Sofia Ventura The Profiteers of Fear? Right-wing Populism and the COVID-19 Crisis in Europe Italy FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG Europe needs social democracy! Why do we really want Europe? Can we demonstrate to European citizens the opportunities offered by social politics and a strong social democracy in Europe? This is the aim of the new Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung project »Politics for Europe«. It shows that European integration can be done in a democratic, economic and socially balanced way and with a reliable foreign policy. The following issues will be particularly important: – Democratic Europe – Social and ecological transformation – Economic and social policy in Europe – Foreign and security policy in Europe We focus on these issues in our events and publications. We provide impetus and offer advice to decision-makers from politics and trade unions. Our aim is to drive the debate on the future of Europe forward and to develop specific proposals to shape central policy areas. With this publication series we want to engage you in the debate on the »Politics for Europe«! About this publication The extreme right wing of the Lega and Fratelli d’Italia, led by Matteo Salvini and Giorgia Meloni, today has the quasi-monopoly of the opposition. In the months of the outbreak and management of the pandemic, the management of the opposition role was ambiguous and confused: however, an attitude of non- cooperation prevailed. The style and rhetoric of the two leaders often evoked populist frames and themes, particularly immigration and Europe, naturally suited for the pandemic situation, although Meloni tried to show a less extreme profile. The growing consensus of her party and the decreasing consensus of Salvini’s party leave open the question of the impact of the pandemic on the consensus of populist parties. What seems certain is that their traditional themes have lost strength. About the author Sofia Ventura is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Bolo- gna where she holds courses in Comparative Politics, Leadership and Political Com- munication, Leadership, médias et opinion publique. Since 2010 she has held cours- es and modules at the School of Government of Luiss University in Rome. Editorialist and commentator for the weekly magazine L’Espresso, she writes for the online publications Linkiesta and Huffington Post. Her latest book: I leader e le loro storie. Narrazione, comunicazione politica e crisi della democrazia (»The leaders and their stories. Narration, political communication and the crisis of democracy«), Il Mulino, 2019. Responsible for this publication within the FES Dr Philipp Fink, head of FES in the Nordic Countries Dr Thomas Manz, head of FES in France Dr Tobias Mörschel, head of FES in Italy Further information on the project can be found here: fes.de/c19rex 1 The Profiteers of Fear? Right-wing Populism and the COVID-19 Crisis in Europe Italy Understanding the attitude of the Italian right wing populists THE BORDERS, IMMIGRATION, HOSTILE during the months of coronavirