17, 1923, p. 2, available in the C;ollegiateC;ulture, 1921-1929" (doctoral dissertation. Uni University ofWisconsin Archives, Series 20/1/2/00-6. See versity Georgia, 1972). A nephew of Upton Sinclair's, David also MoUie C. Davis, "Quest for a New America: Ferment in Sinclair, was one ofthe editors of The Scorpion.
II WISCONSIN M.AC;,-\ZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, igg,!)
cation is for the existence of these ready forging their strength into a honorary fraternities, we haven't been weapon that bodes democracy ill. able to find out. They are not sup Reckless state laws admit them to posed to be political, yet it is remark local elections without the process of able how the fitness of student candi naturalization, and inadequate natur dates for office simmers down to a alization tests put votes into their hands question of their membership in the before we firmly get English into their Ku Klux Klan.-" heads. ON TO THE MELTING-POT AND CLEAN IT O' THIS SCUM!'" The Scorpion claimed that the honorary Klan used what the paper scornfully called "effi Presumably such militant anti-immigrant cient business methods in the election." For rhetoric would have been read negatively example, every junior student's name was by some, but most Klan literature empha card-indexed and each was contacted indi sized the values of "pure "womanhood and vidually by "sleek fraternity brothers, who -with the Christian home, temperance and chas the calm, confident air that membership in tity, clean government and patriotism, white the Ku Klux Klan imparts" asked for their supremacy and protestantism, all summed support.-'^ According to The Scorpion, the hon up in the phrase "100 percent American orary Ku Klux Klan's name was an asset in ism." Such values struck a sympathetic these elections. chord in some quarters of Madison. Some of the city's most respected citizens pub licly expressed their support for the Klan, IILE the honorary Ku Klux including the Reverend Norman B. Klan oiled its campus politi WS! Henderson, pastor of the First Baptist cal machine, the official Knights ofthe Ku Church and president of both the Lion's Klux Klan targeted Madison as a promis Club and Madison's Ministerial Union. ing town in which to establish another of Similarly, a Klan lecturer gave a talk before its Klaverns, or chapters. Recruiting agents the Madison Women's Club. By the end of of the Invisible Empire arrived in the city its first year of recruitment, the Klan in August of I921.''-' While these inidal claimed a thousand members in Madison. recruiting efforts did not enlist many new Indeed, even in its denunciations, the Capi members, they did make the KKK an issue tal Times could not overlook the appeal of of interest or concern for all Madisonians. the Klan's ideology to many of its readers: In response to the arrival of official Klan organizers in Madison, both daily newspa The ugly face of the Ku Klux KJian has pers reacted negatively, filling their col appeared in Madison. An organiza umns with excerpts from KKK pamphlets tion which has behind it a history of and speeches as a means of demonstrating arson, murder and violence: a secret the Klan's intolerance. For example, order that traffics in terror, racial and Madison's Capital limes (founded in 1917 political bigotry. as a progressive forum for Old Bob La The above may seem strong to many Follette) reprinted the following passage who have, in the past, surrounded the on its editorial pages as a damning speci Ku Klux Klan with an atmosphere of men of Klan nativism: romance and chivalr)'. It may sound well to say that the Ku Klux Klan de Provocateurs of revenge and anarchy, fended the honors ofthe South and that opportunists and demagogues are al it brought protection to the women of
" The Scorpion, AprW 17, 1923, p.3. ' Wisconsin State journal, August 31, 1921. « Ibid., p. 3. ' Madison Capital Times, August 30, 1921.
12 Union Vodvil
An illustration from The Wisconsin Octopus, November, 1921, calling attention to a fund-raising show fin- the Memorial Union building.
the South. The Capital Times, how country." By October of 1921, (Congress ever, believes that no organization had opened hearings on the Klan. This, which .seeks to attain its ends through together with the expanding press cover the use of violence should find root on age, made the Klan a national issue of the American soil.'"' first rank, and also proved helpful in ex tending its recruiting drive beyond the Overall, the negative publicity accorded South. •'« the Klan by Madison's newspapers may Despite this growing frenzy of publicity, simply have publicized the hooded order's controversy, and the appearance of actual program and ideas to a larger audience KJan organizers in Madison, the honorary and, in effect, succeeded only in saving campus organization at the University of some door-to-door Klan canvassers a good Wisconsin continued under the name Ku deal of shoe leather."''' Klux Klan. Only once, apparently, did it waver. During its first year, the honorary Klan went by the name "Ku Klux Klan." ' N any event, within a few weeks. But when the honorary Klan first appeared I Governor John J. Blaine had in the Badger yearbook, it did so under the joined in the attack, calling the Klan a name "Klu Klux Klan."''-' This variant spell- "cancer on the nation," while elsewhere the New York World began a three-week ex pose of the Invisible Empire that was car ried in most of the major papers in the '' Capital 'Times, September 12, 1921. See also Kenneth T. Jacksoi->, 'The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915-1930 (New York, 1967), II. •'"/fe-rf., August 31, 1921. '" See Norman F. Weaver, "The Kuights of the Ku Klux '" See the Capital Times, August 30 and 31 and September Klan in Wisconsin, Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan" (doctoial 6,7,10,12,1921; WisconsinStatejournal, Augusl^l, 1921;and dissertation. University of Wi.sconsin, 1954), 56. Robert A. Goldberg, "The Ku Klux KJan in Madison, 1922- '" The deadline for submissions to the 1921 liadgn 1927," in the Wisconsin Magazine of History, 58:31-44 (Au yearbookfell in the winter of 1919-1920. Each yearbook was tumn, 1974). dated for the year following its release.
13 WIS(:(5NSIN M.A(;.AZINE OF IILS IOR'!' AuruMN, igg.^i ing of the name was assuredly not a typo Prejudice was so accepted a part of white graphical error. Two of the editors of the American culture in this age that bigotry 1921 Badger {d'd.ied ayear prior to publica was routinely put on public display. Official tion) were themselves members ofthe hon events and celebrations of the university orary Klan, including Charles Wesley often included derogatory parodies of ra Travers, the editor-in-chief" Madison's cial minorities. counterpart campus Klan at the University For example, the Engineers' Minstrels, of Illinois also added the "1" to the spelling hailed as the "brightest event" of Wiscon of their name in that year's ///zoyearbook, sin's 1920 homecoming celebration, was a suggestingadegree of concert between the revival of an annual event that began in two campus Klans."' 1903 but had lapsed during World War I."'' Then, some time in 1920, the Madison This university-sponsored event was billed group changed the name back to Ku Klux as a "regular old-fashioned niggerjubilee" Klan. This occtnred at the very same time featuring "seventy sons of St. Patrick." that Col. Simmons' moribund organiza White performers, smeared in burnt cork tion, invigorated by the promotional zeal of and bearing nicknames such as "Bones," Edward Clarke and Elizabeth Tyler, began "Snow Ball," "Dew-Drop," "Dum Bell," its takeoff to national notoriety. The year "Tambo," "Sassafras," and "Rasttis," pa 1920 was a spectacular year for the national raded about the campus, to the delight of Klan; over 100,000 members were enrolled visiting alumni, campus officials, and stu within eighteen months."-That the leader dents alike. The songs that the minstrels ship ofthe honorary Klan stuck by its name, sang exuded racism; the numbers had even after experimcntingwith changing it, titles such as "Everyone's Happy," "I Love indicates that they had no concern that the Land of Old Black Joe," and "When I they might be confused with the official See All the Loving They Waste on the Invisible Empire. At the very least, it also Babies." implies their tacit support for the values Such minstrel shows were of course a espoused by the Klan. common form of entertainment among white Americans in this era, and Madisonians flocked to commercially pro -'•' Homecoming 1920, souxenii-program, p. 37 (copy in the author's private collection). There were earlier University "' DeWitt \'an Pinkerton edited the ".Social FuncUons" minstrel shows; for example, something called the U.W. section ofthe yearbook. He and Travers both appear with the Minstrels was orgai-iized in 1897. See Card, University Madison honoran- KKK in the 1921 and 1922 yearbooks. Their affili U.S.A.,?,20. ation with the yearbook staff is noted in their senior profiles " Capital'Iimes,¥ebruArs' 16and 17,1926; Wisconsin State in the 1922 Badge): Journal, February 14, 1926; copies of both in the Ernest H. " /too yearbook, 1921, p. 521. Pett Papers, Wisconsin State .Archives, .State Historical Soci ''- See Jackson, Ku Klux Klan in the City, 9-11. ety ofWisconsin. 14 UWXc-g Ml84 I'fom the cast of the Engineers' Minstrels at Homecoming, 1920. Episcopal Church of Madison, the show Do you remember way back when a was twice more repeated.*' Several years red-headed nigger with cross eyes later the Madison Masonic Band per caught a black rabbit in a graveyard at formed a minstrel show that included a midnight Friday the thirteenth under "rastus dance," a "Pickaninny song," and a full moon? We couldn't get the concluded with a "quaint southern cotton nigger—he's dead—but we found the picking scene." The enduring popularity nigger that's got the left hind leg ofthe of minstrelsy was once more reaffirmed as rabbit. Here he is. He won't show you the show at the Masonic Temple sold out the rabbit-leg; not much; maybe he and a second performance had to be sched won't even tell you he's got it; but he uled to accommodate the demand."' has. That's what makes him so wild. Look out for him.*' In all such minstrel performances, Afri can-Americans were notjust a medium for It is worth noting, perhaps, that none of the comedy, but were themselves the object the advertisements or programs of the of ridicule. But even by the racist standards other Madison minstrel productions con of minstrelsy, the university's homecoming tained such language. production of 1920 was unusually vicious. The souvenir program—an official univer sity publication subject to administration ' HE honorary Klan played a cen censorship—invited the audience to "Laugh Ttra l role in producing thatyear's at the songs, laugh at the dancing, laugh at homecoming program and was also re the niggers." Four ofthe leading characters sponsible for the promotion of the Engi ofthe minstrel show were individually pro neers' minstrel show. Two members of the filed in the program. One sample will suf honorary Klan, William Sale and George fice to set the tone: Geiger, contributed toward writing and producing the souvenir program. The -*' Capital 'Times, March 4, 1928, copy in the Pett Papers. "'* Ibid., March 10, 1928, copy in the Pett Papers. ' fbid. 15 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1993 Some of the Ends You see that nigger with sort of a half-worried look? .Maybe you think he's a waiter worrying about his next tip. Oh, no; you're way wrong. That nigger's a genuine king, brought over from the banks of the Limpopo River especially for this show; and he's not used to all this noise and commotion. Right now he's \vorr}'ing about that man up there in white; he looks sober enough, but you can't ever tell what he's going to do next. Tambo wants to laugh at him, but he doesn't quite dare. Watch him, Tambo! bJere's a man from the Sunny South—from i-vain- tucky: and he's lonesome; he wants to go home. Me doesn't like us very well. He's grinning now, though; because somebody cracked a loke he just couldn't resist. \ ou can see he's trv'ing to feel blue; but he can't help laughing, the show- is so funnv. This nigger's name is Bones—can't you just see him watch those rolling ivories? "Read 'em and weep —wait till you hear him smg it. It's a knock-out and so is he! Do \'Our remember way back when a red-headed nigger \vith cross eyes caught a black rabbit in a grave yard at midnight Friday the thirteenth under a full moon? We couldn't get the nigger—he's dead—but we found the nigger that's got the left hind leg of the rabbit. bdere he is. bde won't show you the rabbit- leg; not much; maybe he won't even tell you he's got it; but he has. That's what makes him so wild. Look out for him. 16 MESSFR-KRLISE: THE CAMPUS KLAN chairmen of both thatyear's homecoming committee and ofthe homecoming alumni committee, Lothrop Follett and Kenneth Ede, were also prominent honorary Klan members. Even the minstrel show's or chestra director. Nelson Fairbanks, was later to be elected to the honorary Klan.^*^ Other major university events in these years also reflected the racial exclusivity of campus society and of American culture generally. In the spring of 1921, for ex ample, the major event of the .social season was the University Circus, a gala review to which each organization and fraternity con tributed an act. Phi Gamma Delta, the par ent fraternity ofthe honorary Ku Klux Klan, put on blackface and marched as a "colored band," while some members ofthe honor ary Klan, in keeping with their more elite status, put on a display of their equestrian skills. Unfortunately, a rain-storm caused L'WXc-g MIHS! the event to be moved indoors into the stock pavilion, hampering the planned sale of what the Daily Cardinal called "nigger- baby dolls."*' Sometimes degrading racial parodies were aimed at specific individuals. The Smith Orchestra, a black dance band that often performed for Madison's campus fra ternities, was lampooned during the Uni versity Circus Parade of 1920. Among the floats that year was one featuring young men dressed in blackface and musicians' costumes clowning atop afloat whose ban ner read, "Smith Bros. Cough Drop Band of Tennessee." Racial caricature was a popular source of humor in most campus publications, espe cially the campus humor magazine. The Octopus. Nor was such racist ridicule re stricted to African-Americans; Italians, IVV \rg MIff2 Asians, andjews were mocked as well. The '" Sec Homecoming 1920, p. 9, for full listings. One honorary Klan member, "versatile Jim" Brader, played four Left, a page from the 1920 Homecoming souvenir program different blackface roles in a similar minstrel show held two and, above, two of the performers from that show. years later. For Brader's activities, see the Daily Cardinal, February 2, 1922. *''Daily Cardinal, May 21, 2.?, and 26, 1920. 17 THE WISCONSIN OCTOPUS i:l THE LEADING MAN'S LAST ACT A cartoon from The Wisconsin Octopus, March, 1922. campus cartoonists distorted the figures of W^isconsin. Every issue of Banta's, like most each targeted group according to prevail other American newspapers and maga ing racist stereotypes and placed them in zines, included a humor section that fre situations that expressed whites' beliefs in quently included racist jokes. But in July their moral or physical inferiority. Thus, of 1921, George Banta, the publisher, wrote blacks were associated with gambling and a contrite and unusually enlightened edi violence; southern Europeans were knock- torial in response to a reader's complaint kneed oafs; Jews were obsessed with about the racist content of his journal's money.'" joke page: While such racial and ethnic stereotypes permeated American popular culture dur We have a letter wxitten by a subscriber ing the 1920's, not everyone, even within to the Greek Exchange in which ex the fraternity world, approved of them or ception is taken to certain skits which took them for granted. Practically every appear in the March Greek Exchange fraternity subscribed to Banta's Greek Ex in the more or less humorous section change, the premierjournal ofthe fraternity appearing under the caption, "All world, a monthly published in Menasha, Sorts." He does take exception to cer tain little theoretically humorous para graphs, and we are perfectly frank to say his criticism is well founded. W^e have on the stage what have come ••" See 'The Oclopu.s, Maixh, 1922 (Vol. 'i, no. 6), p. }?,; April, 1920 (\'ol. I. no. 4), p. 14; and May, 1922 (Vol. 3, no. to be known as the "stage Irishman," 8). See also the Liberty Badger. 1920, p. 584. "stage darkey," "stage Jew," and so on. MKSSER-KRUSE: THE CAMPUS KIAN There is only one redeeming feature first time to confront seriously his own that we know in connection with these racial identity. He had come to Wisconsin conventional beings and that is the from a black high school in Washington, entire absence of any malice in the D.C., and he knew that the issue of his race hearts of their creators and users when would be paramount. He determined to they dust them off and bring them out keep quiet on the question of his own iden and begin pulling the strings which set tity unless specifically asked about it. As he them to dancing. later wrote of his experience: The editor believes that he has, through life, pretty faithfully observed In my body were many bloods, some an early made rule to promptly admit a dark blood, all blended in the fire of mistake or error whenever he discov six or more generations. In my own ers that he has made a mistake or fallen mind I could not see the dark blood as into error. And we are prompt to say something quite different and apart. that these little fool skits such as those But if people wanted to say this dark to which he refers, have no place in the blood was Negro blood and if they pages of this magazine. They are harm then wanted to call me a Negro—this less, it is true, and they are without was up to them."'-' malice, but they are foolfsh and they are not funny. We therefore apologize The issue of his racial identity proved and admit the error.'' Toomer's undoing at the University of Wisconsin. Because he was black, he could As George Banta seemed to be saying, not belong to a fraternity. As a conse the victims of campus displays of bigotry quence, he was handicapped when he tried were not abstractions, but actual people. to run for class president, and he withdrew Though Wisconsin was an overwhelmingly from the contest. He soon grew deeply white university, it was not exclusively so. A disillusioned about his fellow students: "I handful of black students attended the was convinced that the majority of people university throughout the 1920's. Three were uncritical and fickle, attracted to glit African-Americans joined the freshman ter, never examining the worth of their class in 1923; the following year one Afri idols, merely following the shifting winds can-American was graduated. As late as of popularity."'* 1927, only six blacks were enrolled.'^^ Of those few who attended the university in the World War I era, the best known was JeanToomer, adescendantof the African- ALTHOUGH the number of American governor of Louisiana during JTX. African-Americans at the Uni Reconstruction, P.B.S. Pinchback. Toomer versity ofWisconsin was minuscule, there later achieved fame as a member of the was a sizable foreign contingent. In I92I, Harlem Renaissance and author of the for example, over twenty countries were acclaimed novel CMUC. represented among the university's seven Toomer attended the university for a little over a semester in the fall of 1914, and it was in Madison that he was forced for the '' See the W. W. Norton & Co. Oitical Edition of Jean Toomer's Cane, edited by Danvin Turner (New York, 1988), 125.1 would like to thank John Brennan for directing me to Toomer's work. '' Quoted from Nellie McKay, 'Jean Toomer in Wiscon " Banta's(jreekExchange(•puh\\%hec\ in Menasha, Wiscon sin," in Jean 'Toomer: A Critical Evaluation, ed. by Therman B. sin),July, 1921 (Vol. 9, no. .S), p. 161. O'Daniel (Howard University Press,Washington,D.C., 1988), ''' Crois.July, 1923 (Vol. 6, no. .3), p. 116;July, 1924 (Vol. 51. Toomer later married Margery Latimer of Portage, Wis 28, no. 3), p. 110; August, 1928 (Vol. 35, no. 8), p. 260. consin. They had one child, a daughter. 19 U W Neg M173 'The Smith Bros. Cough Drop Band in the University ofWisconsin circus parade. May, 1920. thousand students. Of these, more than bulletin board.) Allen was arrested for sixty were from China, the Philippines, assault and battery and pled guilty to the and Japan.'-' For these students, the doors charge, though he justified his actions by to full participation in campus life were pointing out Schen's "misconduct" for ques closed. Then as now, the effects of isola tioning him about the bulletin board. The tion and loneliness sometimes produced judge went easy on Allen and let him off tragedy, as in 1921, when the body of a with a fine of $5."" young Chinese student, Y. F. Chon, was University administrators did not make found floating in Lake Mendota. Chon racial issues a priority. Indeed, Dean Scott had apparently committed suicide after Goodnight denied that there were any being depressed for "lack of friends and ill racial problems on campus at all. When an health."''' Sometimes racial animositv as- official of another university wrote to J sumed more open forms, as it had earlier Goodnight and asked him how foreign stu in the same year when Leo Schen, a Japa dents were received at the U.W., Goodnight nese student, was beaten by another stu answered: dent, Thomas Allen. (Schen had accu.sed Allen of ripping notices off the YMCA " 'The Exposition Nexus, Vol. 3 (1921), p. 4. •" Capital'limes, August M, 1921, the headline for which * Daily Cardinal, August 2, 1922. reads, "Student Fined for Assault Upon Jap." 20 -^-^filS^^y: UW Neg Ml78 The Smith Orchestra playing at a Sigma CM parly, March, 1920. . . . [A]s far as I know there is no ill ternities were racially segregated, 40 per feeling or friction whatsoever. Orien cent of all fraternity members nationwide tals do not, of course, shine in the belonged to fraternities that specifically lim social world and rarely appear in social ited membership to "Aryans" or "Cauca activities. They are not members of sians. " Of course, race was not the only bar fraternities, but I know of few class to fraternity membership; religion and discriminations against them.'^^ national origin were also prescribed by many fraternities. Both African-American Inadvertently, perhaps. Goodnight over and Jewish students therefore founded looked the fact that the fraternity system their own separate fraternities—fraterni was strictly segregated. This was just as ties which .subsequently confronted the true for fraternities north of the Mason- same Jim Crow attitudes when they were Dixon line as for those in the South. Ac refused admission to the national organi cording to the fraternities' own National zation of fraternities, the National Inter Interfraternity Conference, while all fra fraternity Conference.'-' "'" Dean Goodnight to Prof. A. E. Martin, January 24, •'" InteifralerTiity Conference Minutes, Interfraternity Con 1921, General Correspondence Files, 1920-1945, Series 19/ ference, 16th session, 1924, pp. 134-135. For details ofthe 2/1-1, box 1, folder M. IC's own segregation policy, see the minutes ofthe Special 21 UWNfgM.Sl lib Advertising the 1916 Engineers' Minstrels. University ofWisconsin fraternities were a drama and mu.sical sorority, required in no exceptions to this rule. Racially exclu 1927 that all members "be of the Cauca sive membership provisions were the norm sian branch of the Aryan race," and Rho in this period. For example, the constitu Epsilon Delta, a coeducational society, con tion of Alpha Theta (the local chapter of fined its members to "Redheaded, (]hris- Beta Phi Theta), approved by the university tians of the white race of acceptable social administration and the student senate in status."''" 1924, required that "persons to be eligible Each of these fraternal charters was scru for membership shall be male and white, tinized and approved by both the Student and of the Aryan race." The 1923 charter Life and Interests Committee (led by Dean of Chi Upsilon (the local chapter of Sigma of Men Goodnight) and by the Student Pi Sigma) went one step further and speci Senate (which was dominated by the hon fied that "persons to be eligible for mem orary Ku Klux Klan). There is no evidence bership shall be male and white, of the that any charter was ever rejected on the Aryan race and not a member ofthe Semitic basis of a discriminatory membership clause. race." Indeed, some fraternities engaged Rather, the University treated the charters in even finer racial hairsplitting. Phi Beta, ''" .Alpha Theta chatter filed with Beta Phi Theta records; Chi Upsilon charter in Sigma Pi Sigma folder; both in Dean .Meeting of the Exectitive C^ommittee ofthe Intetfraternity of Student Affairs, Office of Fraternities and Student Orga- Conference, November, 1923, in the Thomas A. Clark Pa nizadons, Inactive Fraterniues and Student Organizations pers, Series 41/2/1, box 36, University of Illinois. files. University ofWisconsin Archives. 22 fWNrgXi! The University's circus parade passing the State Street side of the Historiccd Society, about 1921. with bureaucratic indifference. After the dents on campus and their numbers grew fledgling Beta Sigma Pi fraternity submit throughout the decade. Jewish students ted its charter for approval. Dean Goodnight were shut out from many campus activities, commented that "their constitution is on and by the later part of the decade Jewish file with us and is a nicely drawn document students confronted the open anti-Semitism adequate for the purpose." The Beta Sigma of landlords and other proprietors who Pi charter specified that its membership placed signs in their windows stating that was to be limited to American citizens, Jews would not be admitted. The editor of "Christian Protestants, and shall not in the HUM Review, the newsletter ofthe Uni clude persons of the Jewish Race or ofthe versity of Wisconsin'sjewish student orga Catholic faith.'"'' nization ofthe same name, described what While there were but a handful of Afri campus life was like in the 1920's: can-American and foreign students on cam pus throughout the I920's, there was a relatively large number of Jewish students. The Jew on the campus then was lost, By 1926 there were at least 550 Jewish stu- literally lost, in a mad whirl of collegiate activity, which swirled at a dizzy pace over his head. Others were organized, others were provided for. He, because he was a Jew, was left out. He was alone in a society of indifferent '•' Goodnight's note is in Beta Sigma Pi folder, t^ean of Student Affairs, Office of Fraternities and Student Organi organization.s—functioning, but not zations, Inactive Fraternities and Student Organizations files. for him. The Jew, alone, became dis- 23 WISCONSIN M.A(;AZINE OF IIISIOR^ AUTUMN. 1993 jL JL. i^ / L LJI Cc. / L i_^ (_/ \^ LxZ' L y OfJicen BEN W 1 .SHXT-;LSKY . P resilient C-LARA M()NI-RIL:D Vice-President BERIHA YABROF-F . Secretary SAMUEL CjOLr>MAX Treasurer Cartoon illuslralion for tlie Menorali Society from ;/ic Liberty Badger, 1920. cotiraged, cynical in his outlook, and long, hooked noses and drooping mus was withotit the encouragement and taches, their arms crooked in a sinister the impetus to get the most out of his shrug, a bulging money bag at their feet. university life.''- (Kenneth Hailey, art editor for the Badger thatyear, was one ofthe founding members Anti-Semitism was as much a part ofthe ofthe honorary Ku Klux Klan.)''-' university cidture as were the racist carica tures paraded about in the campus min strel shows. Just as the stereotyping of/-Afri can-Americans was officially tolerated by ,F all the social institutions in the administration, anti-Semitic caricatures O' and around the university, were passed by university censors. In the the one most accessible to minority stu 1920 edition of the Badger yearbook an dents was the Young Men's Christian Asso anti-Semitic illustration was printed on ciation. The YMCA was the very hub of the page devoted to the Menorah Society, student activities on campus. Its handsome the onlyjewish club on campus at the time. building, located on Langdon Street next It portrayed a pair of Jews, both bald, with "' Liberty liadger, 1920, \i. 584. Kenneth Harlev's student lestime and honoran KKK affiliation are noted in the 1921 "•' Hillellieview, November 6, 1926 (\'ol. ?,, no. 3), p. 2. edition ofthe Badger. 24 MESSER-KRUSE: IHE CAMPUS KIAN to where the Memorial Union would later tional students. Three goals directed their be built, sat at the crossroads where campus activities: "to provide social contacts for ended and the "Latin Quarter" began. foreign students outside of their national Since it was one of the few places in Madi groups," "to afford opportunities to for son where foreign students could find eign students to learn to know the Ameri rooms, the YMC^A became the closest thing can people as they really are and what they the university had to an international resi stand for," and "to help foreign students dential hall. to know Christ." Unambiguously, the re The YMCA's management and student port went on to state that "the more im directors proclaimed a liberal membership portant of our objectives, [is] namely the policy. "The association is proud ofthe fact American and Christian contacts." More that in addition to young men from all the over, there was a sense of urgency to this Protestant denominations, the Roman work: Catholics andjews are among its most ac tive committee workers," read one state The foreign students who are attend ment: ing the University of Wisconsin will presently return to their native coun Membership in the Y.M.C.A. is open to tries either more inclined to Christian every man who signs the application ity and its civilization or else antagonis saying he believes in the object of the tic to Christianity.'''' association and desires to assist in its work. [TJhere is no line drawn here The committee mapped out a strategy whatsoever.''* for properly inculcating Christian values and American ideals into the breasts of To better organize and supervise its vari the foreigner by exposing them to Chris ous programs for international students, tian homes. First, a party was to be thrown the YMCA established a Foreign Student for the foreign students in the comfort Committee. Housing discrimination was able surroundings of the YMCA. As hosts one of the first issues that the committee and hostesses, "four or more 'key couples'" tackled, though it did so without challeng were to be "picked with great care by the ing discrimination itself. The committee committee." They in turn were to arrange helped foreign students to accommodate for other parties in "the finest representa themselves to the prejudice they faced. The tive homes of Madison." This second round committee compiled a list of all the land of parties was to be more formal, and lords who did not discriminate, in order to explicit instructions were given on how to help the foreign student avoid the "embar word the invitations to be sent to the rassment and chagrin in answering ads for foreign students. The proselytizing pur rooms only to be told that foreigners are pose of the evening was not to be men not wanted."''' tioned: "[W]e are putting them in Chris From one ofthe extant planning reports tian homes but this fact need not be in ofthe Foreign Student Committee, it seems cluded in the invitation." Finally the "key clear that the Ys organized social activities couples" were to recruit more willing mar were motivated by an agenda that went far ried American couples to attend these beyond its publicly stated aim of providing parties, in the ratio of one married couple recreation and social contacts for interna- with a home for each pair of international students. Care was taken so as to conform to the prevailing racial norms of exclusion: "-' Daily Cardinal, October 22, 1919. "•'University YMCA Manual, 1921-1922,Series51/5,box 1, pp. 105-106, University ofWisconsin Archives. ' Ibid 25 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1993 The couples and their assignees are to sit together at the banquet. The stu dents should be assigned to the couples beforehand respecting the race preferences of the couples. It is understood beforehand that the couples will tender an invitation to dinner to the foreign students with whom they eat at the banquet. . . this plan, carried to its desired complete ness, acts as one of the finest agents for missionary education.'" Finally, and with the mmost delicacy, the greatest pitfall of socializing was touched on. In matters of sexuality, the barriers of race were to be firmly main tained: Beware of homes where there are daughters ofthe com ting age for Uni versity men, for these boys with whom you are working miss greatly the so cial life and as soon as they meet a girl UW Neg Ml76 who shows them ver\' much attention, Lothrop "Bud"F. Follett, 1919. they will carry the thing cither to an undesirable end or put the girl in an embarrassing position.''*^ the gathering, Follett "told of the ideals and purposes ofthe organization and of its plans •IVEN the importance of the for the future" before an appreciative group G"YMC A in univer.sit)' life, it is not that numbered forty.)"" surprising that members ofthe honorar)' Klan The activities of the YMCA and that of were prominent in the Ys decision-making the campus Ku Klux Klan were closely inter bodies. As members of the YMCA cabinet. twined. Like many other student clubs, the Honorary Klan members Alfred Taylor, honorary Klan sometimes held its meetings Lothrop Follett, and Charles Wesley Travers in the Ys conference rooms.'' When the set policy for the local Y Honorary Klan YMCA embarked on its annual campus football star Frank "Red" Weston was de fund drive in the fall of 1919, it relied upon scribed as being "entirely active in the 'Y.'"''-' the honorary Ku Klux Klan to organize its "Bud" Follett, one ofthe founders and presi canvass among the campus fraternities. dent of the campus Klan, was also active in The .solicitations by the honorary Klan were the YMCA fellowship group, where he was highly .successful in raising funds. The Ys the featured speaker on November 20, 1919. finance director boasted that with this strat- (His topic that night was "The Ku Klux Klan." According to the secretary's report of '" "Report of Fellowship Conuiiittee for the Scholasuc Year 1919-1920," YMCAHistorical Documents, Series 51/1, ''" Ibid.,p. 108. box 18, folder 10 (endded "Program Materials"). See also "" Ibid.,p. 113. Daily Cardinal, November 18 and 19, 1919. '" Daily Cardinal, October 22, 1919. "' Daily Ciirdinal, October 25, 1921. 26 MESSER-KRUSE: THE CAMPUS KIAN egy he had "perfected an effective system for carrying on the campaign.""^ ^HE campus Klan's early asso T.ciatio n with the YMCA was quite o consisent -with the later national Invisible Empire's political agenda. Both organizations were avowedly, even militantly. Christian; both supported "Americanism" and the "Americanization" of foreign immigrants. For example, some ofthe funds raised by the honorary Ku Klux Klan were to go toward the YMCA's Americanization programs, which were aimed at extending the Ys acti-yi- ties beyond the campus by performing "help ful work for true citizenship among for eign-born elements of the population in Madison." The Yhad recentiy establfshed an Americanization Department, whose first project was to conduct a survey of foreigners in Madison with the help of prominent University of Wisconsin faculty members. Eventually the Y expanded its American ization work by holding English classes and l-WNfgM18() cooperating with the university women who F. Laurence "Red " Weston, about 1919. were carrying on settlement and charity work in Madison's main immigrant neigh borhood, that principally Italian area near the juncture of Park and Regent streets that involved much more than simply at known locally as "Greenbush" or simply taining the legal status of citizenship. "The Bush."^-' Americanization was a movement of two The honorary Ku Klux Klan took an minds. It expressed ideals of social be active interest in the "problem" of Mad nevolence and uplift while simultaneously ison's immigrant population. It cooper demanding a loyalty conceived in both ated with the YMCA in its Americanization political and cultural terms. It was a hybrid work by organizing a series of charity din idea that originated in the 1890's, braided ners for children from the Italian district (some might say twisted) from strands of at Christmas time. Each fraternity and so progressive social settlement experience rority house adopted several Italian young and the patriotic xenophobia of national sters for an evening, giving them dinner istic societies such as the Daughters of the and entertainments complete with "games, American Revolution. On the eve of World Christmas trees and stunts of all kinds." War I the progressive tendencies had the But to the YMCA and honorary Klan orga upper hand. A national campaign begun nizers, "Americanization" was a process in 1915 to encourage naturalization car ried forth the tolerant slogan, "Many Peoples, But One Nation." But with the spread of the war in Europe, the move '•' Ibid., October 22, 1919. " Ibid, October 22, 1919; see also March 23, 1920. ment was swept up by a wave of nationalis- 27 WISCONSIN MAG.AZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 199,3 tic fervor. A greater emphasis was placed tisrn rather than by the progressive ideals of on severing the ties between immigrants toleration that reigned before the war. Madi and their native cultures, the better to son charities targeted their efforts on what instill loyalty to the United States. Reflect they perceived as the lawless and alien pres ing its lessened tolerance for cultural di ence in their midst, thereby doing their part versity, the campaign before long changed to ensure the preservation of the republic or its slogan to "America First."'•* a secure homefront during the war. The In 1916 the Americanization crusade Madison Methodist Union, which in 1915 caught on among Madison's religious and established a small Methodist church to min philanthropic community. That year, an ister to the largely Catholic Italian commu influential study was made of the housing nity, viewed conversion to Protestantism as a conditions in the Italian community by a prerequisite of "Americanization." Italians, university undergraduate, Henry Barn- the Union's report for 1920 concluded, brock, Jr. Barnbrock deflated a few of the "need the Go.spel of Christ, or they may deeply held myths about the Greenbush become sceptics, anarchists. Black Hands, neighborhood. He showed that the squalid infidels, or what not."''' conditions were attributable not to the Neighborhood House, a social settle dirtiness of the immigrants but rather to ment established in the Italian commu the indifference of the city administra nity on the heels of Rev. Blakeman's trash tion, which refused to collect trash and campaign, emphasized inculcating Ameri even used vacant lots in the area to dump can culture, including holding classes in the city's refuse. Barnbrock accused the American-style cooking. The American city courts of discriminating against Ital ization advocate's emphasis on American ians who petitioned for naturalization, and culture defined the immigrant's folkways he exposed the profiteering of landlords as inferior. This assumption of cultural who offered only the most dilapidated superiority in turn created a paternalistic buildings to their immigrant tenants." In relationship between charity workers and the national climate of agitation for "Ameri their immigrant clients. In the words of canization," the young student's study had Gay Braxton, head resident of Neighbor a galvanizing effect upon Madison's social hood House: "We find the foreigner is activists. Soon after Barnbrock completed much like a child in many respects."'" his thesis, the Rev. Edward Blakeman of Likewise, the YMCA's "Americanization" University Methodist Church led a group programs were aimed at inculcating white, of over a dozen different charitable orga Protestant culture, along with civic ideals. nizations to force the city to clean up its The Ys strategy papers describe well the dumps in the Bush. cultural thrust of their efforts: But like their national counterparts, Madison's advocates of Americanization There is great need for students to work were often motivated by a narrow patrio- amongst the boys of the .settlement district. This type of work is one ofthe best mediums in reaching the parents "' John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American the more nearly the work can be brought Nativism, 1860-1925 (Atheneiim, New York, 1973; originally published 1963), 235-243. "'John A. Valenune, "A Study in Institutional American- izafion: The A.ssimilative History of the Italian-American ''' Madison Press Connecticm, August 19, 1978; Valentine, Community of Madi.son, Wisconsin" (master's thesis. Uni "Study in Institutional Americanizanon," especially chap versity of Wisconsin, 1967), 111-112; Henry Barnbrock,Jr., ter 4. "Housing Conditions ofthe Italian Community in Madison, '' "Head Resident [Gay Biaxton] Reports and Talks," Wisconsin" (senior thesis, University ofWisconsin, 1916), 11, October, 1922, in Neighborhood House Records, Wi.scon.sin 27, 33, 71-72, State .Archives, State Historical Society ofWisconsin. 28 MESSER-KRUSE: THE (AMPUS KLAN to the every day life ofthe immigrant, the ture that branded all racial and ethnic more effective it will be in changing his minorities with some token of criminality. mode of living and his customs.™ The Greenbush was not the most lawless area of Madison, but it was the most cultur ally diverse. Along with Italians of Sicilian HAT Madison's Italians were origin, the Bush was the home of most of T the only foreign-born popula Madison's Jews and a high proportion of tion targeted by this program reveals the its small African-American population. cultural intolerance of its underlying logic. Although the Bush was less than a mile For in fact Italians were not the most nu from the boundaries of the campus, the merous immigrant group; nearly three cultural distance separating it from the times as many immigrants from Germany, university community was daunting. Many and twice as many from Norway, came to students from the university who partici Madison during the 1920's. But in Madi pated in YMCA Americanization programs son, "immigrant" and "Italian" tended to also volunteered at the Neighborhood be synonymous. As the authors ofthe most House. Women from the Chi Omega so complete sociological study of Madison in rority sponsored sewing classes; fraternity this era complained: men, with help from the YMCA, organized athletic events in the neighborhood. By "Littie Italy" is so frequentiy mentioned the 1920's, Neighborhood House had be by the "natives" that one would suppose come so reliant on the volunteer labor of it contained the major proportion of all undergraduates that it had to curtail its the foreign-born. As a matter of fact, programs during the summer recess. How [the Italians] constitute but 11 per cent ever, the effectiveness of these volunteers of all the foreign-born in the city.™ was compromised by their lack of expo sure to immigrant folkways and culture. "Littie Italy," or the Bush, was perceived by Head resident Gay Braxton knew how dif Madisonians as being the most lawless neigh ficult it was for campus volunteers to work borhood in town.*^" This perception was just with the immigrants. The university girls, as erroneous as the commonly held belief she complained, needed "constant super that all immigrants were Italian. The district vision" because "they have few ideas of that included the Greenbush did not ac their own for work, they have had no count for the greatest number of per capita contacts with foreigners or children as arrests; that distinction went to districts of they are getting at Neighborhood House the city overwhelmingly populated by native- born whites. As is true generally, crime in Madison during the 1920's correlated to a higher degree with income than it did with ethnicity.''*' ^' Ofthe top five districts in terms of arrest statistics, four The perception ofthe Greenbush being were also in the bottom five for median income. See Young, 'Lhe Madison Community, 221, 228. One of the university's a den of thieves was shaped within a cul- most famous professors, the historian Frederick Jackson Turner (then retired), referredin 1925 to "the Italian 'hooch' which is bringing discredit upon one of the Madison dis tricts. There is a corner there called 'death's corner,' because of the number of people who have been shot on suspicion '"University \WCA Manual, 1921-1922, Series51/5,box that they were [police] spies. But the elective judges give l,p. 151. them short sentences or mere fines when these lawbreakers '" Kimball Young, 'TheMadison Community (University of are caught, so that Sicily in Madison flourishes." See Ray Wisconsin, Madison, 1934), 31-32. Allen Billington, ed., "Dear Lady": The letters of Frederick "" David V. Mollenhoff, Madison: A History of the Formative Jackson 'Turner and Alice Forbes Perkins Hooper, 1910-1932 (San Years (Dubuque, Iowa, 1982), 425. Marino, California, 1970), 365. 29 WISCONSIN MACJAZINE OF HISfORY AUTUMN, 1993 and are therefore unable to meet the prob The News Sheet, house organ of the lems in a wise, healthful sort of way."*"'^ YMCA, praised "the splendid action" of the "leaders in student activity in the Uni versity who planned this student raid" who ''HILE the sorority women had demonstrated their "initiative, cour Wltende d to express the progres age, [and] moral fiber." So important was sive, charitable side of Americanization, the work of cleaning up the immigrant some of its fraterniU' men upheld the more neighborhoods that not only did the fu coercive tradition of "Americanization." ture of the university depend upon it, but On occasion, this involved outright interven the very future of the republic did. The tion in matters of public policy and law News ,%eei( editorialized: "If we are going to enforcemeuL (This was of course the era of surround our young men and women with America's "noble experiment," and in Madi places of vice, and dens where the breeder son, as elsewhere in Wisconsin, the illicit of vice is sold, these young men and women traffic in liquor went on more or less openly who are training themselves to take places in defiance ofthe law.) In the spring of 1921, of leadership in their respective commu the university's "most prominent student nities will develop a type of leadership in leaders" decided to take the law into their whose hands the future would be quite own hands and conduct a liquor raid on the unsafe."**' Greenbush, where "blind pigs" were com The students' raid on "Little Italy" in 1921 mon and the bootieg liquor flowed freely. was a pre-yiew of the raids conducted by the Student leaders staked out the area, col real Madison Eaiights of the Ku Klux Klan lected the affidavits necessar)' to obtain war three years later. Then, following the mur rants, and, bypassing the Madison police, der of a Madison policeman in the heart of called in federal liquor control officers. Fed the Greenbush and the arrest of two Italians eral officers were preferred, because the for the crime, the Ku Klux Klan began to students did not trust the local police, many canvass the Bush for e-vddence of liquor deal of whom were ethnic minorities themselves, ing. Botties of liquor were brought back to to enforce the prohibition against liquor. A the Klan headquarters on the Capitol Square large force of federal officers responded to as evidence. Under political pressure to do the call and, with the student leaders, de something to "clean up" "Littie Italy"—and, scended upon the Greenbush neighbor like the earlier student raiders, distrusting hood. In a single night, eight Italian mer the loyalty of his own police force in matters chants were arrested and 300 gallons of of-vice enforcement—Madison Mayor I. Milo liquor confiscated.**'' Kittieson deputized thirty Klansmen and sent As most of those who could be described them under the leadership of seven trusted as "student leaders" of the university were policemen on a raid into the Greenbush also members of the Ku Klux Klan honor neighborhood. This time fifteen arrests ary society, it seems likely that at least some were made.**'' of their members were involved in the raid. Indeed, the Daily Cardinal hinted obliquely that the raid was the work of the honorar)' Klan when it noted a short time later: 'The following are havdng spring prac *" 'The News Sheet ["Published. . . by the students con tice: 1. The football team 2. Ku Klux Klan."*** nected with the Y.M.C.A. "], April, 1921 (Vol. 1, no. 6), p. 2. »-* Daily Cardinal, April 8, 1921. '-' The News Sheet, April 1921 (Vol. 1, no. 6), p. 2. "" Goldberg, "The Ku Klux Klan in Madison," Wisconsin "- "Head Resident [Gay Braxton] Reports and Talks," Magazine of History, 40-41; Weaver, "Knights ofthe Ku Klux September to February, 1922, Neighborhood House Records. Klan," 78-80, 140-142. 30 Klu Klux Klan ? Stars ofthe 1921 Ku Klux Klan, including Fred Bickel (Frederic March), from the Badger yearbook. 31 WISCONSIN MACJAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1993 IILE the honorary KKK was the honorary Ku Klux Klan. A typical hon Wconsolidating its power and orary ICIan member was a young man from influence on the campus of the University a city outside the state, probably a liberal- of Wisconsin, its namesake, the official arts major, who had been elected to a Invisible Empire of the Ku Klux Klan, was campus-wide office, played one or more growing and expanding from the South varsity sports, and belonged to several other into Indiana, Illinois, and other states of social clubs. By contrast, a typical official the Upper Midwest. By the fall of 1922, the Klansman was an engineering major from honorary Klan, for the first time, had to either rural Wisconsin or Madison, who contend with the presence of the official was probably a member of the campus Knights of the Ku Klux Klan on the Uni military, and who did not hold any elective versity of Wisconsin campus. That month office on campus or take part in varsity the Invisible Empire of the Ku Klux Klan sports. began actively recruiting students—exclu Not surprisingly, the honorary Klansmen sively through personal contacts, it would looked down upon these engineers and appear, since there is no evidence of ad rural bumpkins. One little ditty in the vertising or promotion. Byjanuary of 1923, 1922 yearbook, edited that year by honor Dean Goodnight revealed that Klan re ary EJan member Thomas T. Coxon, ex cruiters had also approached some mem emplified their snobbish attitude: bers ofthe Wisconsin faculty.**" Several facult)' members did indeed become hooded Another bore at eating times, is Agri Kjiights: one was an instructor of civil en culture Jake. gineering who attained the 32nd degree With uncombed hair and raucous of Masonry before he died; the other was a rimes, he's surely quite a rake. sergeant-major of the campus military ca He lives on fertilizing schemes, hay dets.**** That one of the faculty members of chokes his rowdy cheers; the KKK was an accomplished Mason is no Dairy-maids content his dreams and surprise. From the beginning, Klan recruiters horse-hairs fill his ears. targeted Masons because of their experience with secretive fraternal rites and the nativist The Engineer's a hard old nut, a hostility toward Catholicism of many of their clumsy grimy dolt, members. Many leaders of Masonry fought WTiose hair is left to grow uncut — his the Klan, but the Klan held much appeal comb a greasy bolt among the rank-and-file. In Wisconsin, Klan The only dates that he can get are lady advertisements sometimes bore the caption, engineers. "Masons Preferred. "**-' When out with them you're safe to bet, he only buys three beers.'"' The type of student attracted to the official Klan movement was strikingly dif In the face of the appearance of the ferent from the character of a member of official Ku Klux Klan on campus, it took only a few months before the honorary Klan decided to disassociate itself from its rival group. Gordon Wanzer, president of "' Capital'Limes, junmLvy 17, 1923. "" See the Badger, 1928, p. 474. W. S. Cotfingham is the honorary Klan, told the press that his profiled in Faculty Docuinent 242 in the University ofWis group had decided to change its name consin Archives biographical file. The author could find because "so many people confused it with nothing about the third faculty member of the KBL (KKK), the name of the non-collegiate secret or- E. Anderson, or more detailed information about Sgt. Atkins. "' On the Klan and Masonry, see Dawd M. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism: 'The History oftheKu Klux Klan (Durham, 1987), 34, 191. ' Barfg"(?ryearbook, 1922, p. 736. 32 .MESSER-KRUSE: THE (AMPUS KIAN Table 1' Hometowns: KKK vs. Honorary KKK (in percentages) Rural Urban Out-of-State Madison KKK 48 52 0 33 Honorary KKK 19 81 56 13 Table 2 Majors: KKK vs. Honorary KKK (in percentages) L&S Commerce Ag. Eng. Law Medicine KKK 14 14 10 52 10 0 Honorary KKK 63 19 0 1 0 I Table 3 Other Affiliations: KKK vs. Honorary KJKK (in percentages) None Cadet Elected Varsity Corps Offices Sports KKK 48 38 0 1 Honorary KKK I 1 43 44 ganization of the same name." For a new ing the appearance of card-carrying name, the group settled on the mysterious Klansmen in Madison. The long campaign and innocuous "Tumas," which probably of the Capital Times to expose the Invisible derived from the Latin second-person pro Empire's violent prejudices had done little noun tu and the Latin word mas meaning to shake the comfort with which the cam "manly" or "vigorous." Whatever their pus honorary society wore its label. Yet name, the manly men of the honorary when the national Klan made its appear Klan could now go about their business of ance on campus, it did hasten the end of accumulating accolades and campus sine the honorary Klan. There must therefore cures, and they could toast each other at have been something about these particu their annual formal dinners without fear lar student Klansmen that made associa of being mistaken for the declasse.'" tion with them unacceptable. The honorary Klan existed to reap hon As seems clear, a considerable social ors, office, power, and the respect of its peers on campus. For several years, at least, the members of the honorary Klan * The data for these tables were gathered from the senior did not feel that the utility of their chosen profiles fotmd in /ferfg-cr yearbooks from 1924 to 1928. The name was compromised by the growth last group of sixteen Ku Klux Klan Honorary Society mem and attendant negative publicity surround- bers (the oneswho made the decision to change the name of the group), and the twenty-one founders and first two years' worth of members of the Kappa Beta Lambda fraternity (who comprised the core membership of the Knights of the Ku '" Capitcd 'Limes, October 16,1922, and Januaiy 17,1923. Klux Klan on campus), were used for the comparison, On the name change to Tiunas, see the Daily Cardinal, Apr il because these were the members of both groups whose years 18, 1923. at Wisconsin overlapped. 33 WISCONSIN .\I.\C;AZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1993 distance separated the world ofthe typical forced which will tend to make leaders in honorary Klan fraternity man and that of our national organization.'"'Tn May, 1924, the typical campus Klansman. It was dfs- the Ku Klux Klan submitted a charter to dain and disenchantment among the fra the appropriate university officials, and ternal leaders, as much as anything, that without delay or controversy Kappa Beta brought to a close to the episode of the Lambda, the secret Klan fraternity, re honorary Ku Klux Klan. Actual Klansmen ceived the customary official recognition were not welcome in either the fraterni ofthe University ofWisconsin.''"' ties or, especially, the honor societies of The Klan's efforts were most successful the fraternal elite. (That is why they were among those students who opted for mili to found a fraternity chapter of their own.) tary training in the university's cadet corps. The elite had no wish to share the name Relatively few students took reserve officer Ku Klux Klan with the hoi poloi. When training courses after they were made vol engineering majors and the sons of farm untary in 1923; yet over a third of all the ers brought the national Klan to the Uni members of Ku Klux Klan fraternity were versity ofWisconsin, that name suddenly cadets. One ofthe faculty members ofthe lost its luster for those who had previously fraternity, a retired Army noncom named embraced it. William G. Atkins, was a sergeant-major of the corps. All but one ofthe Ku Klux KJan cadets was also a member of Scabbard and "'HOUGH the honorary society Blade, the national military honor society T.callin g itself the Ku Klux Klan was founded at the University ofWisconsin in by the end of 1923 known only to history, 1904. (Sgt. Atkins was likewise a member.)'"' recruitment of real cross-burning Klansmen continued apace. In December of 1923, the Badger American, a Klan paper published in Milwaukee, praised "our American students "" Weaver, "Knights of the Ku Klux Klan," 88. See the Badger xedrhook, 1928, p. 474, for a profile of Kappa Beta at the Wisconsin University" who were find Lambda. The University ofWisconsin Archives file on the ing the Klan's principles attractive, includ KBL is in Series 19/2/6-5, box 7. KBL is listed in the eleventh ing "White Supremacy, Restricted Foreign (1927) and thirteenth (1935) editions oi' Baird's Manual cj Immigration, Law and Order."•''- CollegeFratemities. •'-• Klan Field Bulktin No. 32, repiinted in Wea\er, "Knights Klan organizers saw great potential for ofthe Ku Klux Klan," 87. recruitment among University ofWiscon "' See KBL file, dociunent entided "(Committee on Stu sin students. A secret memorandum drawn deiu Life and Interests: Telephone Vote, May 19, 1924," in up in 1924 by the Wisconsin Klan de the University of Wisconsin Archives. In the early 1950's Norman F. Weaver, a graduate student researching the scribed its organizational goal as to "have spread of the Ku Klux Klan in Wisconsin for his doctoral enough Klansmen in the various organiza dissertation, inquired with the Office of Student Affairs tions to control the school." The center of about the KBL fraternity. He was told that "no organization by the name of Kiippa Beta Lambda was ever established on campus Klan organizing was to be a new the campus of the Universitv of Wisconsin, nor was any Klan-controlled housing fraternity. Kappa applicadon ever filed requesting permi.ssion for such an Beta Lambda, whose initials stood for organization to form." (See Wea\'er, "The Knights ofthe Ku "Klan.s-men Be Loyal.""* KBL was to be a Klux Klan in Wisconsin, Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan," 88.) At the time Weaver inquired about the Ku Klux Klan and the school within a school, a "meeting and KBL fraternity, the University'sown indexes contained refer living place for all Klansmen in the Uni ences to both organizations. In one document entitled versity ofWisconsin, where the principle "Student Organizations and Activides," a file entitled "Ku of Klans-manship will be taught and en- Klux Klan" is listed. (University ofWisconsin .Archives, Stu dent Life—Directories, Series 20/00/1, box 1.) .\n exhairs- tive search failed to locate this file. "" Sgt. Atkins appears with Scabbard and Blade in the •''' Badger American, December, 1923. 1925 Badgerye'Avhooif., p. 396. 34 .ME.SSER-KRUSF: IHE CAMPUS KIAN The idea for a military fraternity began with 302 Huntington Court a block south of Colonel Charles A. Curtis, who was then the campus, was quite humble compared commandantof the university's cadetcorps. with the ostentatious mansions ofthe Latin Curtis had distinguished himself in the U.S. Quarter.-'" But more than architecture set Army as an Indian fighter in the Southwest the Klan fraternity apart from its peers. Its and later published some of his reminis house rules, for example, suggest not only cences of those campaigns in a story en a desire for fraternal discipline but also a titled "Captured by the Navajos.'"'" By the preoccupation with the fraternity's uncer mid-1920's, the fraternity founded by this tain social status. (Compared with the dozen old veteran ofthe wars of manifest destiny or so other fraternities of this period whose expressed much of the same nativist and house rules have been preserved. Kappa spread-eagle patriotic spirit that was the Beta Lambda's were easily the most re Klan's bread and butter: strictive. Like all other fraternities, KBL's rules prohibited alcohol in the house. (This We decry the necessity for the mainte rule was of course routinely broken in this nance of large and costly police forces decade of Prohibition, but it was a condi in our various communities, in spite of tion of University accreditation that every the fact that these are within our bor fraternity include such a clause in its rules.) ders and might be expected to be fully Like many other fraternities, KBL had in accord with our ideas and ideals. rules against smoking, gambling, noise, Nevertheless we find it necessary to and "profane, vulgar, or indecent lan protect our civilization against enemies guage." But KBL took its rules more seri from amongst our own number. How ously than other fraternities, and estab much consideration are we to expect lished the post of "marshal," a member from those who by virtue of different who was charged with checking any viola standards of living, and with a different tions of the rules and was given the "power moral and ethical code are to say the to regulate, impose, and collect all fines" least only mildly in .sympathy with otn~ for infractions. point of view. What would be the fate of Germany, Austria, France, England, A concern for cultivating genteel man if these nations were now to accept ners was also evident in the Kappa Beta [pacifist] principles? Can there be any Lambda house rules. The fraternitv re- question, with famished Russia at their quired its members to dress for dinner— very doors? Such a step would mean even specifying both "coat and white col the overthrow of Christian civilization lar, "which was stiffer than any of the other as surely as the sun shines.''** fraternities which had dinner dress codes. The KBL marshal was specifically ordered to "keep a check on all table manners." By ROM the start. Kappa Beta contrast, the elite Phi Kappa Psi fraternity F Lambda was an imcharacteristic (one ofthe fraternities that was privileged fraternity. Its small two-flat house, located at to nominate a junior member to the hon orary Ku Klux Klan) had no rules about dining, dress, or manners. Beyond the stan •*' 'Lhe Scabbard and Blade, official organ of the National dard rules, Phi Kiippa Psi had only one Society ofthe Scabbard and Blade (LaFayette Printing Co., LaFayette, Indiana), Vol. 8, no. 2, January, 1924, p. 19. Curtis was also a founding member of the Free and Accepted '"KBL's address is listed in the 192.5-1926 YMCA campus Masons of Arizona. See Charles ,A. Curtis Biography and directory, p.66. Hunfington Court ran north from Johnson Certificates in the Wi.sconsin State Archi\es, State Historical Street, in the block then bordered by Murray, Lake, and Society ofWisconsin. Conklin Place. Today the University Square Four Theaters ** 'Lhe Scahbnrd and Blade, Vol.7, no. 3, March, 1924, pp. occupies the site. See map 37 ofthe Sanborn-Perris map of 14-15. Madison (New York, 1942). 35 'Lhe Kappa Beta Lambda fraternity house at 302 Huntington Court, from the 192(?Badger yearbook. extra provision; namely, that "no sales studies. Secrecy was of paramount con man shall be allowed to exhibit or sell his cern to them. Any KBL member was sub wares in the house." In short, it would ject to suspension for "making any disclo appear from the limited number of extant sures of private fraternity matters," and to house records that the only fraternities expulsion for making "serious disclo that concerned themselves with rules about sures.""" Newspaper reports ofthe era did dinner dress and table manners were those not distinguish between run-of-the-mill that were new to campus, small in size, lacking Klansmen and student Klansmen. Some in influence, and socially marginal. activities, though, by their nature, point to Academically, the new Ku Klux Klan the participation ofthe student Klansmen, fraternity could not hold a candle to its such as their attempt in 1926 to reserve the honorary predecessor. In fact, it was a U.W. Fieldhouse for a campus Klan rally, disaster. Kappa Beta Lambda began its life which the Board of Regents denied.'"- ranked twelfth among the fifty or so frater Kappa Beta Lambda shared the fortunes nities in terms of its collective grade-point. of the organization from which it grew. Then it quickly sank to the bottom. By its Like the Wisconsin Klan, which experi second year of existence, KBL ranked forty- enced a steady decline in membership sixth and was placed on probation by the after 1924 due to scandal and internal university. Though the warning was squabbling, the KBL also declined from its enough to motivate the Klansmen to res first year on. By the time of the campus cue their fraternity over the course ofthe rush in the fall of 1926, it attracted only next semester, once the probation was four pledges. The following semester it lifted the fraternity fell back into medioc rity and was soon on probaticm again. Not once in its existence did Kappa Beta Lambda ever manage to match the all- '"" See the \arioiis letters of warning from the Dean's fraternity academic average.'"" office in the KBL file. Uni\ersit\ of W'isconsin .Archives. "" See Kappa Beta Lambda charter, p. 2, in the KBL file, Little is known ofthe activities that so ibid. distracted the student Klansmen from their '"- Capilal 'Times, .August (J. 1924. 36 lir K-i._ .^X^* .,^«s^«»,^. Wl lii\.'>) 1,-1 'The laliefivnt fraternity liouses of Alplia 'Tail Omega (left) and Psi Up.silon, about 1920. changed its name to Delta Sigma Tau, a canization" of immigrants, the postwar move that likely signified its disaffiliation recession, fears about the northward mi with the Wisconsin Ku Klux Klan, which, gration of African-Americans, fears about by 1928, had fallen to less than a thousand bolsheviks and anarchists. On the univer members acro.ss the entire state.'"'* sity campus, increasing numbers of Jews and non-white students, mistrust of the Italian community, militant Christianity, HE demise of Kappa Beta and a misguided hyperpatriotism coa T Lambda in 1926 signified the lesced with the snobbery and arrogance of end of an era in campus life at the Univer some fraternity men, producing a short sity ofWisconsin. The same conditions of lived organization which shared many of rapid social, cultural, and economic the racistandnativistattitudes ofthe other, change in America that had bred an atmo more dangerous Ku Klux Klan. sphere of fear, distrust, and xenophobia— Looking back on the Klan episode from conditions that had briefly turned Madi the vantage of seventy years, it is difficult son into "one ofthe liveliest Klan towns in to believe that neither the faculty and the state"—had also affected the student administration of the university nor the population. The honorary Ku Klux Klan overwhelming majority of students raised did not wear hoods or burn cro.sses. But it any significant protest against the honor was founded in the national context ofthe ary Klan's rise to power and influence. But Red Scares, the campaigns for the "Ameri- in truth, the young men ofthe honorary Klan who borrowed their sobriquet and some of their ideas from D. W. Griffith's movie or Thomas Dixon's novel were prob '"'Just like the honorary Ku Klux Klan, the Kappa Beta ably representative of white, protestant Lambda fraternity had one affiliate at the University of Madisonians and of midwesterners gener Illinois, though its name is unknown. Delta Sigma Tau was ally. What they did, they did openly and formed when both the Wisconsin KBL and the Illinois local unashamedly; and apparently few thc^mght merged. See Minutes of the Student Life and Interests Committee, April 9,1927. the worse of them for it. It was this prevail- 37 WISCONSIN .MACAZINE OF HISTORY .AUTUMN, 1993 ing atmosphere of casual bigotiy, this culture the Klan espoused were part and parcel of of intolerance, that fostered the rise of two studentlife. Ignorance, intolerance, and above university social organizations tied to the Ku all insensitivity existed in Madison, just as they Klux Klan. The first called itself the Ku Klux did in small towns and large cities elsewhere Klan out of sympathy for the values of patrio in the state. By taking the name they did, the tism, protestantism, and white racial superi organizers ofthe honorary Ku Klux Klan did ority evoked by the name; but it was not in fact nothing that was considered radical for their tied to the national "Invisible Empire." day, and they neither provoked controversy The second campus organization. Kappa nor risked ostracism for doing so. By taking Beta Lambda, was in fact an affiliate of the that name, members of the honorary Klan In-visible Empire. Throughout its short, squalid reaffirmed their nationalism and their white existence, its members remained true to the ness, and they gained the respect of their Klan's code of secretiveness, di.sgtiising their peers—hence the perception of that "calm, aims and ideals behind a fraternal front. Pre confident air that membership in the Ku Klux cisely because they concealed their true iden Klan imparts."'""' For a few years, then, the tity, the Klansmen of KBL reveal less about name Ku Klux Klan was a token of status on the campus culture of intolerance than did the Universit)' of Wisconsin campus. And those more elite fraternitA' men who openly status was, after all, the honorary campus took the name but not the membership card Klan's reason for existence. ofthe Ku Klux Klan. Though relatively few Wisconsin students actually joined the Knights of the Ku Klux "" 'Hie Scorpion, April 17, 1923 (Vol. 5), p. 3, in Series Klan in the 1920's, the intolerant ideals that 20/1/2/00-6, Universitv ofWisconsin Archives. UVVXfgM181 'The Hobo Parade, University oJWiscon.sin Homecoming, November, 1920. 38 The Tribal Reorganization ofthe Stockbridge-Munsee: Essential Conditions in the Re-Creation of a Native American Community, 1930-1942 By John C. Sava^an 4E Stockbridge-Munsee Com experience at first hand the ways of the Tmunity is a small rural village of Euro-American. Following the American about 700 people located in Shawano Revolution, though supportive of the County, Wisconsin. Community members Colonies in both blood and spirit, these live in contemporary houses, travel in auto "Stockbridge" Indians were evicted from mobiles, dress according to the fashions of their lands. Therein began what they refer the time, attend the same schools, and shop to as their own "trail of tears": six migra at the same stores as their rural counter tions over a period of nearly seventy years. parts in nearby Bowler and Gresham. But Their lands, held in common, and improved rather than being formed by the slow accu with every turn ofthe plow and stroke ofthe mulation of disparate immigrant groups hammer, were repeatedly lost. Time after who chose to settle in the ("utover to escape time the Stockbridge settled on lands nego crowded cities, or to farm as their ancestors tiated in good faith, worked hard to im did, the Stockbridge-Munsee Community prove them, only to be forced out by covet is the end result of a long and at times ous whites or other bands of Indians. Yet torturous jommey of a band of principally they persevered. New land, it seemed, could Mahican Indians from the colonial fron always be found. Another migration could tiers of western Massachusetts. always be made. What mattered most was that In 1734, while living along the Housatonic the small band stayed together and kept its River, a small band of Mahicans chose to identity intact.' abandon their ancestral ways and .settle on a six-acre plot of land in the village of Stockbridge. What lured them was Christi ' The definitive history of the Stockbridge-Munsee has anity, as well as their desire to learn and yet to be written. The best single text of their days in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, is Patrick Frazier, 'The Mohicans ojStockbridge (Lincoln, 1992). The following works offer a Ei)iTt5R's NOTE: A slightly different version of ifiis article general but varied account: E. M. Ruttenber, History ofthe was first presented at a conference enlilled "Respect Indian 'Lribes of Hudson's River (Albany, 1871); Electa F. Jones, ing American Indian Identity: A Perspective from Stockbridge, Past and Present; or Records of an Old Mission .Station History and Culture." Jointly sponsored by the State (Springfield, Massachusetts, 1854);Jedidiah Morse and Jer Historical Society ofWisconsin and the University of emy Belknap, Report on the Oneida, Stockbridge and Brotherton Wisconsin System, the conference was held November Indians 1796, in Indian Notes and Monographs, A Series of 7-9, 1991, in Crcen Bav, Wtsconsin. Publications Relating to llie :\nierican Aborigines, No. 54 (re- Coptllglll © 1993 b-i n,- Sl/ili- lllslomal Snrirly «/ \Vr All ngllh "/ irpymhirlloti nt nay jut in n'\rn>r/l. 39 WISCONSIN M.ACiAZINE OF HISTORY .AUTUMN, 1993 Despite their desire to remain a people roads. Perhaps equally important, the and a nation, by the mid-1920's the Stockbridge-Mun.see committed themselves Stockbridge-Munsee had ceased to exist as to reconnecting with their Indian heritage a federally recognized tribe. Torn by politi through history projects, craft classes, and cal factions, exacerbated both by repeated annual powwows. moves and debate over their relationship In one sense, this Phoenix-like resurrec with the predominant white culture, the tion can be attributed to the political and people who call themselves Muh-He-Con- social genius of John (Collier and his able Neew more closely resembled their Ger band of anthropologists and la-wyers who man and Scandinavian neighbors than a attempted to reorganize not only Indian tribe of Native Americans. Like their neigh life but also the Bureau of Indian Affairs bors struggling with the rural depression, during C^ollier's tenure as Commissioner the Indians of the Stockbridge-Munsee of Indian Affairs (1934-1945). Collier, Community had become a typical mix of Georgia-bc^rn and Columbia-educated, poor farmers, unemployed day laborers, brought high credentials to the job: ad and rural indigents. viser to the Pueblo Indians in their fight By all rights, the story should have ended against the Burstim Bill; executive secre there. As advocates of assimilation theo tary ofthe American Indian Defense Asso rized, the Stockbridge-Munsee were sup ciation; editor oi American Indian Life. But posed to melt into the boiling cultural caul it was Collier's experience with the mas dron of America, lose their "Indianness," sive influx of immigrants into New York till the soil, raise families, and assume the City during 1910-1918 that set the pattern same goals and aspirations as their white for his efforts as Commissioner of Indian rural neighbors, becoming one more seg Affairs. While at the People's Institute, he ment in a population of what one Congress had observed a modern industrialized so man called "civilized tax-payers."- ciety destroy the social bonds and group Instead, in the decade between 1932 and controls ofthe Old W'c:irld, replacing them 1942, a small nucleus of Stockbridge- with an individualistic and materialistic Munsee led a revival of tribal spirit that world-view he found troubling. To John culminated in the rebirth c^f the tribe. These (Collier, Native American societies exhib new leaders cast a wide net throughout the ited similar group controls that were des region, gathering tribal members and set tined for extinction by an "Americaniza tling them on a portion of their old reserva tion" that in his words "pulverized" tribal tion. They wrote a constituticjn and held bonds.' elections to form a new tribal government. Collier's appointment as Commissioner They built homes, drilled wells, laid out new of Indian Affairs gave him the opportunity to help Native Americans preserve their culture by utilizing their "latent civic force. "* The seminal document of Collier's plan printed, New York, 1955); John N. David.son, Muh-Ile-Ka-Ne- was the Indian Reorgnization Act of 1934 Ok: A History (J the Stockbridge Nation (.Milwaukee, 1893); (the IRA, also known as the Wheeler- Deirdre Almeida, "The Stockbridge Indian in the American Revolution," in Historical Journal of Western Massachusetts, 5:34-39 (Fall, 1975); and Philip S. Colee, "The Housatonic- Stockbridge Indians: 1734-1749" (doctoral di.s.sertation, ' Stephen Kunitz, "The Social Philosophy of John Collier," Univensity of New York, 1977). in Elhnohistcyry, 18:216-223 (Summer, 1971); Kenneth R. - Thomas Skinner (Dem., South (Carolina) made this Vhiip, John Collier's Crusade for Indian Reform: 1920-1954 comment during debate on the General Allotment Act of (Tucson, 1977), 24-27. 1887. See Wilcomb E.Washburn, 'Lhe American Indian and the ' U.S. Department of Interior, Office of Indian Affairs, United States: A Documentary History, Vol. ///(New York, 1973), Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report for Fiscal Year 1849-18.50. E.nded 30 June 1935, p. 114; Philp, John Collier's Cn,sade, 3. 40 .SAVACIAN: TRIBAL REORCJANIZ.ATION OF FI IE STO< :KBRID(;F-MU\SEE Howard Bill), a sweeping piece of legisla fore, rather than using the Stockbridge- tion that sought to restore tribal lands and Munsee as a case study for further analysis governments, and, by so doing, to ensure of Collier's Indian policy, this essay seeks the continued survival of Native American to identify the other main forces which cultures.' came together to create the Stockbridge- Historians of federal Indian policy dur Munsee C]ommunity. Its aim is to achieve ing the New Deal era have examined in a better understanding of how fragile a some detail the apex of the pyramid of coalition it was, and how unique this de power and decision-making over Native cade of reorganization proved to be. American life, scrutinizing John Collier's Utopian vision of tribal restoration and his methods for achieving it. The trove of infor ' HE Stockbridge move into Wis mation contained in BIA records and T' consin did not begin propi Collier's papers offer excellent material to tiously. After the white citizens of Stock- critically appraise the BIA's success or fail bridge, Massachusetts, forced them out ure in creating what one scholar has called following the American Revolution, the "cooperative commonwealths" in the rural tribe relocated in New York on lands of regions of the nation.'' fered by the Oneida. Within the decade, But of course the story goes much deeper further encroachments by whites led them than that. What made it possible for the to seek a new settlement on lands alleg Stockbridge-Munsee to reorganize during edly owned by the Delaware Indians along the 1930's was the confluence of many in the White River in Indiana. But what the terdependent factors, of which Collier and Delaware claimed was theirs to give. Con his agents of reform were only one. There- gress claimed otherwise and withheld the lands from the Stockbridge." Finally in 1821 the Stockbridge, together with the •' Briefly, the final bill sought to establish the Native Oneida and Brotherton, negotiated two American prerogative of tribal assembly, association, and treaties with the Menominee and government; allow and assist in the creation of new and the Winnebago for lands east of the Fox River restoration of old reserx'auons; overturn the 1887 Dawes Act by forbidding the allotment of lands still held by Native in northeastern Wisconsin (then called Americans in communal ownership; provide a framework the Michigan Territory). Resettled, they and budget for the purchase of lands opened up under the once again set about to improve their Allotment Act; prevent the sale, gift, or exchange of any lands home, establishing a mis.sion under the without the approval ofthe Secretary of Interior; reorganize the Indian Service to better place Native Americans in guidance of Reverend Jesse Miner, build positions of iniluence; and provide a fund ofthe issuance of ing a school, and farming the land.*^ And grants and loans for educauonal purposes. .See Washburn, just as before, the tranquility they had 'Itie American Indian and the United States, 2210-2217. sought was disturbed. This time factions '' Works on federal Indian policy during the Collier era include: Graham D. Taylor, 'The New Deal and American Indian within the Menominee and Winnebago 'Tribalism: 'Lhe Administration of the Indian Reorganization Act, tribes contested the treaties, causing the 1934-35 (Lincoln, 1980); and Lawrence C. Kelly, "The In federal government to revoke the agree dian Reorganizadon Act: The Dream and the Reality," in the ment. A new treaty in 1831 created a Pacific Historical Review, 44:291-312 (August, 1975). One book that offers Indian perspectives on the IRA, generated reservation for the Stockbridge of two from a 1983 conference, is Kenneth R. Philp, ed., Indian Self Rule: First-Hand Accounts ofIndianWhite Relations from Roo.sevelt to Reagan (Salt Lake City, 1986). Two relatively objective 'Jones, Stockbridge, Past and Present, 102. accounts ofthe period from Indian Service personnel are S. " Davidson, Muh-He-Ka-Ne-Ok, 23. Upon the death of Rev. Lyman Tyler, A History of Indian Policy (Washington, D.C., Miner in 1829, the famed Rev. Cutting Marsh became direc 1973), and Theodore Haas, "The Indian Reorganizatioir Act tor of the Stockbridge Mission. See Marion J. Mochon, in Historical Perspecdve," in William Kelly, ed., Indian Affairs "Stockbridge-Munsee Cultural Adaptarion: Assimilated Indi and the Indian Reorganization Act: 'Lhe'Lwenty-Year Record (Tuc ans," in the Proceedings of the American Philosophiccd Society, son, 19.54), 9-25. 112:20U202 (June, 1968). 41 WISCONSIN \FACA/.INF OF F1ISF()R\' AUrUMN. 199:i townshipseastof Lake Winnebago in what dian Party, which desired to retain both is now C^alumet County, Wisconsin.'' communal ownership of land and federal While at this reservation, the Stock- annuities.'- To openly display their phi bridge merged with the Mtinsee Indians losophies. Citizen Party members sought upon their arrival from New York. As one to dress like their white neighbors while ofthe bands ofthe Delaware (or Lenapi) Indian Party members continued to cloak Indians, the Munsee regarded the Stock- themselves in the traditional blanket." bridge as relatives from earlier contact This split proved far more damaging with Mohicans along the Housatanic River than simply a difference over the tribe's valley, from whence the Stockbridge origi style of clothing. Buoyed by the desires of nated. From then on, the tribe was known the Citizen Party, Congress in 1843 or as the Stockbridge-Munsee Indians.'" dered the allotment of all Stockbridge- During the 1830's the Stockbridge- Munsee lands and offered citizenship to Munsee were beset by an internal conflict the entire tribe." The Citizen Partv ea that would in time mirror the national gerly accepted these terms and was prom debate over the Indian question; namely, ised individual tracts of Stockbridge- would Indians seek a separate existence Munsee land. The Indian Party, led by from white American society or would John W. Quinney, rejected the terms, forc they opt for assimilation with the prevail ing (x)ngress to repeal it and order a new ing culture? By and large, federal efforts enrollment to partition lands to better to promote assimilation involved the Indi represent the two factions.'' To foster a ans' removal from their tribal setting sohuion, C>)ngress passed an amendment through individual allotments of land to to the treaty in 1849 that offered the In the heads of each Indian family. Support dian Party lands west of the Mississippi ers of allotment assumed that if Native River and a one-time payment of $25,000 Americans would accept private owner for resettlement and improvement of those ship ofthe land as the white man had, and lands if the tribe would leave the newly adopt all the attendant legalities and cul created state ofWisconsin. Unfortunately, tural notions it implied (such as title and no land was forthcoming, although some deed, wealth and status), they would be Stockbridge delegates were sent west to well on the road to civilization. "It is doubt scout for it. As the Stockbridge-Munsee ful," wrote the Ck)niinissioner of Indian Community tells the story: "Thus matters Affairs in 1876, summarizing the popular continued, gcwernment neglecting to pro view, "whether any high degree of civiliza vide us with lands; and the Stockbridge tion is possible without indixidnal owner nation having, on the faith of the treaty, ship."" surrendered title to some ofthe most valu Although the allotment plan would not able lands in Wisconsin at a moderate com- see fruition on a large scale until the latter half of the nineteenth century, when the major Indian wars were over and the tribes were restricted to reservations, the con " U.S. Congress, House of Representati\'es, An Invesliga- troversy over assimilation was as old as the lion of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, House Rept., 82 Cong., 2 first cultural exchange between ("olum- sess. (1953), 612. '" Davidson, .Muh-He-Ka-Ne-Ok. 38-39. btis and the Taino on the island of San " OusS. Delos, 'Lhe Dawes /\cl and lhe .Allotment of Indian Salvador. The debate within the /.OH* (Norman, 1973), 4. Stockbridge-Munsee tribe split the tribe '•' Ibid., 40. into two camps: the Citizen Party, which '' Davidson. Muh-Ile-Ka-Se-Ok, 40. '' Ibid. sought U.S. citizenship and supported in '•' t.'.S. Congress, Ht)tise, An Iniiestigation ofthe Bureau of dividual allotment of lands; and the In Indian .\ffairs{\9r-,?,).9H9. 42 .SAN'ACIAN: FRIB.AL REORCANIZ.VFION OFTHE STCJCKBRlDCavMLiNSEE pen.sation, were unable to move away, simply Y the 1920's the former because they knew not whither to go."'" B Stockbridge-Munsee reserva Finally, the Stockbridge-Munsee nego tion had become checkboarded with titles tiated a new treaty and abandoned the held by non-Indians and lumber compa Calumet area. This Treaty of 1856 ceded nies. Prior to allotment, the Stockbridge- all right of tribal ownership to previous Munsee had managed to subsist on small land holdings in Wisconsin and Minne farming or through employment in log sota and allotted individual parcels of land ging operations on or near their reserva to members of the Citizen Party. The re tion. Once the lands were allotted and the mainder ofthe tribe moved to a new reser 160 acres conveyed to each adult Stock vation in Shawano County, Wisconsin, bridge-Munsee male, many lost their titles ceded on their behalf by the Menominee through tax delinquency. Others went into Indians.'' When the passage ofthe Dawes debt and sold their lands to the lumber or General Allotment Act of 1887 made companies that coveted the Community's allotment Congress's principal method for large tracts of white pine. A few hung on, breaking up Indian nations, the only to see inheritance squabbles shrink Stockbridge-Munsee were subjected to a the land into smaller and smaller sections. series of federal acts that concluded in Such was a common experience for many 1910 with the final breakup of their com Indians whose lands were subjected to munally held lands in Shawano County.'''* individual allotment.'''Allotment and rapid land sales made moot the past treaties that mandated federal assistance to the "' "To the Hon. the Senate and House of Representative, Stockbridge-Munsee. The 1910 enroll in Congress convened, the petition ofthe undersigned, the ment, taken for the purposes of final allot Chiefs, Head-men and Warriors ofthe Stockbridge Tribe of ment, recorded 582 members of the Indians, respectfully showeth" (Calumet City, Wtsconsin, Stockbridge, 1865), 2-3, Pamphlet, State Historical .Society Stockbridge-Munsee, but in the eyes of the ofWisconsin. federal government, the Stockbridge- '' U.S. Congress, House, An Investigation of the Bureau of Munsee had ceased to exist. They were on Indian Affairs (1953), 990. As America advanced westward, their own to adapt to a predominant and allotment proved more than simply a method of "helping Indians to a.ssimilate." It was atso a tool for opening vast tracts still alien culture that looked with preda of Indian lands to advancing waves of setders and eastern tory eyes at their forested lands. companies. "Surplus" Indian lands were to be freed for white American consumption, placating the new railroad, timber, The severe economic troubles that and mining consortiums and relieving the overcrowded gripped rural Wisconsin in the mid-1920's eastern ciues through the gift of Indian territory. The further eroded the ability cjf individual Stockbridge-Munsee labeled the plan "principally an instru ment whereby the Stockbridge Indians were deprived of Stockbridge-Munsee to keep their lands. their former holdings of land," a policy which "has wrought "During the depression," noted tribal great disaster, hardship and stiffering upon the Stockbridge Tribe of Indians as a whole and as individuals," See "FSA History," in the Arvid E. Miller Sr. Papers, p. I, in the Stockbridge-Munsee Historical Library, Stockbridge-Munsee '"The problems ofthe Stockbridge-Mun.see typified the Reservation, Shawano County (hereinafter cited as SMHL). uoubled policy of the General Allotiuent Act. Heralded at '"Congress actually began to whittle away at the the 1889 Lake Mohonk Conference as a tribe which had .Stt)ckbridge-Munsee's Shawan(^ Cotmi\ lands in 1871 (16 made great strides in imitating the western pioneers, the Stat. 404-407). Three more Acts followed: March 2,1895 (28 Stockbridge-Munsee nonetheless did not learn fast enotigh Stat. 894, c.188); April 21, 1904 (33 Stat. 210, c.1402); and the rudiments of real estate to save their lands from maraud June 21, 1906 (34 Stat. 356, c.3504). See U.S. Congress, ing .speculators and timber barons. See Lake Mohonk Con House, An Investigation cj the Bureau of Indian Affairs (1953), ference on the Indian Report, 1889 Proceedings of the 7th 991. See also Kermeth L. Payton to Leonard .Miller, Jr., April A n nual Meeting ofthe Lake Mohonk Conference of Friends ofthe 5, 1974,360/Land Acquisition, General, Stockbridge Reser Indian (Clearwater, [Florida?], 1979), p. 82, card 9. A good vation, Ashland, Wisconsin, Great Lakes Agency, Bureau of scholarly description of the inheritance trap of allotment is Indian Affairs, Department of Interior (hereinafter cited as provided by Kirke Kickingbird and Karen Duchcneaux in BIA, (;IA), One Ilundred Million Acres (New York, 1973), 31. 43 Arvid E. Miller, president ofthe Stocktmdge-Munsee Tribal Council, doing silverwork in the Storklrridge Arts and Crafts Slwp. All photos used xvith this article are courtesy the Arvid E^. Miller .Memorial Tilnary Museum, Bender. member Bernice Miller Pigeon, "there ants on former tribal lands. Those were only one or two persons who really Stockbridge-Munsee who had kept their hung onto their own section of land."'-" lands usually had mortgaged them for Adequate housing was a particular prob "several times the market value ofthe land lem. At least three families c^ccupied former and improvements."-' chicken coojjs. A U.S. Indian Service re Shawano County whites, as well as port to (Collier noted that "a large number Menominee Indians just to the north, were of the Indians who have already lost title to unhappy with their destitute neighbors. their holdings are reduced to 'squatters' According to complaints from the staff of and 'shackers.'" Other families were ten Bureau of Indian Affairs on the Men- -' Ibid.; U.S. Depaitment of Interior, United States \n- -" Inteniew \vith Bernice Millt:r Pigeon, .Slockbridge- (VninSciVicc, Project Proposal for Stockbiidge Indian Project (\9$4), .Vltmsee Connnunil\\ Wisconsin, ]n\\ 7. 1982. p. 3, in SMHL. 44 .SAVAC.I.AN: TRIBAL REORCANIZAFION OF THE STOCKBRIIX'.E-MUNSEE ominee Reservation, the "old Stockbridge period, Carl Miller, a strong-willed Reservation" was a bad influence through Mohican educated at an Indian .school in out the area and was known as a place Hampton, Virginia, served as town chair "where intoxicating liquor can be obtained man of Red Springs. Among the and where the immoral conditions are Stockbridge-Munsee, Miller was the clos exceedingly bad."*^'^ Arvid Miller, who est of anyone to being their Sachem or served as Stockbridge-Munsee tribal chair principal leader. He had been known in man from 1939 to 1965, painted a more his earlier days as a bit of brawler, one who human but even starker image of the condi didn't shy from a drink or a fight. His tions for the Stockbridge-Munsee in rural stubborn character would serve him well Shawano County during the Depression: as he helped guide the Stockbridge- Munsee Community through a bureau cratic maze of federal and state agencies Picture these people of some 70 fami along the way to tribal rebirth.^" lies barely subsisting on the one and one-half dollars per week given them in orders on neighbourhood grocery ^N October 26, 1931, at a meet stores. Visualize the frail uiider nour a ing in the Red Springs town ished human beings who looked into hall, the Stockbridge-Munsee Business an empty wc^rld each day, their spirits Committee was formed. Its major purpose broken, their hearts saddened with was to petition the federal government for the anguish of defeat huddled in their the reorganization of the Stockbridge- little tar paper shacks and small log Munsee Community. Carl Miller was shanties in which they had not paid elected chairman.'-' The Business their rents for over a year or more, Committee's initiative was well in advance waiting patiently for the turn of for of John Collier's call to reorganize. The tune, not enough milk for the babies source of this ideological impulse to cre and for the older folk, the dreaded ate a Business Committee and reinstate rotation of meals for those hungry contacts with the Indian Service is un families trying to live on this one and known. It may reflect the policy changes one-half dollars per week.-' already taking place at the federal level under the leadership of Charles Rhoads, Despite having lost their land base, how whose ideas for reform Collier enthusiasti ever, most of the Stockbridge-Munsee re cally adopted.^*' Locally, however, the Busi- mained in the area surrounding their former reservation, particularly the town- '"' 1929 Annual Report, Keshena Agency, R. W. Beyer, Superintendents' Annual Narrative and Statistical Reports .ship of Red Springs. In the late 1920's from Field Jurisdictions of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and early 1930's, tribal members experi 1907-1938, National Archives, Record Group 75 (hereinaf enced a spiritual reawakening of the need ter cited NA, RG 75), MlOl 1, p. 2. to restore their Community. To that end, -' 'T.SA History," Arvid E. Miller, Sr. Papers, p. 1, in SMHL. they became politically active. To the con -' U.S. Department of Interior, United States Indian sternation of some area whites who com Seiv'ice, Project Proposal (1934), p. 3. plained that non-taxpayers did not de -'•' Mochon, "Stockbridge-Mimsee Cultural Adaptation," serve the right to vote, they took control of 206. ''• "Chief Carl Miller, A Nostalgic Look at a Leader of His the Red Springs town board.-' To the People," in Quin'a Month'a, 3 (1976), p. 3, in SMHL. Stockbridge-Munsee, the board acted as '-' "Tribal Reorganizadon," Arvid E. Miller, Sr. Papers, the surrogate tribal council, giving Com Book A, in SMHL. ' munity members a sen.se of control and a •-•''John Collier, "The Genesis and Philosophy of Indian Reorganization Act Policies," in Indian Affairs and the Indian psychological assurance that their tribal Reorganization Act, 4-5; Tyler, A History of Indian Policy, 119- government was still intact.'-' During this 124;Taylor, The New Deed and American Indian 'Tribalism, 15. 45 WISCONSIN MA(;.\ZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1993 ness Cominittee had encountered noth one tribal member, good news arrived at ing but resistance from the superinten Red Springs: "Someone (BIA) from dent at the Keshena Agency who had juris Menominee came through and said Gov diction over the Stockbridge-Munsee. Prior ernment would buy up options. Had a to their reorganization, the annual reports paper with a ribbon tied around. It was of Keshena Superintendent William Beyer authorization to reestablish Indian reser had made little mention ofthe Stockbridge- vations. So we asked for our old Res. back. Munsee, usually offering the pat answer Buy up what used to be our land.""" on reply forms that they were a "non-tribe" Upon receipt of this good news, Carl for which no information was available.'*^'' Miller sent a letter to Commissioner Collier Even as the tribe began to reorganize, with a modest proposal. He asked for the initial assistance from Keshena was lim establishment of a reservation of a few ited. Eventually Collier would hand tribal thousand acres, "at least half of which jurisdiction over to the Tomah Agency, his should be good agriculture land so that we assistant complaining that the Menominee could plant and raise good gardens and Indians had "rigidly excluded the feed a cow or two." A series of questions Stockbridge Indians from receiving help followed: "Shall we make a request by and education benefits.""" petition signed by the whole tribe? Shall SuperintendentBeyerwasthemostlikely we petition our Senators and Congres.s- source of trouble. He was a holdover from men? Just what shall we do to convince the the administration of Herbert Hoover and government that we deserve another a firm believer in the need for allotment of chance?""' the Menominee reservation. Allotment, Within four days the Commissioner had he repeatedly told his superiors, was "ab responded. Collier assured Miller, "[W]e solutely necessary' in order to further the do want to get land exactly as you indicate course of industrial advancement among and we are going to tr)'." Collier requested these people." Besides, he concluded, from Miller "facts and proof" that the "there has never been a record of any Stockbridge-Munsee people overwhelm people living successfully a communal ingly supported the Business Committee's life."'" Clearly, Beyer did not fit in with the efforts. Collier did not outline what kind new thinking at Collier's Bureau. In 1934 of proof he wanted; he did not mention Collier would replace him with Ralph elections, the formation of a constitution, Fredenberg, a Menominee Indian who and the like. But he did make it clear that had begun working for the Indian Service legislation was being created that would in 1915 and had steadily moved up through the ranks.•''- The well-organized Business Commit tee moved ahead despite the lack of assis tance at the local level. Their preparations ''' Fredenberg obituary, in U.S. Department of Interior, paid off when, early in 1934, according to Office of Indian Affairs, "Indians at Work" (June, 1939), 6- 8. Fredenberg would prove to be both an excellent represen tative of Collier's commitment to placing Indians in more '-•' 1929, 1930,1931 Annual Reports, Keshena Agency, R. important positions in the BIA and a diligent propc^nent of W. Beyer, Superintendents' Annttal Narrative and Statistical Stockbridge-Munsee reorganization. He served as Superin Reports from Field Jurisdictions of the Bureau of Indian tendent of Keshena vmtil 1940 when he was transferred to Affairs, 1907-19.38, MlOl 1, NA, RG 75. the Grande Ronde-Siletz Agency in Oregon. Fredenberg was ™ E. J. Skidmore (acung Assistant to the Commissioner) forty-six when he died of a heart attack in September, 1941. to the Secretan' of Interior, December 29, 1936, Tomah "" "On the New Reservation," Elmer L. l^avids, Sr. Papers, Decimal File, 1926-1950, Box 40, NA-GL, RG 75. Bosie's B.S. Book, SMHL. •" 1930 Annual Report, Keshena Agency, M1011, NA, RG '" Carl Miller to John Collier, Januaiv 2, 1934, Carlton 75, Section 3, p. 4. Leo Miller Papers, File II, SMHL. ' 46 CMrl Miller standing by his home. improve their chances for tribal reorgani ervation, to discuss the details for tribal zation."' For the first time in years, the reorganization."" Stockbridge-Munsee felt someone in To the Stockbridge-Munsee, approval charge in Washington was listening. of the IR<\ by their Indian peers was just as important as approval by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, especially since there was ' HE Business Committee imme no guarantee that the legislation would T diately began to assemble its pass Congress. A strong show of support case for reorganization. It solicited testi was necessary for both Collier and the monials from important members of Stockbridge-Munsee. To that end, on April Shawano C^ounty such as the head of the 24, 1934, Stockbridge-Munsee delegates local chamber of commerce and the post Carl Miller, (Cornelius Aaron, Adrian master. Invariably these advocates among Yoccum, and Nelson Gardner journeyed the white community argued principally northward to Hayward, in Sa'wyer (bounty, that a new reservation and jobs would go to participate in one of the ten Indian far to get the Stockbridge-Munsee off the congresses called bv the Bureau of Indian relief rolls."" Miller made himself available for speeches wherever an interest in their '\|ohn Collier to Carl Miller, OJanuaiy 1934, Carlton plight was shown. Since few tribesmen Leo viiller Papers, File II, SMHL. owned automobiles, he was forced to walk "' U.S. Indian Service, Project Proposed (1934), exhibits 12, wherever necessary to speak on behalf of 13, and 15. the tribe. Weekly he walked the twenty "'Interview with Bernice Miller Pigeon, July 7, 1982; "A .Memorial Honoring C^arl L. Miller," in Quin'a Month'a, 5:2 miles to Keshena, on the Menominee Res (March, 1976), SMHL. 47 W'ISCONSIN MA(;AZINF OF HISTOR^ AUTUMN, 199.^ Affairs to discuss the Indian Reorganiza Act. Though the Act had been reduced to tion bill. Delegates from tribes in Wiscon eight pages from an original fifty-two, the sin, Minnesota, and Michigan gathered to principal intent of the bill to initiate the hear Assistant Commissioner William formation of new reservations and tribal Zimmerman, who took Collier's place and councils remained intact.'" read the Commissioner's speech, de In December of 1934, by a near-unani nounce the past laws of the nation di mous vote of 166 to 1, the Stc:)ckbridge- rected toward the Indians as "wicked and Munsee Community voted to accept the stupid." Like any good politician. Collier Indian Reorganization Act.*"^ What had up had taken care to distance his administra to that moment been an abstract exercise tion from the failed policies of the past. in hope was now to become the actual The previous policy of the federal govern reorganization ofthe Stockbridge-Munsee. ment, he said, was "to rob the Indians [to] Land would have to be located, lengthy crush Indian life and even to crush the negotiations entered into with the owners, family life of Indians." His speech was and finally, somehow, money would have laced with good words that most Indians to be found for financing the purchase. wanted to hear. John Collier promised The land acquisition program the that things would be different with his Stockbridge-Munsee counted on was no Bureau."** sure thing; but, judging from tribal files, At the close of the Hayward congress, the Business Committee believed that a.s- each tribe presented its views on the bill. surances from Collier were worth their Most deferred to their elders back home, weight in gold. Unfortunately, Collier's stating that while they saw much good in prescribed budget for land acquisition was the bill, they were not empowered to speak highly speculative, based as it was on the for the entire tribe. Not so with the whims of Congress. The final budget for Stockbridge delegation. The Rev. the purchase of land titles (including wa Cornelius Aaron informed the assembly ter and surface rights) under Section 5 of that "the Stockbridge delegation comes the IRA for the use of Native Americans here with instructions to accept that bill to was $2 million a year.'" It has been esti the man I" He called the legislation a prom mated that to purchase land from those ise of better relations with the white race: who had become hereditary' landowners "111 will, hatred, prejudice have all been laid aside and the silent road of glors' leads through enlightenment through enact ment of the provisions of the Wheeler- " The debate over the merits ofthe IR,A and the final Act Howard Bill of Indian Rights.""'' Carl Miller which emerged from Congress, however, made it clear that the preservation of a Native American heritage was not a was exuberant, calling the event "a great ctmgressional priority. Evidence for this comes from the meeting for a great purpose—1,000 Indi exclusion of key provisions in the final bill: the statement in ans, counting visitors, and all with one Title II that einphasized the desire to promote the preserva mind."*" The following summer, after an tion and enhancement of Indian culture was deleted and the Indian Claims Commission was eliminated. Collier had hoped equally vigorous debate, (Congress passed to use the Commission to replace the antiquated system by a large majority, and President Roosevelt operated by the Indian Service. There were no attorneys and signed into law the Indian Reorganization no judges, and appeals could only go to the Secretary ofthe Interior. See Kelly, "The Indian Reorganizadon Act," 297; Philp, Collier's Crusade, 143. '" Speech presented at Ha)vvard, Wisconsin, April 2.3-24, '" Tribal Council Minutes File, December 1934, SMHL; 1934, in 'The John Collier I'apers, 1922-1968 (microform, Theodore Haas, 'Ten Years of'Tribal Covemment Under I.R.A., Sanford, North Carolina), reel 30, 0854-55, pp. 2-3. Tribal Relations Painphlet No. 1 (Haskell Institute, Chicago, *' Ibid, 0885, p. 64. 1947), 3. "' DiaiT, April 24, 1934, Cariton Leo Viiller Papers, '•* Washbtirn, 'The .American Indian and the United States, .SMHL. 2212. 48 SAVAC.IAN: FRIB.AL REORtJANlZ.ATION OF THE STOCKBRIDCJE-MUNSEE for consolidation of reservations would have with state emergency relief administrations taken at least seventeen years at a total ex to assist rural families hurt by drought and pense of $35 million under IRA funding. unemployment*" Besides providing direct According to the Naticjnal Resource Board, relief, FERA was also mandated to buy tip the amount of land needed to help the Native farmland which had fallen into disuse. Americans maintain simply a "basic subsis Under the Submarginal Land Retirement tence level" was 9,700,000 acres, at a cost of Program of Rural Rehabilitation, occu $60 million.*' For a national policy to pur pants were to be removed to better farm chase lands for the improvement of the Na lands, thus "rehabilitating" them and re tive American condition, the figure of $2 ducing the relief rolls of the states.*^ On million was gro.ssly inadequate. And John July 17, 1933, as a result of Collier's persis C]ollier was unable to safeguard even that tence, Hopkins issued a memorandum small amount expanding the program to include "Indian- Control over Collier's budget rested in wards as well as nonwards."** The result the hands of western Congres.smen who was a merging of FERA funding with the had opposed the Indian Rec^rganization land acquisition clause ofthe Indian Reor Act from the outset They were notplea.sed ganization Act. Lands classified as submar with the use of federal money to purchase ginal were to be used to supply those Na lands for Native Americans, especially tive Americans who had accepted the IRA when they learned the extent of the land and had shown a need for land.*^ These program. Since they dominated the House submarginal lands were privately held lands appropriations subcommittee which re the government considered economic fail viewed the Interior Department's budget ures; they could no longer sustain crop requests, they were able to further reduce yields, were unproductive as grazing or the purchasing power of the IRA to $1 timberland, and had become or were in million a year. This forced the Commis the process of becoming badly eroded.'" sioner to look elsewhere to secure funds This of course described much ofthe land promised to provide to tribes like the held by Native Americans, and the volume Stockbridge-Munsee.*' of requests from IRA tribes for land was so great that Collier was forced to restrict them to the "greatest need" reservations. HE first program Collier pur He stressed that submarginal land projects T sued for land acquisition was were to be established "where local relief the Federal Emergency Relief Administra problems are most acute." He was pleased with the use of FERA because it was a tion (FERA), administered by Harry program that could directly aid the Indi Hopkins. Established by Congress on May ans, who were often on the tax-relief rolls. 12, 1933 (48 Stat 55), FERA was to work He also acknowledged that by relieving " Lawrence G Kelly, "The Indian Rcorgairization Act: The Dream and the Reality," in the Pacific Historical Review, Harold Gross, "Memorandimi on Which the National 44:307-308 (August, 1975). The Board further noted (p. Conn.ci l of Indians Opportunity Proposal Is Based," p. 1, 307) that if Native Americans were ever to achieve even a Farm Security Administration Papers, SMHL. modest living on the level of rural white folk, they would need *' Paul W. Gates, History of Public Land Laio Development an additional 15,900,000 acres at a cost of $69 million. (Publ ic Land Law Review Commission, Washington, D.C., '"' Philp, Collier's Crusade, 175-176. Ironically, when 1968) .599. (jollier's actions proved successful, garnering almost $45 '" Harry Hopkins to State ERA's, memoranda, July 17, million from other agencies, this further raised the ire ofthe 1933, Farm Security Administration Papers, SMHL. congressmen, who then voted against any additional funds '•' Kickingbird and Ducheneaux, One Hundred Million for the IRA, thus forcing Collier to condnue his extra-agency Acres, 66. activities. See Kelly, "The Indian Reoiganization Act," 306. •''' Gross, "Memorandum," 1. 49 •WISCONSIN MACiAZINE OF HISrOR\' AUTUMN, igg.'i the state and counties of their burden in adding denuded lands to the growing providing relief, he was able to gain fur blight known as the Wisconsin Cutover, ther "justification of proposed purchases where weak soil made farming tenuous of land for Indian use."'' and the practice of clear-cutting spelled The Stockbridge-Munsee fell under the eventual economic doom for the lumber fourth category of the Bureau's listing of men and their families, the Stockbridge- five "demonstration Indian areas," namely, Munsee created the exact conditions for "lands for Homeless Indian Bands or Com regaining the lands; for only submarginal munities now Forming Acute Relief Prob lands, cheap and nearly worthless, were to lems. "'^•^ This classification helped give the be considered under FERA's program as Stockbridge-Munsee early assistance from possible land for homeless Indians.''" the Bureau. On May 15, 1934, Collier di Balmer's survey team reported that the rected Keshena Superintendent Beyer to physical features of the old Stockbridge provide more information on lands Carl Reservation land had changed because of Miller and the Business Committee sought: the practice of clear-cutting. Once cov maps, statistics on the surrounding area, ered by virgin timber of pine and mixed local conditions for both Indian and non- hardwoods, the land was exposed to reveal Indian populations, transportation, land its rolling slopes with outcroppings of bed usage, etc. Collier stressed the use of local rock and glacial boulders. Stumps and a input in the formulation of the project: great deal of deadwood littered the area. foresters, farm extension agents, Red Cross, Brush and poplar saplings covered much and other welfare workers were to be in of the Cutover, though in a few places terviewed.''" The project was completed on decent second-growth timber had begun October 8, 1934, under the direction of to take hold. The existing resources would James W. Balmer. make economic development difficult. A Balmer's survey revealed that by 1934, lumber mill would be impossible for at of an original reservation of over 40,000 least one generation. Prospects for large- acres, the Stockbridge-Munsee land base scale farming were just as unlikely. Like had been reduced to less than a hundred much of central Wisconsin, the soils were acres.''* As one Community member re sandy but generally suitable fbr grazing called, many Indians sold out to the lum and growing timber; but in many areas ber companies and then tried to settle on poor drainage and weak fertility meant plots of land "far too small to accommo cash crops could not be produced without date the rfsing generation."^^ Once their expensive fertilizers and irrigation sys lands were sold, a number of Stockbridge- tems.''*^ Three-quarters ofthe land was listed Munsee found work with lumber compa as "other" than cropland, forest or wood nies, helping to deforest their former lands, the majority being cutover brush home.'" Ironically, while playing a role in and swamps.''" It was hardly an ideal spot for locating a new community in the midst of an economic depression. "John Collier to William Beyer, Circular, May 15, 1934, Submarginal Land, BIA, GLA, pp. 3-4. "'- Gross, "Memorandum," p. 3. "John Collier to William Beyer, C:ircidars, May 15,1934, " Lucile Kane, "Settling the Wisconsin Cutovers," in the Submarginal Land, BIA, GLA, pp. 4—5. Wisconsin Magazine of History, 40:97 (Winter, 1956-1957). "William Beyer to John Collier, June 11, 1934, "Project '" U.S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Proposal for Stockbridge Indian Project," ex. no. 6. Ser\ice, Soil Survey of Shaxvano County, Wisconsin (Washing •"' Elmer L. Davids, Sr. Papers, P. 05-9, SMHL. ton, D.C., 1982), 21-53. "' Interview with Elmer Church, Stockbridge-Munsee '•' "Project Proposal for Stockbridge Indian Project," Community, Wisconsin, April 25, 1984. SMHL, p. 5. 50 .SAVAGIAN: TRIBAL REORC;ANIZ,ATION OF 11 IE .STOCKBRIDCE-MUNSEE ' HE purchase of Stockbridge tion to the Keshena Agency, and were in T "submarginal" lands was con the process of making another 3,608 acres ducted on two levels of the federal govern available."' ment The regional offices worked out the Negotiations had begun as early as June details and secured the options; the Bu of 1934 (the same month that Congress reau office in Washington sought the funds passed the Indian Reorganization Act) with necessary to make the purchase. In Wi.s the principal owners of lands within the consin, both the Keshena Indian Agency boundaries of the 1856 reservation. The and the Tomah Indian Agency were in Brooks and Ross Lumber Company owned volved in the creation of the new most of the best lands, over 7,000 acres in Stockbridge-Munsee Community. The the Town of Bartelme."^ Brooks and Ross Keshena Agency, because of its proximity was a medium-sized lumber company with on the Menominee Reservation twenty headquarters at Schofield, in Marathon miles northeast of the old Stockbridge County. The company was started in the Reservation, coordinated the surveying of early 1890's by E. Wellington Brooks and lands and took out options in the name of his understudy, John D. Ross. Ross and the Interior Department All correspon Walter Bissell were responsible for expand dence from prospective sellers went ing and diversifying the company's opera through the Keshena Agency, and ques tions early in the twentieth century. Be tions and directives from Washington con sides its holdings in Shawano, the com cerning the negotiations were always sent pany also held extensive tracts of land in to Keshena. In 1936, the federal govern Vilas and Iron counties, and lands in the ment transferred to the Tomah Agency upper peninsula of Michigan."" completejurisdiction over the Stockbridge- Brooks and Ross management's desire Munsee people and their lands."" to sell the Bartelme lands was based on a The two Wisconsin agencies proved need to liquidate holdings that had be adept at working together, sometimes an come useless cutover. The company wished ticipating advice coming from the Wash to sell its cutover lands because the long ington office. Pushing them at the local distance to markets precluded corporate level was the Stockbridge-Munsee Busi farming and its short-sighted pursuit of ness Committee. Even before tribal mem logging ruled out reforestation. It was un bers had voted to accept the stipulations of likely that the company pursued negotia the IRA, the Committee had begun to tions as a way to rescue the Stockbridge- enter into negotiations with the principal Munsee Indians or to support the New owners of their former lands. Collier wrote Deal policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Tomah Superintendent Frank Christy in The managers of Brooks and Ross were August of 1934, advising him: "We have been thinking that the Stockbridge Tribe would probably be the band which could ''' John Collier to Frank Christy, August 2, 1935, Land be organized and rehabilitated most effec Acquisition, General, Stockbridge Reser\'ation; J. Stewart to Ralph Fredenberg, February 4,1935, Tract No. 1-Brooks and tively and most speedily." By that time, Ross; Frank Christy to John Collier, August 8, 1935, Land Christy and Fredenberg had already con Acqui.sition, General, Stockbridge Reservation; Brooks and ducted interviews with Carl Miller and Ross to Ralph Fredenberg, May 29, 1935, Brooks and Ross gained new data; the major land owners (New),BIA, GIJV. ''- "Project Proposal for Stockbridge Indian Project," had placed 6,800 acres of land under op- SMHL, p. 4. ''•'JamesJ. Lorence and Howard Klucter, Woodlot and Ballot Box: Marathon County in the 'Twentieth Century (Stevens ''" E.J. Skidmore (AcUng Assistant to the C^ommissioner) Point, Wisconsin, 1977), 30-31; Louis Marchetd, History of to the Secretary of Interior, December 29, 1936, Tomah Marathon County Wisconsin and Representative Citizens (Chi Decimal File, 1926-1950, Box 40, NA, GL RG 75. cago, 1913), 522. 51 'The Brooks and Ross lieadquarters, about 1936. directed by the Wausau Group, a conser\'a- the Stockbridge-Munsee. This point was tive operation with no taste for "progressive again stressed as a condition of sale by reforms.""* In short, the .sole reason Brooks McCuUough in a letter he wrote to Superin and Ross entered into negotiations with tendent Ralph Fredenberg in 1935: "We the federal government was to dump what had hoped to take off all of the forest to them would soon become worthless products from these lands the past winter lands."'^ but owing to unfavorable weather this was Furthermore, as became clear at the first not done, therefore, we would be obliged meeting with representatives of the to reserve such forest products as we wish Stockbridge Business Committee at the to remove, for a period of two years.""" Keshena Agency in June of 1934, Brooks On January 8, 1936, President Roosevelt and Ross vice-president Mathew McCul- approved six reorganizaticm projects sent lough said the company was only willing to from the Bureau of Indian Affairs Regional sell the lands if it retained rights to all the Office in Minneapolis. The Stockbridge- remaining merchantable timber, approxi Munsee Project was included with that of mately 7 million bc^ard feet, after the op the Twin Lakes, Flat Lake, L'Anse, Bad tions had been purchased for the benefit of River, and Lac (]ourt Oreilles reservations. The money budgeted for the Stockbridge- Munsee was $7l ,980, second-highest ofthe "•' Lorence and Klucter, Woodlot and Ballot Box, 127. six. Options had been accepted for 13,134 '•' The first meeting was held at the office of Keshena acres at a cost of $68,552 or 95.2 per cent of Superintendent William Bever on June 11, 1934. Present their budget"' John Collier's local opera- were Mathew McCulk)ugh, C. W. Cone, ancl Hernran FurhmenofBrooks and Ro.ss; Carl .Miller and Adrian Yocctun ofthe Stockbridge-Munsee Btisiness Committee; and Elrod Putnam, assessor for the Township of Red Springs, but also "" Mathew .VlcCuUough U) Ralph Fredenberg, May 29, a Stockbridge Indian. See William Beyer to John Collier, 1935, Brooks and Ro.ss (New), BIA, GIA. June li, 1934, "Project Proposal for Stockbridge Indian "' J. M. Stewart to J. W. Balmer, JanuaiT 8, 1935, Land Project," SMHL, ex. 6, p. 1. Acquisition, General, Stockbridge Reser\ation, BIA, GIA. 52 SAVAC;i,AN: IRIBAE RE0R(;ANIZ.AI ION OFTHE .STOCKBRIDtJE-MUNSEE tion under Frank Christy, Ralph Fre support for John Collier's efforts to resettle denberg, and the Stockbridge-Munsee Busi landless Indians.'" He requested the Com ness Committee had done their jobs well. missioner to let him know "whenever the Now the question was, where would the Department of Agriculture can be of any money come from to buy the lands? Rural assistance in solving those questions of In Rehabilitation, FERA's land-purchase pro dian Development and progress in which gram that Collier was banking on to fund we are both so interested.""' Tugwell's the purchase, had recently been placed agency may not have been the pot of gold under the control of the Resettlement Collier was searching for to settle landless Agency (RA), a new appendage to the grow Indians such as the Stockbridge-Munsee, ing Rocxsevelt bureaucracy. There was a but when revenue allocated under the IRA good deal c^f uncertainty whether the Re dried up, his land-acquisition program was settlement Agency would ever secure lands able to proceed through funding provided for poor white farmers, let alone landless by the Resettlement Administration. Indians. Tugwell's agency was short-lived. In Janu Creation of the RA was the result of a ary of 1937 the Resettlement Administra solution Roosevelt proffered to end an ideo tion was merged with the Agriculture De logical conflict within the Agriculture De partment, which had, by an administrative partment. Agriculture Secretary Henry coup, inherited all the former land pro Wallace was at odds with his assistant, grams consolidated during the Roosevelt Rexford Tugwell, ewer the department's shakeup, plus their staffs and allocations. focus. Wallace wanted to help large, scien Under Executive Order 7557, the RA be tific farms; Tugwell sought to protect the came the Farm Security Administration interests of the small farmer and tenant (FSA), and lands purchased by RA for the laborer who were hurt hardest by the De Stockbridge-Munsee became known as FSA pression."^ Roosevelt solved the problem by lands."'•^ Thus title to the Stockbridge- wedding small farm programs from other Munsee Communitv lands was now under agencies and departments such as Rural control ofthe Agriculture Department Rehabilitation (FERA), Subsistence Home stead (Interior), Land Policy Section (Agri cultural Adjustment Administration), and 'HE Stockbridge-Munsee Busi the Farm Debt Adjustment Program (Farm ness Committee appeared to Credit Administration) into one agency T' have trouble keeping up with all this bu which, by Executive Order 7027 (April 30, reaucratic and executive shuffling. Because 1935), became known as the Resettlement of drastic cuts in funding, only 2,249.88 Administration."' He then appointed Rex acres had been purchased when the IRA Tugwell to administer the new agency. money ran out. The Business Committee Although congressional funding re was informed that if it wanted to protect its stricted him from attempting little more options on the remaining lands, it .should than resettlement experiments such as the seek monetary assistance from the newly development of middle-class "greenbelt created FSA. Arvid Miller recalled the communities" outside Washington, Cincin Committee's decision: "This plan we agreed nati, and Milwaukee, Tugwell did show his '" William E. Leuchtenbiu'g, Franklin D. Roo.sevelt and the AV'w/>a/(New York, 1963), 140. ""James G. Maddox, "Farm Security Administration" ' Philp, Collier's Crusade, 122. (doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, 1950), 23, '- Kickingbird and Ducheneaux, One Hundred Million ''" Gross, "Memoranduiu," p. 3. Aaes, 70; Gross, "Memorandum," ex. 11, p. 3. 53 I Alice and Harry Chicks. to because we saw it as a simple and sure way tribes which had accepted the provisions of to close out our land program." Once the the IRA remained under the control of the Farm Security Administration completed Interior Department.'* That department in the purchase of lands for the Stockbridge- turn refused to move on these lands with Munsee, and title to those lands was placed out the consent of Congress, which had back under the control ofthe Interior De become upset at the extent of Collier's partment, the Community immediately pe land-acquisition program and was scruti titioned to have title ofthe FSA lands trans nizing every attempted purchase.^'' Money ferred to their new tribal government, as as well as fear of congressional ire may have had been promised under the IRA.'" This motivated the Interior Department to keep did not happen, though a simple signature title to the land. Harold Gross notes that by Secretary Harold Ickes would have con the Interior Department did not allow Na summated the transfer. tive Americans to use the lands provided This was not a situation unique to the under the IRA to cut timber and remove Stockbridge-Munsee. The lands of all the " Gixjss, "Memorandum." pp. 7-9. '" "Farm Securitv Histon,-." Ar\id E. Miller. Sr. Papers, '•' Kickingbird and Ducheneaux, One Hundred Million SMHL, p. 2. Aa'es, 57. 54 S.AVAGIAN: TRIBAL REORCJANIZATION OF IHE STOCKBRIDCE-.MUNSEE minerals without paying for the privilege. the Cutover, taking back land the minute The revenue collected was to be held in word came that a sale had been secured. "special deposits," but Gro.ss contends they Regardless of who had the title—whether it were actually absorbed into the U.S. Trea was Resettlement, Farm Security, Interior, sury. Gross estimates that for the or Agriculture—the Stockbridge-Munsee Stockbridge-Munsee purchase alone, had begun to lay the foundations for the $22,732.12 was recovered over and above new Stockbridge-Munsee Community. Carl the actual cost of tho.se lands.'" Miller, writing about the universal need for The question of ownership was officially a place to call home, eloquently expressed answered byTomah's new Superintendent, their driving motivation: Peru Farver, in a letter to Harry Chicks, the Community's new tribal president: "The Each of us needs a home, a bit of land, title to these lands is taken in the name of some growing thing, some trea.sured the United States and they will not become bit of beauty. Enough to clothe and the property of the Indian tribe, for whose feed us with a little margin for gracious use they were purchased, until Congres hospitality. Each of us needs room for sional action is obtained specifically trans the growth of his spirit, the reason for ferring such title""' his presence here on this earth.'^ The problems with appropriations for the IRA left the Stockbridge-Munsee with a divided reservation. The title to 2,249 acres was promised to them once they adopted a N the fall of 1936, five years after corporate charter; 13,000 acres called FSA r forming the Business Commit land remained under the control of the tee and two years after passage ofthe Indian Interior Department, and subject to the Reorganization Act, the Stockbridge- whim of Congress. Eventually that situation Munsee began to gather on the cutover would generate mistrust, since anyone lands they were to call Moh-he-con-ock. On choosing or being a.ssigned to live on FSA September 18, Nelson Gardner's family, lands had to fill out a disclaimer of owner with friends assisting, inaugurated a new ship, stating that they were merely tenants era for the Stockbridge-Munsee Commu who had no right to the title and would nity. Their new residence was a log house "vacate said premises upon demand for the abandoned during the lumbering days of possession of said lands by the United States Brooks and Ross. A few words were spoken of America. ""^ This promised future trouble. to mark the moment. Carl Miller compared (Indeed the Stockbridge-Munsee would not their situation to a man who challenges a gain tide to the land until 1972.) fast-moving stream. If he dives in without first learning to master its strong currents The central occupation of the Stock he will soon be calling for help. If instead he bridge-Munsee Business Committee in the takes his time to learn the stream and gain mid-thirties was collecting the tribe's scat confidence in his own abilities, he will swim tered people. Throughout the duration of away independent**" This analogy of the the land-pmchase program, Stockbridge- tribe's struggle to continually adapt to the Munsee families had begun to gather on predominant culture is striking; but, at the time, the excitement of moving "way back in the brush " allowed these IRA pioneers to "' Gross, "Memorandum," pp. 1.3-15. " Peru Fan'er to Harry Chicks, June 22, 1938, Arvid E. Miller, Sr. Papers, SMHL, Book A. '" "United States Departinent of Agricultme; Farm Secu '" "Cari Miller," People File, SMHL. rity Administration Disclaimer," December 14, 1937, Farm "" "Personal Dian,'," September 18, 1936, Carlton Leo Security Administradon Papers, SMHL. Miller Papers, File II, SMHL. 55 Bert and Rachel .Smith Miller. ignore the currents of American society Stockbridgers" were the first selections.*** which swirled about them.**'Just as he had Among these were the families of Carl Miller, at the Hayward Conference, Cornelius his son Arvid, Adrian Yoccum, Ken Davids, Aaron looked with optimism to the future, Nelson Gardner, and Bert Miller.**'^ telling those gathered: "Like the sun of a Judging by their first harvest in the fall of new day, hope is rising over the Moh-he- 1937, the first eleven families proved their con-new."**- industrious nature and ability to make a Elevcn families were chosen to settle the "good showing." They gathered 500 bush newly purchased lands that fall. Carl Miller els of potatoes, 500 bushels of corn, fifty and Superintendent Ralph Fredenberg bushels ofrutabagas, twenty bushels of beets, made the selections. Fredenberg's official fifteen bushels of carrots, and 300 squash report of the selection process listed the and pumpkins. They prepared 500 quarts criteria for choosing the families: "need— of fruit preserves, gathered thirty tons of homeless and landless," the size ofthe fam hay and corn fodder, and raised eight cows, ily, ambition, and the capacity to "make [a] nine horses, eight hogs, and 125 chickens. good showing."''*" One tribal member re "As I said before," wrote Arvid Miller, "we membered how the last criterion out have all been very busy—and are all very weighed the others. Instead of need, which happy. I used to write letters to our commis qualified so many, the "men and women sioner asking him to give us a chance, he who were not afraid of work and could be gave us this chance and I think that I am depended on to make a showing for the justified in saying we are making good.""'*" "' Inten'iew with Bernice Miller Pigeon, Stockbridge- Munsee Commtmit\', Wisconsin, Jtih' 7, 1982. ••" Arvid E. Miller, Sr. Papers, Book A, SMHL. '*-' "Personal Dian," September 18, 1936, Cailton Leo "•' Cariton Leo Miller Papers, File II, SMHL. Miller Papers, SMHL. "''Arvid E. Miller, Sr. Papers, Book A, SMHL; Washburn, "" "Stockbridge-Mimsee: Report on l.R.A. and Resettle 'The American Indian and the United States, 2216. ment Lands," March 6, 19.39, 360/Land .Ac 56 L.*;. :^ ^""m^m Kenneth Davids. Once settlement began on their new tion of new homes, loans for subsistence lands, the Stockbridge-Munsee (Community farming, and employment on work crews to continued to seekgovernmentaid. Through turn the Cutover into a productive timber the Tomah Indian Agency, the Bureau of resource, tribal reorganization might have Indian Affairs remained their guiding as remained a dream. well as their helping hand during the first Through the Indian Reorganization Act, decade of tribal reorganization. Assistance Collier promised the Stockbridge-Munsee came in the form of both direct aid—such loans and grants to resettle their lands if as job programs, loans, and grants—and they adopted a corporate charter and be technical and legal advice to the Business came a federal corporation.'*" Collier had Committee (and later the Tribal C^ouncil) warned all Native Americans that if they as they prepared their constitution and cor were to succeed in keeping their reserva porate charter. tions intact, they would have to organize A major success story during their first themselves to compete in the modern ten years of reorganization was the world.**** Similar to federal regulation of Stockbridge-Munsee's utilization of the tribal elections, the money administered numerous federal programs implemented from a "revolving fund" was under the con during the Depression years to provide aid trol of the Secretary of the Interior, who to rural families. These were not programs had the power to make rules and regula created with Native Americans in mind, but tions regarding their dispersal.'*'' The total rather in response to misery en masse. But amount of the fund began at $10 million, without such New Deal programs it is un likely the tribal leadership would have been as successful in finding both the money and "' Washburn, 'The American Indian and the United States, 2213. the jobs to keep the Stockbridge-Munsee "" Philp, Collier's Crusade, 145; Donald Parman, "The Community afioat Without the construc- Indian and the Civilian Conservation Corps," in Norris Hundley, ed., 'The American Indian: Essays from the Pacific Historical Review (Santa Barbara), 128. ed., 'The American Indian: F.s.says from the Pacipc Historical '^'' Washbtu^n, 'The Ameiican Indian and the United States, Review (Santa Barbara, 1974), 128. 2213. 57 WISCONSIN .MACAZINE OF HIST<)R\' AUIUMN, 199:5 but Congress pared this down to $2.5 mil purposes and to maintain existing homes. lion."" Ofthe various federal aid programs The Community instituted a pay-as-you-go which the Stockbridge-Munsee took advan system, and required individuals to pay for tage of during their first decade of reorga plowing sendees and such essentials as seeds, nization, only the revolving trust fund was onion sets, and berry plants. Loans for agri mandated by stipulations of the IRA. cultural purposes rarely exceeded six dol To gain access to the revolving fund, the lars, since farming was on small plots and of Stockbridge-Munsee Community adopted the subsistence variety.'" Nor was tribal land a corporate charter on May 21, 1938, by a ver)' productive. In 1938 alone, seventy- vote of 94 to 0. The charter's stated purpose three white-owned farms were foreclosed was to "further the economic development in Shawano County—and those farms were of the Stockbridge-Munsee Community by on land of much higher quality than that of conferring certain corporate rights, pow the Stc^ckbridge-Munsee."' ers, privileges and immunities." The Funds for housing were in even greater Stockbridge-Munsee Community became a demand. John Collier recognized new "body politic and corporate of the United homes as one ofthe tribe's "crying needs." States of America." Membership was lim He expected funds from what he called the ited to enrc:)llment in the Community. All "Hopkins Organization" to eventually build funds flowed from the Interior Department new homes; but everyone recognized that to the Tribal Council, which was given man in order to affect immediate relocation onto agement powers to disperse the money to the reservation, the structures thatsursdved individuals."' The Council established a from logging days would have to do."" While Community Credit Committee to issue the these buildings were far better than the loans and seek reimbtu'sement. chicken coops that some tribal members The Credit Committee also dispensed had been reduced to living in before reor monies from various grants given to the ganization, just a few adequate structures Community in its early years of tribal re existed, enough for only the first families."' organization. The purpose of the grants, Tomah Superintendent Farver proved his according to the order of President Frank mettle by landing a large Works Project lin Roosevelt extending Emergency Relief Administration (WPA) project for the new Funds to the Nati\'e Americans (January 11, Community. In just four years, WPA ex 1936), was to create self-help projects to pended over $80,000 for the construction assist in the rehabilitation ofthe Indians "in of over twenty homes and the refurbishing stricken, rural, agricultural areas.""'- These of existing structures. Farver asserted that rehabilitation grants were extensive. In a WTA funds were crucial, "because of the period of two and a half years, a total of limitedamountof money which the Indian $27,515 was given to the Stockbridge- Service has been able to secure""** Munsee Community."" Most ofthe loans and grants issued by the Credit Committee were for agricultural '" Loans, General Files, SMHL. "' "Stockbridge-Munsee: Report on I.R,.-\. and Resettle ment Lands," March 6, 19,39, 360/Land .Acquisition, Cien- '"' U.S. Department of Interior, Office of Indian Affairs, eral, Stockbridge Reservadon, BIA, GIA, p, 3, "Indians at Work" (June, 19.39), 6-8. '"'John Collier to Frank Christy, August 2, 1935, 360/ '" "Corporate C'harter," General Files, p. 1, S.MHL. Land .Acquisition, Ck'ueral, Stockbridge Resenation, BIA, "'-' Franklin Roosevelt to Federal Emergency Relief Ad GIA. ministradon, Letter no. 1323, Januan II, 1936, ,Anid E. "' Project Proposal for Stockbridge Indian Project, p. 3, SMHL; Miller, Sr. Papers, 1934^19.39, SMHL. inteniew with Bernice Miller Pigeon, Stockbridge-Munsee "" Peru Farver to Arvid Miller, Maich 1 6, 1940, ,\nid E. Commintity, Wisccjusin, July 7, 1982. Miller, Sr. Papers, 19.34-1939, SMHL. "" Peru Fan'er to Mark Muth (District Director of WP,A in 58 .SAV.ACIAN: TRIBAL REORCANIZ.ATION OF THE SFOCKBRIDCE-MUNSEE WPA funds also helped provide paid an expenditure of $5,875,000 on seventy- work for members of the Community, but two camps within thirty-three reservations.'"' the major employer during the first dec Modifications within the CCC were nec ade of reorganization was the Emergency essar)' because Native Americans were less Conservation Work, better known as the willing to roam about the country than Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC). By were the general enrollees. For Indians, building roads, cutting brush, laying tele age was not restricted to the eighteen-to- phone lines, constructing buildings, and twenty-five-year range, although physical repairing existing facilities, the Stock fitness was still mandatory. Nor were Indi bridge-Munsee men who worked for the ans required to sign up for a fixed period of CCC earned much-needed cash. Their work time, and they were allowed to return home improved the general condition of the if necessary. Because many Indians were reservation and increased its value. Prob able to live at home and still work for the ably it also conferred a sense of pride CCC-ID, their net earnings were higher. and accomplishment on those who partici These modifications encouraged the Na pated. The impact of the CCC cannot be tive Americans to stay at home and develop overemphasized. their reservations.'"^ Carl Miller's initial request through the Tomah Agency for CCC project work was 'IKE most of the relief programs rejected because tribal lands remained un E^tha t assisted the Stockbridge- der the Agriculture Department's control. Munsee, the Civilian Conservation Corps Tomah Superintendent Christy explained did not initially specify operations involv to Miller that he could not request CCC ing Indians; it took the efforts of John projects on lands over which the Depart Collier, working with Henry Wallace, to ment had no jurisdiction.'"" When the lands expand the Corps to include the first Ameri finally passed back to the Interior Depart cans."" Besides providing temporary relief, ment in January of 1937, Christy immedi and in keeping with his notion of coopera ately secured a CCC project for the tive communities, Collier envisioned the Stockbridge-Munsee Reservation. About CCC as a vehicle to test his thesis that 160 Stockbridge-Munsee men were eligible reservations were excellent places to con for work. The actual number of those par duct experiments on erosion prevention, ticipating in CCC work force at any one subsistence farming, and the development time was about forty-five The age of the of community living.'"" The combined forces workers ranged anywhere from seventeen oftheAgriculture and Interior departments to sixty-three, with the majority of men in proved successful. Congress authorized the their thirties.'"* introduction of CCC projects on Indian reservations in April of 1933 and ordered "" Calvin W. Cower, "The CCC. Indian Division: Aid for Depressed Americans, 193.3-1942,"in Minnesota History, 43:6 Green Bay), October 28, 1937, Tomah Agency Deciinal File, (Spring, 1972). Box 1, Miscellaneous Correspondence, 1937-1938, NA, GL '"•-' U.S. Department of Interior, Civilian Consen'ation RG 75; Faner to XavierVigeant (Director of Rural Rehabilita Corps, Annual Report of the Director of the Civilian Conservation tion) , September 8, 19.39, Tomah Agency Decimal File, Box Corps, for the Fiscal Year Ended 30June 1939, pp. 25-26;John A. 3, Miscellaneous Correspondence, 1939-1940, NA, GL RCi Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New 75. Deal Case Study (Durham, 1967), 33. "" Philp, Collier's Cruscule, 187. '"' Frank Christy to Cari .Miller, May 13, 1936, Land '""Perry H. Merrill, RooseveU's Forest Army: A Hislmy ofthe Acqtiisition, General, Stockbridge Re.sen'ation, BIA, GIA. Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942 (Montpelier.Verntout, '"'General File, "C.C.C.T.D.,'"'SMHL; Cower, "TheCC.C 1981), 12. Indian Division," 6. 59 ^fft Kenneth Abert andjamily. The CCC-ID proved a mixed blessing to Stockbridge-Munsee actual control rested the Stockbridge-Munsee. The work pro with the foreman, Kenneth Abert. Abert, a vided food and shelter, some cash for Menominee and member of the Army Re needy families, and general improvement serve, ran the operation like a militar)' post of the land. But organization of CCC-ID and treated Council plans and ideas for work in the Community was not controlled projects with condescension. His overbear by the Tribal Council. While the intent of ing presence was a constant reminder to the CCC-ID was to allow tribal councils a the Stockbridge-Munsee Community that degree of cc^ntrol over the selection and they were still subject to rules, regulations, planning of work projects, in the case ofthe and supervision outside of their tribal conn- 60 .SAVAC.IAN: FRinAI. REORCANIZ.VnON OFTHE STOCKBRIIX;ivMUNSEE cil.'"' The CCC-ID was no doubt a great tension ofthe CCC to July 1, 1943.'"** De help in settling the reservation, but Abert's spite Roosevelt's three-year reprieve, how strict control and abrasive manner tem ever, the Corps could not .survive competi pered much of the appreciation with the tion from the new danger the United States feeling that they were on the public dole. was about to confront in the Pacific. Two "[T]he Indian men," C'arl Miller obser\'ed, months before thejapanese attack on Pearl "were given work with wages barely enough Harbor, the Stockbridge-Munsee Tribal for their families to exist upon and they Council sent a letter to Commissioner were always made to understand that they Collier expressing their anxiety over the were i?(?/2'ty"Clients."'"'' possible loss of CCC funds. "Our commu The Community recognized that the nity is solely dependent upon CCC-ID em CCC-ID relief project, controlled as it was ployment for an existence," it read, and by an outsider who had insulted the dignity went on to describe the size of their reserva of their leaders, was almost their sole source tion not in physical terms of acreage, tim ofincome Without it, tribal members would ber, or minerals, but in the human ele have had to seek work elsewhere, possibly ment: "We have 50 families here starting jeopardizing the future of a community new homes, average age of families past 40 struggling to find itself. The costs and ben years, average family 5 each. These families efits of such a system—which promoted trying desperately to get new start in life. work, yetguaranteed no future—presented Should withdrawal of C.C.C.-I.D. activities a paradox; for while the Council continued be permitted, it would take the life blood to oppose the operation of the CCC-ID from our community, leaving us with unfin because of its lack of control, it also sup ished cabins, bare rooms and empty cup ported the CCC-ID's continuation when boards."'"" Congress threatened it with termination. Then came the war. Byjanuary of 1942, John (Collier recognized that the end of most young Stockbridge-Munsee men had the Civilian Conservation Corps would cre already left the reservation for the armed ate a vacuum. He asked: "After the depres forces. Despite the depletion of their most sion is over and the emergency grants cease, able workers, the Tribal Council had many what will happen to the now-working In middle-aged men pulling a monthly salary dian?"'"' Originally the CCC, which began from CCC-ID work and was adamant that in April, 1933, was destined to cease opera the camp remain. In tune with the times, tions on June 30, 1940 (50 Stat 319). On the Council used patriotic phrases as it August 7, 1939, President Roosevelt ap tried to drum up allies to keep the work proved congressional requests for an ex- alive.""The Community stressed thatavital part of the war effort must be the protec tion of the nation's valuable timber re serves in Wisconsin. In an address to the Shawano County board of supervisors, Carl Miller warned that during a time of war— '"•' Gower, in "The CCC. Indian Division," argues (p. 4) that the CCC-ID did more to encourage Indian self-adminis tration than frustrate it. Salmond, 'The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942, also lauds the C"CC for allowing pardcipa- tion of tribal councils in preparing work plans (p. 33). The ""* "C.CCT.D. Circular," December 1, 19.39, General Stockbridge-Munsee clash with Kenneth Abert suggests that Files, CCC-ID, SMHL, a reappraisal of the value of CCC-ID projects for encouraging '"" "Night Letter: Tribal Council to John Collier," Sep self-rule among participatii"ig Indians might be in order. tember 9, 1941, General Files, CCCTD, SMHL. '"" "Our Plan," Carlton Leo Miller Papers, SMHL. "" Tribal Council to Robert La Follette, Jr., January 8, '"' S. Lyinan Tyler, Indian .\ffairs: A Study ofthe (Changes in 1942, General Files, CCC-ID, See also Assistant Secretary Policy of'Lhe United States 'Toward Indians (Pro\'o, Utah, 1964), William Zimmerman's correspondence with Senator La 77, ' Follette, September 22,1941, General Files, CCC-ID, SMHL. 61 wisccjNsiN MA(;AZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN. 199.3 total war—the enemy might start numer large role, overseeing the land acquisition ous small fires which, if uncontrolled, could and filing requests for money to fund the develop into a "gigantic, rolling, leaping various projects that were vital to the conflagration such as no man has ever Community's early survival. The evidence seen and no human power could stop."'" also suggests that were it not for the politi Despite these rhetorical flourishes and cal acumen of the tribal leadership, most other efforts, the CCC-ID camp at the notably Carl Miller and members of the Stockbridge-Munsee Community closed Business Committee, the single most pro on June 30, 1942.""- Kenneth Abert left for pitious moment for reorganization pre the army and Carl Miller took over as a fire sented by the Indian Reorganization Act guard. Try as they might, the Tribal Coun would have slipped by. The Stockbridge- cil could not convince the powers that be Munsee people were not "lucky" that they in Washington that the residents of the were given, in Carl Miller's words, "an Stockbridge-Munsee reser\'ation were an other chance." Luck in this instance was integral part of the national defense. The simply experience meeting opportunity. CCC-ID did succeed in providing many of The third factor was one of supreme the young men oi the tribe a chance to irony. Only by having their former forests master a trade, and it improved living stripped bare—in some cases contribut standards on the reservation. Yet the secu ing to the ecological disaster by hiring rity it offered was short-lived, and when it themselves out as loggers on their old closed down there was again no source of tribal lands—could the Stockbridge- employment. World War II served to re- Munsee have qualified for funds under emphasize the lack of jobs in the area. FERA's submarginal land program. That Many young members of the Stockbridge- this was the only acquisition program avail Munsee Community donned uniforms and able after IRA money was depleted made took their places on battlefields. Others the environmental debacle doubly ironic. found work on assembly lines in Sturgeon Once the Stockbridge-Munsee began to Bay, Green Bay, Milwaukee, Wausau, or move "way back into the brush," they were even Seattle—but not on the reservation."" able to take advantage of other New Deal The elders remained at home to keep alive relief programs such as the "W^orks Progress the Stockbridge-Munsee Community, Administration, Rural Rehabilitation, and which was now a corporation without a the Civilian Conservation Corps. work force, a tribal council with few to The fact that such resources were avail govern. able as a result of and during one of the most severe economic crises in American history is the fourth and final factor in the ' HE tribal reorganization ofthe creation of the Stockbridge-Munsee Com Stockbridge-Munsee was the T munity. It is fair to wonder whether, with result of four vital forces working together. out the Great Depression acting as impe John Collier and his agents surely played a tus for the creation of Roosevelt's alpha bet agencies, the Community would have '" Carl Miller to Shawano Countv Board of Supenisors reorganized at all. For good leadership, be (no date). General Files, CCCTD, SMHL, it Carl Miller's or John Collier's, could gc^ "-'U ,S. Department of Agriculttire, Forest Sendee, green only so far without adequate resources to notebook, Carlton Leo Miller Papers, SMHL. fulfill the promises made to the people '"' Inten'iew with Lucille Bowman Miller, Stockbridge- Munsee Communitv, Wisconsin, August 27, 1983. who call themselves Muh-He-Con-Neew. 62 Communications To the Editors: When I received my copy of the Spring, To the Editors: 1993, issue of the Wisconsin Magazine of History I was struck by the wonderful pho In the Winter, 1992-1993 issue there is tographs of Indians scattered throughout a wonderful article about the Soldiers' the issue. It is interesting to see all those Orphans' Home in Madison by Patricia G. solemn faces. Harrsch which I enjoyed reading a great I'm afraid, though, that you are wrong in deal. your identification of Boudinot (page 199). In her article, Ms. Harrsch indicates I think the picture is of of Elias Cornelius that Benjamin Hopkins of Madison was a Boudinot, not of his father Elias Boudinot, as later supporter of the project, but in the you assert Of course he is a Cherokee, not a notice of Hopkins' death in the Wisconsin Choctaw. I enclo.se a xerox copy of an 1866 Historical Collections (Vol. VI, 1872), David photo of a Cherokee delegation to Washing Atwood states that Cordelia Harvey attrib ton taken by Alexander Gardner, which shows uted to Hopkins the idea of first using the E. C. Boudinot It .seems to be the same man hospital as an orphanage. The article in and probably the .same suit. You should note, cludes a letter from Hopkins to Mrs. Harvey too, that Elias Boudinot was assas.sinated for dated June, 1865, to document the sugges his signing the removal treaty in June, 1839— tion. Is that attribution no longer consid some time before there were photographs of ered valid? the quality shown in the Magazine. DEAN M. CONNORS FRANCIS PAUL PRUCHA, S.J. Madison Milwaukee Patricia G. Harrsch replies: To the Editors: I want to thank Mr. Connors for his kind words about my article and for call This concerns "A Statue for Billy," in ing my attention to the article about Ben Volume 76, Number 4 of The Wisconsin jamin Hopkins which appeared in Vol. VI Magazine of History, particularly footnote ofthe Wisconsin Historical Collections. I must 15 on page 241. confess to having contented myself with Our legendary hero, Arnold von identifying Hopkins in the Dictionary of Winkelried (not Winkelreid) died on July Wisconsin Biography and with establishing 9, 1386, not in 1836, in the Batde of Sem- his role in sponsoring the legislation for pach, when the Swiss fought—and won, of the Soldiers' Orphans' Home and serving course!—against the Habsburg. on its board of trustees. I remembered my school days in the In Madison: A History of the Formative hamlet of Paradies, on the Rhine upriver Years (Dubuque, 1982), page 151, David from Schaffhausen in Switzerland, enough Mollenhoff also credits Benjamin Hopkins to spot the discrepancy of 450 years, but I with the idea of establishing the Home. made sure by looking up one of my sources, Since all of the other reading which I had the Geschichte der Eidgenossen in Wort und done (including E. B. Quiner writing in Bild, published by Stauffacher-Verlag, 1866) had indicated that Mrs. Harvey was Zurich, 1967. the originator, I assumed that Mollenhoff Willie the Battle of Sempach is well doc had misstated the matter. Apparently, he umented in the historical records and il had read the article to which you refer, lustrations, Winkelried's person is not. and I should, at least, have indicated his His story arose in later years and seems to viewpoint. have entered the written accounts around 63 WISCONSIN MACAZINE OF HISTORN AUTUMN. 1993 1425; no Swiss Independence Day speech So much for an aside on "A Statue for could—particularly during the World War II Billy," an article which I read with interest. years, when I was in school and then in the militaiy—have been given without his being PlIILll'P GR.AF mentioned as an example to be followed. ^eton Amy Louise Hunter Fellowship cants who are doing research in the his tory of Wisconsin or of the Middle West. The State Historical Society' ofWisconsin Letters of application, describing in some will offer for the first time in 1994 the Amy detail the applicant's current research, Louise Hunter Fellowship, which carries an should be addressed to State Historian, State outright grant of $2,500. The fellowship is Historical Society ofWisconsin, 816 State Street, awarded in even-numbered years to a scholar Madison, Wisconsin 53706-1488. The appli at the graduate level and beyond for research cation deadline each year is July 15. on the history of women and public policy, broadly construed, with preference given to John C. Geilfuss Fellowship Wisconsin topics and/or research using the collections of the State Historical Society of GREGORY FIELD, a doctoral candidate in history Wi.sconsin. at the University of Massachusetts and a mem A two-page letter of application describing ber of the research faculty' at Rutgers Univer the applicant's background and current re sity, where he is working on the Thomas A. search, and a description ofthe prc^ject should EdLson Papers, is the 1993 recipient of the be addressed to State Historian, State Historical John C. Geilfuss Fellowship. Mr. Field will Society of Wisconsin, 816 State Street, Madison, Wl examine the role of Da\Tid lalienthal on the 53706-1488. The application deadline is May Wisconsin Public Senice Commission during 1 of even-numbered vears. Governor Philip La Follette's administration as part of a larger biography of Lilienthal, who Alice E. Smith Fellowship later became the first chair of the Atomic Energy Commission. J.ANA NiDiFFER, a doctoral candidate at the THE JOHN C. GEILFUSS FELLOWSHIP carries an Harvard Graduate School of Education, is outright grant of $5,000. The Fellowship is the 1992-1993 recipient of the Alice E. awarded annually by the State Historical Soci Smith Fellowship. Ms. Nidiffer is working ety of Wisconsin, in conjunction with the on a dissertation entitled "More Than a Wisconsin History Foundation, to a scholar at Wise and Pious Matron: Deans of Women the graduate level and beyond who is doing in Midwestern Cxjeducational Universities, research in Wisconsin and U.S. business and 1895-1918." Ms. Nidiffer will use the fel economic history', with an emphasis on topics lowship to study the career of Lois K. in Wisconsin and the American Midwest Mathews, dean of women at the University and/or for research trsing the collections of ofWisconsin, 1911-1918. the State Historical Scycietv' of WLsconsin. THE ALICE E. SMITH FELLOWSHIP, which A two-page letter of application describ carries an outright grant of $2,000, honors ing the applicant's background and cur the former director of research at the rent research, and a description of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin who project, should be addressed to State His retired in 1965 and died in 1992. The torian, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Fellowship is awarded by the Society annu 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 5 37 06-1488. ally to a woman doing research in Ameri The application deadline each year is Feb can history, with preference given to appli ruary 1. 64 BOOK REVIEWS The Mohicans of Stockbridge. By P.VFRICK cal, judicial, economic, military, religious FR.AZIER. (University of Nebraska Press, Lin and educational—was used by Europeans coln, 1992. Pp. xviii, 307. Notes, bibliogra for a sinister end. Assisted by disease, their phy, index, illustrations, maps. ISBN 0- great ally, they were able to subdue, con 8032-1986-5, $35.00.) trol, and in some cases, eradicate, indig enous peoples and their cultures. The Mohicans, though fictic:)nally Frazier, a research specialist in the Library erased by James Fenimore Cooper, have of Congress, had access to vast resources: state in reality survived four hundred years of archives, government documents, records of Euroamerican colonial practices. Indian agents, journals of missionaries, church Mohicans, now numbering nearly 1,500, records, military files, newspapers, and pri can be found in all parts of the world, but vate collections. Using these, Frazier docu more than half of them live on tribal lands ments the colonizing movement as it affected in north-central Wisconsin. the Mohicans. He also recognizes and de Patrick Frazier has researched and docu scribes the apprehensions and resistance of mented fifty years of that survival, from 1734 the Mohicans as their numbers, their re to 1784. During that period, some of the sources, and their cultural identity were extended families of Mohicans gathered in a eroded. small village that came to be known as Contact with Europeans began for the Stockbridge, Massachusetts—hence the name Mohicans a centtiry and a quarter before "Stockbridge Indians," or eventually "The the Stockbridge period, when the Dutch Stockbridge-Munsee Band of Mohican Indi man Henry Hudson traveled up the river ans," as they are officially known today. that now bears his name. He was first met To understand the impact of Frazier's by Mohican Indians, to whom he offered book, we must go back at least five centu alcohol to see how they would react. Later, ries and focus on the movement of "explo as the fur trade developed, a variety of ration" and colonization by European pow trade goods—guns, iron kettles, glass ers. Beginning in the western hemisphere, beads, woven cloth, rum—became avail this movement spread over 85 per cent of able to the Mohicans and changed their the world's land surface as Europeans be lifestyle. Traders discovered that great came aware of the resources to be ex bargains could be struck after rum was ploited in other areas. In that movement, provided, and so it became an important a network of powerful institutions—politi commodity of trade. 65 WISCONSIN M.AC.AZINE OF HISFORY .AUTUMN, 199S Other dramatic changes came. Contact every way by this web, and they were ulti with outsiders brought diseases, which dev mately rendered powerless, poverty- astated the Mohicans, as they did most of stricken, and deplorably dependent. At the indigenous people ofthe western hemi the end of a period of only fifty years, the sphere. Mohicans were drawn into con Mohicans saw that their only chance of flicts between the English and the Dutch, survival as a People was to leave their home the French and the English, and other land on the Housatonic in the Berkshires. Native nations. Internal and external con This was made possible, not by the teach flicts, as well as the decline of the fur trade ers, preachers, and merchants, but with in the eighteenth century, left the the help of another Native People, the Mohicans vulnerable to colonization. Oneida Nation. This was their situation in 1734 when, In The Mohicans of Slockbridge, Frazier with some reluctance, the Mohicans agreed gathers into one volume the many scat that a missionary could be sent among tered historical fragments of the colonial them. The dispirited population was lured relationships that existed during this pe by the promise of two things: salvation, to riod. He also includes those portions of be brought through the words ofthe Chris cultural life that the missionaries cared to tian missionaries, and a better way of life, record—even though they often described taught to them by good Christian teachers them in order to criticize or denounce and farmers. As time went on, their hope them as "heathenish" practices. In addi for survival was dampened by the growing tion, Frazier presents several of the tribal awareness that Christians often did not act leaders as real people; he gives them their in a Christian manner. The very people tribal names and includes some of their sent to preach salvation were becoming words and experiences. more interested in Mohican land than in What makes Frazier's book particularly Mohican souls. significant is that he captures the dynam Another promise of sur\'ival was made ics of colonialism—the ideology, the ratio in the form of a mission school. They were nale, the practices, the power plays, and persuaded that if they agreed to allow its the hypocrisy of the colonizers. For even establishment among them, their children after the thirteen colonies, with the help could be taught the skills needed to live in of their Indian allies, decolonized them their changing world. They soon found, selves, they continued to exploit those however, that the mission school was sim very Native People who had helped them ply the arena for a power play among gain their independence. Frazier cites the colonial families who contrived to control analogy voiced by the Mohicans in their decision making, funds, and positions. 1782 letter addressed to the New York Finally, the Mohicans saw the promise of General Assembly. In it they remind the stiryival in soldiering. They chose first to be immigrants that, when they came to this allies with the English against the French, land, the Mohicans were a great nation, and then with the Americans against the English. they took them in, shared with them, and They were called upon to send fighting men fought beside them. But now, the letter con to many places in the fledgling colonies. But tinues, the immigrants are great, and the they were c^ften not paid what they were prom Mohicans are small and need help. All they ised, were sometimes despised by Am ask is a recognition of their right to those land erican or British military leaders, and were areas which they have not sold or given away. accused of being disloyal and abused because There is no record whether this petition was they were suspected. ever heard or received a response. The Mohicans were caught in a wrench Frazier also documents examples ofthe ing web of ccylonial relationships that, at resistance of the Mohicans: their days of the beginning, always appeared to be prom deliberation before making decisions that ising. But, in the end, they were strangled in would affect their integrity as a People; 66 BOOK REVIEWS their efforts to use the colonial justice 159. Photographs, illustrations, maps, bib system to affirm their rights; their appeals, liography,'index. ISBN 0-938627-16-3, through letters and speeches, to Indian $29.95). agents, governors, and even the king for justice or the fulfillment of promises; their Although references to Wisconsin's refusal to go to the battlefield, or return numerous ethnic enclaves can be found in there when they have not been paid; their various publications, few works provide an absence from church services during maple exclusive, in-depth study ofany specific ethnic syrup season and their returning to their community. AS the most comprehensive work traditional spiritual ceremonies in times yet done on the Polish community of central of great crises. Their resistance was often Wisconsin, Michael Goc's Native Realm futile, but it stands as evidence that theirs presents an authentic historical and cul was not a wholesale buying into a system tural portrait of this ethno-region. Notwith that had no intentions of accepting them standing its commemorative format and as they were. That resistance is undoubt lack of footnotes, the book is well-written, edly the reason why Mohicans today, living richly illustrated, and reflects attention to in Wisconsin and elsewhere, still see them detail, thorough research, and academic in selves as a distinct People whose roots are tegrity of the subject. in this land. Considered to be the largest rmal Pol One wishes, while reading government ish concentration in North America, cen reports and missionaries' journals, that tral Wisconsin is also one of the oldest in oral history had survived in story and song, the country. The first Poles arrived in 1857 so that Mohican storytellers could tell the and by the twentieth century had became children about the coming of the first the dominant ethnic population in the missionary, or sing warrior songs about area. They were almost all farmers who Mohican heroism in the colonial wars, or chose to start a new life on the land rather recite what the women did and how they than suffocate in crowded industrial cities. felt when the men and boys went off to And although it didn't take long before Poles fight in their colonizers' wars, or tell how also constituted a substantial part of the popu some people chose to leave the commu lation in Stevens Point, central Wisconsin's nity when missionaries demanded that they Polish community has always had a predomi give up their traditional ceremonies. On nantly rural character. the other hand, we are fortunate to have Starting with a picture of nineteenth- versions of Aupaumut's history of the century rural Poland, Native Realm not Mohicans and John W. Quinney's speech only sets the stage for central Wisconsin's from a later period. Polish history but also helps the reader Perhaps, in some generation ahead, a understand the context from which these Mohican will write a book called The Last of immigrant Poles emerged. James Fenimore Cooper. Until then, I recom Ruralsettlementcomprisedthefirstpha.se mend the reading of The Mohicans of in the community's development. In this sec Stockbridgehy Patrick Frazier. ond chapter we learn about frontier life, so cial structure among the Poles, the rapid DOROTHYW. DAVIDS expansion of Polish parishes throughout the Gresham county, and in terestingfacts about traditional Polish life and customs. Chapter three follows the development ofthe Polish community in Stevens Point, Native Realm: The Polish-American Commu which was known for its distinctive Public nity of Portage County, 1857-1992. ByMiCHAELJ. Square, used for farmer markets by local Goc. (Worzalla Publishing, Stevens Point, and Polish farmers. Before long, Poles partici New Past Press, Inc., Friendship, 1992. Pp. pated in every aspect ofthe town's business 67 WISCONSIN MAC;AZINE OF HISICMW .AUTUMN, 1993 and political life, becoming the home of two Sales activities seldom receive much Polish newspapers, a publisher, and the Pro attention in historical studies, and Profes vincial home of a Polish order of nuns. sor Vogel's offering may suggest, albeit Chapter four looks at the many changes unintentionally, a reason why: such ac in the period between World War I and counts don't generally make for very inter World War II, which were precipitated by esting reading. Nineteenth-century log shifts in the economy. Prohibition, changes ging and manufacturing were actually in agriculture, the Depression, and par pretty exciting, the logging appearing ticipation in two wars. romantic at times and dangerous always; The final chapter deals with the post- and the manufacturing dramatic in terms World War II era and attempts to portray of bustle, noise, and dust, as well as the ways in which Portage County preserved ever-present danger. A special breed of its Polish heritage. men seems to have been required to con Despite its unquestionable merits and tend with big trees and ponderous sawlogs, general reliability as a source on this sub rushing rivers, strong animals, and steam- ject, the book, however, is not without its powered machinery. But to sell lumber? shortcomings. Certain characterizations That task seems about as mundane and of traditional rural life both in Poland and undemanding as selling linens. Still, had it in Portage County are not completely ac not been for the sales end ofthe equation, curate. Polish names are occasionally mis the rest would never have occurred, and spelled and English translations from Pol Vogel reminds us of that fundamental fact. ish are consistently incorrect. Also, per Those who have studied the expansion centages of the local German population of nineteenth-century America have inevi are abnormally inflated and one gets the tably been struck by the east-west orienta impression that the proportion of Polish tion in the movement of people, produce, Americans in the county is much less than and products. In the 1840's Henry David it is in reality. Thoreau observed how his feet naturally Finally, although this book dealt well walked westward if left to their own de with earlier history, the post-\A'orld War II vices. Vogel's case history provides a post- chapter is disappointing. Concentrating Civil War updating of that same march primarily on a few select personalities (most toward the west. Great Lakes Lumberdetsdl?, of whom were recent emigres and not part the business of one upper-Mississippi Valley of the area's original Polish stock) it dc:ies producer—the Laird, Norton C^ompany of little to analyze the heart of the commu Winona, Minnesota—selling along the line nity and illuminate those elements of yards of railways building into the Dako- present-day central Wisconsin derived tas. It is a worthwhile study and should be from the people's Pc^lish origins, which especially useful to beginning students of remain rooted in their present ctilttire. the region or the forest products industry. One bothersome thing is the author's DENNIS L. KOLINSKI effort to make settlement and sales into Illinois Humanities Council something complex. It may have been com plex in detail but it was hardly so overall. Vogel offers the following conclusion: "This study substantiates that, at least in the regions investigated, lumber from a Great Lakes Lumber on the Great Plains: The Great Lakes logging district reached and Laird, Norton Lumber Company in South Da was marketed in a portion of the Great kota. ByJoHxN. VOGEL. (University of Iowa Plains and chronicles the pattern and pro Press, Iowa City, 1992. Pp. xx, 195. Illustra cess of how it happened." Now that is a tions, maps, notes, bibliographv, index. properly modest claim, and it should prob ISBN 0-87745-385-3, $27.95.) ably be left at that. What could be less 68 BOOK REVIEWS surprising than Lake States lumber being imperiled groves, more than ten million marketed to newly arrived settlers on tree acres of public lands have already been set less prairies and plains ofthe trans-Missis aside in Washington and Oregon. And sippi west? while there is indeed a Weyerhaeuser Com But it wasn't so simple, according to pany, nearing its hundredth anniversary, Vogel. First, the settlers had other options. the forest managers of Weyerhaeuser "Despite the availability of sod, immigrants would be surprised to learn that their created a tremendous market for lum "groves" are "imperiled." ber." Well, they did create a demand. As to the availability of sod, so what? Newcom ers surely didn't build sod houses out of CHARLES E. TWINING preference; they built them out of neces Federal Way, Washington sity, and when they had a choice, they chose wood. And why wood? Geographer Wayne Franklin asserts in his foreword that "the demand [for lumber] was eco Herbert Hoover and Harry S. Truman: A Docu nomic only on its surface; deep down, it was mentary History. Edited by TIMO ri IYWALC;I I and cultural in nature." Vogel agrees, suggesting DWIGHT M. MILLER. (High Plains Publishing that settlers wanted tc:) duplicate their famil Company, Worland, Wyoming, 1992. Pp. iar woodland culture. That may be a partial xvi, 278. Appendices, notes, bibliography, explanation in some instances, but surely index. ISBN 0-9623333-8-7, $29.50.)' not in all. For example, Frederick Weyer haeuser, who is frequently cited, grew up in Herbert Hoover and Harry Truman a stone house and somehow readily adapted were born in the Midwest, a few hundred to wood. The fact is that wood was available, miles and a few years apart. Both rose from was relatively inexpensive, and could be uti obscure origins through hard work, intel lized easily by amateur carpenters. ligence, and ambition. Their views of This book would have benefited from proper conduct in public and private life much tighter editing. Word repetition is a were similar, as were most of their posi problem throughout. Some words are used tions on domestic and foreign policy. carelessly and others are simply incorrect. There were differences. They were parti A persistent annoyance is the personifica sans of opposing parties, and in the I930's, tion of the company: "it told him"; "the Hoover moved in a conservative direction, company wrote." Readers would surely while Truman, following the leadership of have been more interested in knowingjust Franklin Roosevelt, became more liberal. who in the organization was doing the Truman entered the inner circle of Senate telling and the writing. leaders and then became •vice-president, while A couple of final comments. Although Hoover was pushed into obscurity and ex Vogel probably shouldn't be held account cluded from public life. able for Franklin's foreword, it is part of In April 1945, Truman became presi the whole. Franklin, noting the "migra dent and Hoover assumed that his years of tory nature of the [forest products] indtus- exile would continue. But on May 24,1945, try," also mentions "the great, now imper Truman told his surprised aides that the iled groves of the Pacific slope." In the night before, while thinking about the text, Vogel remarks on the end of the food shortage in Europe, he had impul white pine era in the Lake States when sively written Hoover a letter inviting him "some firms like Laird, Norton and to the White House to discuss the prob Weyerhaeuser moved west and [accord lem. Truman mailed the letter himself, a ing to the footnote] continue operations maneuver he used when he wanted to get today." In fact, the firms didn't move; past his cautious advisers. investors moved their money. As for those Hoover prepared carefully, but after he 69 WISCONSIN MACAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 199,3 met Truman on May 28, he felt that the The Roosevelt Presence: A Biography of Franklin president was just extending a courtesy Delano Roosevelt. By PATRICK J. MANEY. and that nothing further would come of it. (Twayne Publishers, New York, 1993. Pp. However, in 194() Truman brought Hoover XV, 2.55. Notes, bibliographv, illustrations, back into public service, starting with Eu index. ISBN 0-8057-7758-X,' $26.95, cloth; ropean famine relief. ISBN 0-8057-7786-5, $13.95, paper.) Their most productive partnership be gan in 1947 when congressional Republi A unique quality of this short biogra cans, anticipating a return to power in phy is its consideratale interest to both the 1948, created a blue-ribbon commission general reader and the scholar. The vol to make recommendations on government ume of source material available on FDR organization. The ex-president headed forces many scholars to examine closely what came to be known as the Hoover only short periods of Roosevelt's life, leav Commission. After Truman's surprise vic ing the general reader at a loss. Concen tory in 1948, Hcyover and Truman allied to trating on interpretation rather than ex carry through the most successful reorga haustive detail, the book is based on the nization ofthe executive branch in United many excellent monographs and multi- States history. volume works concerning Roosevelt plus Hoover's friends believed Truman some archival research. added years to the lowan's life by bringing The work refutes many of the myths that him back into public service, but both have grown around the Roosevelt legacy and men benefited politically and emotionally places in full light what Roosevelt did and, by a partnership that continued until more significantly, what he did not do. The Hoover's death in 1964. maturation of Roosevelt and the develop Editors Timothy Walch and Dwight ment of his philosophy is a major theme of Miller exercised excellent judgment in the book. His true role in the "100 days" is selecting 180 documents to trace the evo especially interesting in view of the disap lution of the Truman-Hoover relationship pointed hopes for a similar revitalization at from 1945 to 1964. They divided the docu the beginning ofthe current Clinton admin ments into six chapters with short essays istration. Of special interest to Wisconsin discussing particular aspects of the rela readers is the prominent role played by the tionship, including Hoover's return to pub political and academic leaders of the state. lic life, his postwar famine relief mission, The "100 days" were not a product of reorganization of the executive branch, Roosevelt's genius, but the result of pent-up and conflicts between the two men. Walch demand for reform in Congress and the and Miller provide commentary for each nation as a whole that was finally released by document, which they selected from let the Democratic Congress mandated for ters, reports, telegrams, and diary entries. change In fact Roosevelt opposed .some of Walch and Miller selected the documents the measures passed. Much of the reform with such intelligence and care and intro associated with the New Deal was accom duced them so clearly that the association plished in the seccjnd 100 days in 1935, between the presidents emerges in all of lending hope that a similar second chance its hesitations, emotions, and achieve may come for the current President. ments. This book is a wonderful example Roosevelt's role as war lord occupies of archivists using their knowledge and about half of the book, taking the general experience to make available to a wide line that the President was indeed the audience material that usually only a few commander-in-chief and not merely an scholars have an opportunity to enjoy. able selector of the military leaders who directed the war. The author addresses Wii.Li.AM E. PEMBERTON the impact of Roosevelt's declining health University of Wisconsin—La Crosse on the post-war world. 70 BOOK REVIEWS The final chapter deals with the Roosevelt Letters from New France: The Upper Country, legacy. Those who followed him in the office 1686-1783. Translated and edited by Jc> were under a great burden either to emulate .SEPH L. PEYSER. (University of Illinois Press, or surpass him. Roosevelt had changed the Urbana, 1992. Pp. xv, 248. Illustrations, public perception of the office of President maps, notes, appendices, bibliography, in from one of the three branches of govern dex. ISBN 0-252-01853-2, $34.95.) ment to that of a quasi-mystical figure "vital to the progress and security of the nation." Any collection of original materials con Despite the passage of nearly fifty years, the cerning early American history is welcomed Presidency remains the strongest of the three by historians, amateur and professional branches, taking both the credit and blame alike. This is especially true when the new for the way things are going, be it the collection is of French documents con economy, foreign policy, domestic policy, taining some ofthe earliest written records government waste, or health care. The con of the old American northwest that are cept that legislation should, or even could, little known and have been so well tran.s- be developed by the executive was foreign to lated. Professor Peyser's elegant idea is to the writers ofthe Constitution. Even though present a history of the rise and fall of the it may not be based on fact, this new concept French empire in American by viewing it of the President as the originator of all that through one small prism. He employs a is good and respon.sible for all that is bad is combination of documents and brief es Roosevelt's legacy. says to present a "sequential picture" of Roosevelt emerges from the book as the history of a small fort on the edge of neither saint nor devil, but certainly not as the French sphere of influence in America, a demi-god. His procrastination is inter Fort St. Joseph in the pays d'en haul. This preted as a device to delay decisions that designation referred to the lands around should not have been made at the time. the Great Lakes Basin; but Fort St. Joseph, His irritating habit of giving the same on the right bank of the river of the same responsibility to two or more persons is name near present-day Niles, Michigan, excused on the grounds that the ensuing was a mere dot in the vast wilderness en competition led to more creative answers compassed by "the Upper Country." to problems. Roosevelt suffered the weak Peyser has assembled a fascinating col ness of many great leaders in a reluctance lection of forty-six documents from widely to groom a successor. Without an heir, scattered sources centered about events at many of his dreams were unfulfilled or this early outpost of New France. They distorted. Whether an heir could have include correspondence, journal entries, carried on his work is questionable. As an speeches of Indian leaders (recorded by ardent admirer of his uncle Theodore the French), and lists of names and things, Roosevelt, FDR was aware of the disas from post commandants, colonial officials, trous outcome of TR's attempt to groom ministers, fur traders, missionaries, mili Taft to carry forward a program. tary officers, clerks, and fur traders. After Maney's biography of FDR is a very introducing his documents with a concise useful book in understanding the current history of New France to 1686, the date of problems of our country. Although we the fort's founding, he follows with the may learn little from the past, at least it documents, historical introductions, and might teach us to sttxdy the alternatives. essays arranged in seven well-organized Maney has made an excellent contribu chapters. tion, producing a survey of the life of the Fort St. Joseph remained open for only President ranked second onlv to Lincoln. a dozen years, after which it was closed on orders from France until 1717. During the WALTER S. DUNN, JR. interim,Jesuits maintained a mission there Elkhorn Indian wars, at first between the French 71 WISCONSIN MACAZINE OF III.SFOR^' AUTUMN, 1993 and the Fox Indians, later against the Chick- who possess an interest in early American asaws, led tcj its re-opening and dominated history and the human condition. its sub.seqtient histoiy. During the Seven Years' War, in which Fort St. Joseph played JA.VIES PRrit:H,ARD an insignificant role, Peyser reveals a con Queen's University nection between a one-time commandant of Kingston, Ontario the post and George Washington himself. In order to preserve the thread of cc^ntinuit)- between French and British occupations of the post, he also includes new translations of For an Amerindian Autohislory: An Llssay on French material relating to Pontiac's upris the Foundations of a Social Ethic. By GEORGES ing, and in a postscript takes his readers to E. Sioui. (McGili-Qtieen's University Press, the last significant event in the history of the Montreal, 1992. Pp. ix, 112. Map, notes, fort On February 12, 1781, a war party from appendix, notes. ISBN 0-7735-0950-X, St. Louis seized the fort in the name of $29.95.) Charles III of Spain as part of an elaborate and brilliant campaign to capture British The intriguing title of this book has territory for use during later peace negotia caused much speculation as to its con tions. tents. Siotn presents the academic world The editor-translator clearly seeks to with an American Indian perspective on attract a wide audience, for he provides writing about sovereign indigenous extended intrc:)ductions to the documents peoples. It is well past time for such a in order to place them in a larger political, treatise in academia. He combines the social, and economic context than the disciplines of ethnohistory, linguistics, his documents reveal if read alone. A series of tory, philosophy, and archaeology with appendices, including the names of com the ancient and contemporary oral tradi mandants and missionaries who lived at tions of American Indians. St. Joseph, and a glossary' of French terms In utilizing the standard disciplines to join the well-prepared notes at each illustrate the documented philosophy of chapter's end to add to readers' compre American Indians, Sioui completely dis hension. Students of local history as well as avows both cultural evolution and the be Indian-white relations ought to find this lief in the eventual disappearance of Ameri work engrossing. can Indians as "dangerous myths." He pro Not surprisingly, from the author of vides evidence to show that 80 to 90 per several important studies on the Fox Wars, cent of the American Indian population the major theme developed in the cc:)llec- was destroyed in a holocaust of epidemic tion is the complex, often bloody relation disease during the initial contact period, ship between the French and Indians in thus dispelling the myth that Amerindians the Upper Country and at Fort St. Joseph. were conquered. He states, "microbes, not Peyser refuses the recent practice of men, determined this continent's history." conflating Indian nations into a single Sioui creates unique words to illustrate entity or joining the different interests of ancient concepts. "Americization" exam French missionaries, fur traders, and sol ines the impact of American Indian diers into one in favor of emphasizing the worldvicw on the new arrivals to this hemi cultural diversity of both. In doing so, he sphere. "Ethnoecology" portrays concern preserves a sense of chaos that delivers its for the global environment, which is a very own authenticity. The translations also suc ancient traditional Amerindian concept. cessfully capture the vivacity ofthe French The core of the Amerindian autohistory originals. This book deserves a wide audi is based on not only listening to, but in ence and is highly recommended to all cluding, the voices of Amerindian people. 72 BOOK REVIEWS Throughout history, the voices of Amer historic evidence by examining the works indian peoples have not been heard, much of Joseph-Frangois Lafitau and Baron de less respected as valid sources. Sioui recog Lahontan. Lafitau's work "restores dig nizes the voices of Amerindians not as nity" to the "savage." Lahontan's work has mere informants but as scholars and phi been greatly neglected because he saw losophers—as the authoritative voice of Amerindians as philosophical and ethical Amerindian history. He includes quotes societies, a view not the accepted norm in from the Eskimo, Seneca, Cree, Hopi, his time—nor today. Sioux, Onondaga, Montagnais, MicMac, The dispersal ofthe Wendat (Hurons) to Huron, and Kayapo. One ofthe basic philo their present lands near Quebec illustrates sophical tenets of Amerindians maintains the removal yet survival of the Huron "with respect for women, the matricentric soci their Amerindian brothers (as in kinship). eties, which believes in respect for all forms The Hurons formed the hub of major trade of life because each has a spirit and pur networks in both pre- and post-contact eras. pose within the universe. Contemporary court cases are based on the In his case study on the Huron, Sioui evidence from the early contact era; thus it is seeks to undo academia's myth that the imperative that the voices of Amerindians Iroquois destroyed the Hurons. He main and their history be heard. tains the myth is based on "historic fraud" Sioui provides an excellent treatise for which seeks to blame the Iroquois "not all scholars and especially for Amerindian microbes." He does fall into academia's scholars who must "establish a new history trap, however, by quoting Elisabeth to match the image of themselves." Sioui Tooker's date of the founding of the makes a point of distinguishing words (con Iroquois Confederacy. Iroquois scholars cepts) academia applies to Amerindians have repeatedly disputed Tooker's claim. which Amerindians do not apply to them This author was witness to one such de selves—and that is the crucial difference. bate in which Tooker admitted the date This book begins the process of change was speculation. The "dangerous myth" from being voiceless to being heard. becomes deadly when scholars continue to quote her date as truth. CAROL A. CORNELIUS Sioui provides an interesting use of University of Wisconsin-Green Bay Book Reviews Frazier, The Mohicans of Stockbridge, reviewed by Sioui, For an Amerindian Autohistory: An Essay on the Dorothy W, Davids 65 Foundations of a Social Ethic, reviewed by Carol A. Goc, Native Realm: The Polish-American Community Cornelius 72 of Portage County, 1857-1992, reviewed by Dennis Vogel, Great Lakes Lumber on the Great Plains: L. Kolinski 67 The Laird, Norton Lumber Company in South Maney, The Roosevelt Presence: A Biography of Dakota, reviewed by Charles E. Twining 68 Franklin Delano Roosevelt, reviewed by Walter Walch and Miller, editors, Herbert Hoover and Harry S. Dunn, Jr 70 S. Truman: A Documentary History, reviewed by Peyser, editor, Letters from New France: The Upper William E. Pemberton 69 Country, 1686-1783, reviewed by James Pritchard 71 73 (1894—1970) primarily concerning his work Accessions as founder of Applied Biochemists, a Butler, Wisconsin, company that .specialized in cc:)n- trol of lake weeds, including treatment files Senices for microfilming, xeroxing, and photostating all for lakes throughout the Midwest, in Colom but certain restricted items in its manuscript collections are bia, South America, and elsewhere; subject provided bv the Society. files; and photographs of lake treatment operations; presented by Gertrude Beard.slee, Tulsa, Oklahoma. General Collections Pensonal and profes.sional papers, 1821- 1981 (mainly 1911-1968), of Robert P. Fischelis Additic:)ns to the records, 1871-1885, (1891-1981), a pharmaceutical administra 1900-1984, of the American Association of Col tor, educator, advocate, and leader, consist leges oJPharmacy, an organization which seeks ing of correspondence, speeches and writ to improve and promote pharmaceutical ings, minutes, reports, promotional mate education and research and sets educational rial, and other papers from his career as standards, including correspondence, min dean and professor at New Jersey College of utes, committee and financial records, Pharmacy and Ohio Northern University; records on governmental liaison work, advocate for the professional status of phar projects on pharmacy manpower and re macy in the health field; leader of pharmacy cruitment, and other papers; presented by educational standards; consultant to govern the Association, Aexandria, Virginia. ment pharmacy bodies; and administrator Records, 1937-1991, ofthe American Coun of the American Pharmaceutical Associa cil on Pharmaceutical Education, the accredit tion. Presented by Juanita Deer Fischelis, ing agency for undergraduate pharmaceuti Ada, Ohio; Glenn Jenkins, Lafayette, Indi cal education, consisting mainly of reports ana; and the American Institute of the His filed by colleges and schools of pharmacy, tory of Pharmacy, Madison. and the evaluations of the Council. Pre Records, 1904-1946, of O.N. Falk Csf Son sented by the Council, Chicago, Illinois. Druggists (Stoughton), a Rexall/United Drug Records, 1901-1946, ofthe ColumbusFood Company drugstore which dealt in drugs, Corporation, founded as the (Columbus Can cosmetics, Victor Records products, tobacco ning Company, which came to specialize in products, publications, athletic equipment, canning peas, including minutes, annual and many other items, consisting mainly of reports, financial records, and correspon advertising materials, some orders and in dence of company officers William C. Leitsch voices, and business and personal correspon and Fred A. Stare with other food processors, dence of O. N. Falk and Elmer Falk; pre trade associations, the federal government, sented by Shirley Linnerud, Stoughton. and the University of Wisconsin; presented Records, 193()-I976, of the Madison Area by Fred A. Stare, Columbus. Community of Churches, an ecumenical orga Eva Lauffer Deutsc/ikron (1918—) and nization which at various times coordinated Martin B. Deutschkron (1912-1985) papers, ecumenical services, a cen.sus, church direc 1936—1978, including affidavits, clippings, tories, an information service, counselling, correspondence, depositions, family papers, and social action such as a jail ministn' and and forged identity documents reflecting daycare, including minutes, correspondence, the Deutschkron's experiences as German committee records, financial reports, and Jews in hiding during World War II and their project and subject files; presented by MACC. attempts to emigrate from Berlin to the U.S. Papers, 1862-1900 (mainly 1861-1876) Partially in German. Originals loaned for of Charles Bennett Palmer (1844-1909), an copying by Mr. Deutschkron, Madison. educator and journalist who lived in Wiscon Papers, 1925-1966 (mainly 1946-1966), sin, Ohio, and Nebraska, consisting of dia of water pollution expert Bernard P. Domogalla ries and incoming correspondence includ- 74 ACCESSIONS ing letters from friends in Berlin, Wisconsin, proceedings, minutes of the Dane County on Civil War homefront activities, from branch (1919-1926), scrapbooks, a ledger, former military comrades, from fellow and photographs; presented by Mrs. Edward Antioch College alumni (several of whom Altpeter, Fort Atkinson. were teachers), from a friend serving on a The Dorothy M. and Robert, Zellner papers, U.S. Customs ship, from witnesses to the 1960-1979, consisting of papers created and Chicago fire of 1871, and from relatives in collected by two ci\ll rights activists with the the Palmer and Kiefer families; presented by Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit Professor and Mrs. Richard Mansh, St Paul, tee and the Southern Conference Educa Minnesota. tional Fund. Primarily near-print, the papers Genealogies compiled by Jo.seph Schulteis concern SNCC, SCEF and its Grass-Roots between 1970 and 1985 on the Schulteis and Organizing project among white the Wolf families, both of whom migrated southerners. Deep South Education and from Germany to Washington County, in Research A.ssociates, International Wood the mid-nineteenth century, including nar workers Local 5-443 and its strike against the rative family group sheets, and photographs; Masonite Corporation in Laurel, Mississippi, presented by Jane Schulteis Mtino, Evanston, the Gulfcoast Pulpwood Association, and Illinois. other groups. Personal papers are also Records, 1919-1952, of the Service Star present including biographical information. Legion — Wisconsin Division, a patriotic orga Presented by Dorothy M. Zellner, New York, nization of women relatives of U.S. soldiers New York. (Portions of this collection are and veterans (originally named American restricted.) War Mothers); including state convention The William Best Hesseltine Awards THE TWENTY-SIXTH ANNU.AL William Best Hesseltine Award for the best article to be published in the Wisconsin Magazine of History during 1990-1991 was given to Catherine B. Cleary for her article "Lavinia Goodell, First Woman Lawyer in Wisconsin," which ap peared in the Summer, 1991, issue ofthe Magazine. THE TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL William Best Hesseltine Award for the best article to be published in the Wiscon.sin Magazine of History during 1991-1992 was given to Robert J. Cough for his article "Richard T. Ely and the Development ofthe W^isconsin Cutover," which appeared in the Autumn, 1991, issue of the Magazine. Established in memory of the past president of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin and distinguished University of Wisconsin professor, The William Best Hesseltine Award consists of ,$100. There is no deadline for submissions, and manuscripts may relate to the history ofWisconsin and the Middle West or to themes of larger national interest. A retrospective on Professor Hesseltine appeared in the Win ter, 1981-1983, issue ofthe Magazine. The editors of the Magazine would like to acknowledge the long and valuable service of Allan G. Bogue, Richard N. Current, and Reginald Horsman as the judges of the Hesseltine Award. Wisconsin History Checklist Casperson, Ralph A. A Northern Boyhood. (Decatur, Michigan, INVICTUS, 1993. Receitdy published and currend}- a\ailable Wiscon- Pp. 500. Illus. $16.95 plus $3.00 postage siana added to the Society's Library are listed below. The compilers, Gerald R. Eggleston, Acquisitions and handling. Available from Ralph A. Librarian, and Susan Dorst, Assistant Acquisitions Casperson Books, 1303 Buchanan Road, Librarian, are interested in obtaining information Box 634, Niles, Michigan 49120-0634.) about (or copies of) items that are not widely adver Reminiscences of the author's child tised, such as publications of local historical societ hood in northern Wisconsin during the ies, family histories and genealogies, privately printed works, and histories of churches, institutions, or 1920's and 1930's. organizations. Authors and publishers wishing to reach a wider audience and also to perform a valu Ernst, Sharon. Knud andAstri Brenn: Ances able bibliographic sendee are urged to inform the tors, Descendants and Siblings. (Black River compilers of their publications, including the fol lowing information: author, dtle, location and naiue Falls?, Wisconsin, 1992. Pp. 263. Illus. of publisher, date of publicauon, price, paginadon, No price listed. Available from author, and address of supplier. Write Susan Dorst, Acquisi R#4, Box 167, Black River Falls, Wiscon tions Section. sin 54615.) Bohlman, Florence McDowell. Boscobel's From Saxvmills to Villages: the Elarly History of Past, People, Places. (Boscobel, Wiscon Big Falls, Caroline, Leopolis C^ Pella and sin, cl992. Pp. xti, 92. lUus. $10.00 plus Buckbee, Granite City, Hunting &" Split $1.75 postage and handling. Available Rock, edited by Robert McDevitt. from Hotel Preservation Committee, (Marion, Wisconsin, 1993? Pp. 330. Illus. 1312 Wisconsin Avenue, Boscobel, Wis $12.50 plus $3.50 postage and handling. consin 53805.) Available from Marion Advertiser, P.O. Box 268, Marion, Wisconsin 54950. Make Boyer, Dennis. Ghosts of Iowa County (Except checks payable to Marion Area Histori for Ridgeway's). (Dodgeville, Wisconsin, cal Society.) Eagletree Press, cl993. Pp. 51. No price listed. Available from author. Route 2, Goc, Michael J. Lives Lived Here: a Walk Dodgeville, Wisconsin 53533.) Through the History of Sauk City, compiled by Myrtle Wilhelm Gushing. (Friend Breck, Charles. Ja?/?^^ Llo^d Breck: Apostle of ship, Wisconsin, New Past Press, 1992. the Wilderness. (Nashotah?, Wisconsin, Pp. 255. Illus. $20.00 plus $2.00 postage Nashotah House, cI992. Pp. 188. Illus. and handling. Available from Sauk $22.00 plus $3.05 postage and handling County Historical Society, P.O. Box 651, (leather); $12.95 plus $2:55 postage and Baraboo, Wisconsin 5391.3-0651.) handling (paperback). Available from Mission Bookstore, 2777 Mission Road, Holmes, Michael. /. /. Case, the First 150 Nashotah, Wisconsin 53058.) An excerpt Years. (Racine, Wisconsin, cl992. Pp. vii, from the 1883 edition of The Life of the 200. Illus. No price listed. Available from Reverend James Lloyd Breck, this volume J. I. Case Company, 700 State Street, focuses on his activities during his stay at Racine, Wisconsin 53404.) Nashotah House in 1850. Karwowski, Gerald L. Bushnell Family His Butler, Beverly M. Piper ClubEra at Nicolet Airport tory. (Union Grove, Wisconsin, cl993. (lola, Wisconsin, Arcraft Owner Organiza [10] leaves. Illus. No price listed.) tion, 1991. Pp. 196. Illus. $14.95 plus $2.00 postage and handling. Available from Hick Karwowski, Gerald L. Old Racine on Parade: ory Grove Publications, 12503 Hickory Grove Brewer Built Sturtevant Landmark. (Union Road, Maribel, Wisconsin 54227.) Nicolet Grove, Wisconsin, cl993. Pp. [7]. Illus. airport is near Green Bay. No price listed.) 76 WISCONSIN HISTORY(:HEC:KI,I.ST Karwowski, Gerald L. Old Racine on Parade: Maryland, cl993. Pp. xiv, 286. $24.95. Avail Ernest Klinkert Brewing Co. (Racine, Wiscon able from Madison Books, 4720 Boston sin, cI993. Pp. [8]. illus. No price listed.) Way, Lanham, Maryland 20706.) Karwowski, Gerald L. Old Racine on Parade: Nennig, Ann C. Nebel. The Shadows Left Be J.I. Case. (Union Grove, Wisconsin, hind: a Genealogical Family Portfolio. cl993. Pp. [32]. Illus. No price listed.) (Kewaunee, Wisconsin, cl993. 1 vol. Illus. $49.72. Available from author, 1007 First Karwowski, Gerald L. Old Racine on Parade: Street, Kewaunee, Wiscon.sin 54216-1613.) West Racine. (Union Grove, Wisconsin, cl993. Pp. [22]. fllus. No price listed.) Pape, Alan C. A Visitor's Guide to Wisconsin's Ethnic Settlement Trail. (Sheboygan Falls, KaiTvowksi, Gerald L. Racine Always Cherished Wisconsin, cl993. Pp. 63. Illus. No charge July 4th. (Union Grove, Wisconsin, cl993. Available from Wisconsin Ethnic Settle Pp. [10]. Illus. No price listed.) Cover tide ment Trail, Inc., 510 Water Street, is Old Racine on Parade: July 4th. Sheboygan Falls, Wisconsin 53085.) Karwowski, Gerald L. Venetian Was Racine's Pfaff, Tim. Paths of the People: the Ojibwe in Finest Theatre. (Union Grove, Wisconsin, the Chippewa Valley. (Eau Claire, Wiscon cl992. Pp. [16]. Illus. No price listed.) sin, cI993. Pp. 100. Illus. No price listed. Cover title is Old Racine on Parade: Vene Available in Wisconsin from Chippewa tian Theatre. Vafley Museum, P.O. Box 1204, Eau Claire, Wisconsin 54702-1204. Outside Karwowski, Gerald L. Yorkville Township. of Wisconsin available from University (Union Grove, Wisconsin, cl992. 1 vol., of Washington Press, P.O. Box 50096, various pagings. Illus. No price listed.) Seatde, Washington 98145-5096.) The above eight publications are avail able from the author. Oak Clearing Pollard, James R. A Brief History ofthe Sugar Farm, 704 Oak Clearing Drive, Union Creek Baptist Church Then the Millard Baptist Grove, Wisconsin 53182. Church. . . (Elkhorn, Wisconsin, 1992. Pp. 23. Illus. No price listed. Available from Krentz, Roger F. Korzenie: History of the Millard Community Church, Dr. Wallace Bukowski, Czajkowski, Czarapatta, Duszyn- Christian, Pastor, Route 2, Elkhorn, Wis ski. . . (Franklin, North Carolina, Genea consin 53121.) Cover title is History of logical Publishing Service, cl993. Pp. Millard Community Church, 1842-1992. 862. $45.00. Available from author, 1036 West Shaw Court, #2, Whitewater, Wis Rhodes, Joseph W. First United Methodist consin 53190.) Church, Beloit, Wisconsin. (Beloit, Wis consin, 1990. Pp. 316. Illus. $12.00 plus Lemberger, Mark. Crime of Magnitude: the $1.91 postage and handling. Available Murder of Little Annie. (Madison, Wis- from First United Methodist Church, ccmsin, cI993. Pp. xv, 304. Illus. $14.95 511 Public Avenue, Beloit, Wisconsin plus $2.00 postage and handling. Avail 53511.) able from Prairie Oak Press, 2577 Uni versity Avenue, Madison, Wisconsin Rhodes, Joseph W. Sparks from the Flaming 53705.) The story of the 1911 murder of Wheel. (Beloit, Wisconsin, cl984. Pp. 366. Annie Lemberger, a seven-year-old Illus. $10.00 plus $3.00 postage and han Madisonian, and its aftermath. dling. Available from the Beloit Histori cal Society, 845 Hackett Street, Beloit, Maier, Henry. Tlie Mayor Who Made Milwau Wisconsin 53511.) Individuals reminisce kee Famous, an Autobiography. (Lanham, about Beloit's history. 77 WISCONSIN MACAZINE OF HISTORY •AUTUMN, 1993 Robe, Randall. Survival of lite Fittest: a Cen Treadway, Gladys LaVon (Lowe). One Russell tennial History of the Jones Lumber Corpora Family. (Bettendorf, Iowa, 1993. v, 55 leaves. tion. (Waukesha, Wiscon.sin, 1993. Pp. No price listed. Available from author, 60. Illus. No price listed. Available from 2815 Hillside Court, Bettendorf, Iowa author, University of W'isconsin Cen 52722-2915.) ter-Waukesha County, 1500 University Drive, Waukesha, Wisconsin 53188-2799.) Views of our County: a Thomas Dietrich Exhibi tion, Outagamie Museum, Appleton, Wiscon Seefelt, Edward R. l^Jie Grosnick Family History: sin. (Appleton, Wisconsin, 1993. Pp. 56. a WisconsinlmmigrantFamily. (AmherstJunc Illus. No price listed. Available from Shop tion, Wisconsin, cl992. Pp. 176. Illus. No Manager, Outagamie County Historical price listed. Available from author, 1370 Society, 330 East College Avenue, CtyT,AmherstJunction, Wisconsin 54406.) Appleton, Wisconsin 54911.) Spencer, Elihu. Record ofthePioneers of Outagamie Wendel, G H. Allis-Chalmers TracUrrs. (Osceola, County, Wisconsin. (Appleton, Wisconsin, Wisconsin, 1992. Pp. 128. Illus. No price 1992. Pp. 80, [5]. SIO.OO. Available from listed. Available from Motorbooks Interna Fox Valley Genealogical Society, P.O. Box tional Publishers & Wliolesalers, P.O. Box 1.592, Appleton, Wisconsin 54913-1592.) 2, 729 Prospect Avenue, Osceola, Wiscon Reprint of the 1898 edition. sin 54020.) Contributors TIMOTHY MESSER-KRUSE grew up in Oshkosh JOHN C. SAVAGI.AN is a doctoral candidate in and received his B.A. and M.A. degrees from American histor)' at Marquette University. the Universits' of Wisconsin-Madison. He is His dissertation topic is the development currently working on his doctoral dissertation of a conservation ethos in antebellum in American histoiy, a study ofthe role of race America. He also teaches American his in the development ofthe labor movement in tory at Alverno College. He received his the years following the Civil War. His article, Masters in teaching and Bachelor of Sci 'The Best Dressed Workers in New York: ence from the University of Wisconsin- Liveried Cab Drivers in the Gilded Stevens Point. He resides with his wife Age," is to be published in a forthcc^ming issue Diane and daughter Amanda in Milwau of Labor Hislcny. kee. 78 Corporate Sponsors AAL .MADISON NEWSPAPERS, INC. Appleton Madison AoMANCo, INC. MARQUETTE ELECTRONICS FOUNDATION Ripon Milwaukee THE Ai.EXA\nt;K COMPA.XIES MARSHALL ERDMAN AND ASSOCIATES, INC. Madison Madison AVIERK:.'\N FAMILY INSL'RANCF CiRoiP MENASHA CORI'OR,.\TI<)N FOUNDATION Madison Neenah APPLEI'ON MILLS FoLxuArioN MILLER BREWINO C^OMPANY Appleton Milwaukee ARTHUR ANDERSEN ,\ND CO. NEL.SON INDUSTRIES, INC. Milwaukee Stoughton BANTA GoRPoiivnoN FouNr)A'n<)N, INC. NC^RTHWTSTERN MUTUAL LITE INSUR,\N(:E COMPANY Menasha Milwaukee THE BusiNr:,ss FORLM, INC. PARKER PEN U.SA LIMITED Madison Janesville J. I. CASE PLEASAN T C;oMPANY Racine Middleton THE CHIPSTONE FofNn..An<)N RACINE FEDERATED, INC. Fox Point Racine CON.SOI,IDATEU PAPERS EOLNU/VHON, INC. RAYOVAC CC)RPOR.V1I<)N Wisconsin Rapids Madison CREATIVE FORMINC, INC. RED ARROW S.^LES C:ORPORATION Ripon Madison J. P. Cui.LEN ,\Ni) .SONS, INC. RIPON FOODS, INC, Janesville Ripon CUNA MUTU.AL INSURAN(T-: GROLP FoLNo.vnoN RURAL INSUR/\NCE COMPANIES Madison Madison GARLAND ELISABETH EBERIUCII FOCNDATION RYAN BROTHERS COMPA.XY Milwaukee Janesville FIRSTAR BANK OF MADISON C. G. SCHMIDT, INC. Madison Milwaukee FIRSTAR BANK OE MILWAUKEE SYCOM, INC. Milwaukee Madison GiDDiNCiS & LEWIS TR;\PPERS TURN GOLF COURSE Fond du Lac Wisconsin Dells GRUNAU CO.MPANY, INC. TWIN DISC, INCORPOR,VTED Milwaukee Racine GOODMAN'S, INC. VAIT.EY BANK Madison Madison HARLEY-DAVIDSON, INC. WALOREENS Milwaukee Madison THE HOUSE ON THE ROCK WEBCRiKFTERS-FRAUTSCIII FoUND.\TION, INC. Spring Green Madison INIREPID CORPORATION THE WEST BEND COMPANY Milwaukee West Bend S. O JOHNSON WAX WE,STERN PuBLISIIINt; COMPANY Racine Racine JOHNSON CONTROLS FOUND.YIION WiNDWAY FoLNOAI'iON, INC. Milwaukee Sheboygan JUPITER TRANSPORTAT ION C^OMPANY WISCONSIN BELL Kenosha Milwaukee KOHLER CO. WLSCON.SIN ENERC.Y C>)RPORATION FOUND.ATION, INC. Kohler Milwaukee LANDS' END, INC. WI.SCONSIN NATURAL Ci\s COMPANY Dodgevillc Racine C\a SAFETY SUPPLY WTSCON.SIN PHWICIANS SERVICE Janesville Madi.son M..\DTSt)N GAS AND ELECTRIC (COMPANY WISCONSIN POWER & I.K.IIT COMPANY Madison Madison 79 Patrons J.VNET B.ALDINC, MRS. K. W.J.ACOBS.JR. Mequon Hartford OSCAR.-\ND PATRICIA BOI.DT THOMAS MOLATJEEERIS II .Appleton Janesville GERALDINE DRISCOLI. RUTH DE YOUNC, KOHLER Winneconne Kohler TERRY HAI.LER GERALD AND MARION VISTE Madison Wausau ROBERT H. IRR.\IANN JOHN AND BARBAR.A WINN Madison Madison Curators Emeritus JANET HARTZELL HOWARD W. MEAD Grantsburg Madison NATHAN S. HEEEERNAN ROBERT B. L. MURPHY Madison Madison ROBERT H. IRRMANN Louis C. SMITH Madison Cassville HELEN JONES PTIYLLIS SMYTHE Fort .Atkinson Milwaukee Life Members EDWARD P. ALEXANDER F, M. KjLt;oRE J. R. AAIACKER MRS. HARVEY B. KREBS EMMELINE ANDRUSKEVICZ PETER LAMAL HELEN C. ANDRUSKEVICZ JOHN 1, LAUN MR. AND MRS. T. FRED BAKER ALFRED A. LAUN III DR. -AND MRS. IRA L. BALDWIN C. LUKE LEITERJMANN LUCYANN GRIEM BESS M. FRED LOCHEMES MR. A.ND MRS. ROBERT E. Bii.LiX(;s C. L. MARQUETTE E. N. BLONIFN A,NNABEL DOUGLAS MCA-RTHUR PAUL L. BRENNER MARTHA B. MERREI.U LOUIS H. BURBEY F. O. MINTZLAEF THOMAS E. CAESTECKER MRS. JOHN H. MURPHY CHARLOTTE D. CHAPMAN JOHN T. MURPHY MRS. FRANCTSJ. CONWAY MR. .AND MRS. ROBERT B. L. MURPH'I JOHN H. COOK MR. AND MRS. G. P. NEVHT LOUISE H. ELSER DR. AND MRS. E.J. NORDBY MRS. JOHN E. FORE.STER MRS. A.J. PEEKE MR. AND MRS. WALTER A. FR.AUTSCHI MR. AND MRS. LLOYD H. PETTTT PAL L W. GA TES JOHN J. PHILIPPSEN ANITA J. GLIENKE MRS. JOHN W. POLLOCK WILLIAM K. HARDIN(; MARY TL'OI IY RYAN THOMAS E. H.AYES MR. .AND MRS. LEWIS A. SIBERZ JOSEPH F. HEIL, SR. MRS. CLAUS SPORCK ANDEREW HERTEI. JOHN STEINER CARLJ. HOLCOMB FRED J. STRON(. EARLE HOLMAN MRS. MILO K. SWANTON GERALD E. HOEZMAN MRS. WILLIAM D. VO{;EL MRS. PETER D. HUMLEKER.JR, WALTER L. VOC;L LEON E. ISAKSEN WALTER J. Von.RAni ViR(;iL GEORCE JACKSON MR. AND MRS. FRANCTS H. WENDT RICHARD L.JONES THEODORE WIESEMAN DR. JOHN P. K\MINSKI JOHN WYNC^AARD 80 THE BOARD OF CURATORS THOMAS H. BARIAND DAVID JANKOSKI Eau COlaire Stanley JANE BERNHARDT THOMAS MOUATJEFFRIS II Cassville Janesville PATRICIA BO<;E RASMUS B. A. KALNES La Crosse Eagle ELBERT S. BOHLIN ERROL R. KINDSCHY Mineral Point West Salem D..\VII) E. ClARENBACH RUTH DE YOUNG KOHLER Madison Kohler GLENN R. COATES •VIRGINIA MACNEIL Racine Bayside JOHN M. COOPER GEORC^E H. MILLER Madison Ripon HARRY F. FRANKE JAMES A. Otiii.viE Milwaukee Washburn PAUL C. GARIZKE JERRY PHILLIPS Madison Bayfield LYNNE GOLDSTEIN MARY CONNOR PIERCE Whitefish Bay Wisconsin Rapids GREC;C; GUTHRIE FRED A. RISSER Lac du Flambeau Madison VIVIAN GUZNICZAK PEGGY A. ROSENZWEK; Franklin Wauwatosa BEI IE HAYES BRIAN D. RUDE De Pere Coon Valley FANNIE E. HIC.KLIN GERAI.D D. VISTE Madison Wausau RICHARD H. HOLSCHER LvNNE WEBSTER Milwaukee Oshkosh MRS. PETER D. HUMI.EKER,JR. Fond du Lac STEPHEN R. PORTCH, Senior Vice-President for Academic Affairs, ROBERT S. ZIGMAN, President ofthe Wisconsin History Foundation University ofWisconsin ROLF ETHUN, President of the Wisconsin Ctmndljor Local His NANCY AI.I.EN, President, Friends ofthe State Historical .Society ij tory Wisconsin Board of the Friends ofthe State Historical Society ofWisconsin NANCY AI.LEN, West Bend ANIIA BAERG, Waukesha President Secretary JENNIFER EAGER EHLE, Evansville LINDA NELSON, Madison President-Elect Treasurer THEODORE E. CRABB, Madison THEODORE: E. C^RABB, Madison Vice-President Pcut President Fellows RICHARD N. CURRENT ROBERT C". NESBIT Massachusetts Washington MERI.E CURTI WILLIAM F. THOMPSON Madison Madison THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY SHALL promote a wider appreciation ofthe American fieritage with particular emphasis on the collection, advancement and dissemination of knowledge ofthe history of Wisconsin and of the West. —Wisconsin Statutes, Chapter 44 UVVNi-g Ml72 The University ofWisconsin Class of 1921 Prom in the Stale Capitol, May 14, 1920. An article on the Ku Klux Klan on campus befrins on fxige 3. Members ofthe honorary KKK xvere prominent in planning the prom and tooh. fronl-rmu positions for the picture. ^ME HISTQ^ fsbst 1H4C) -O *'OF WI6*"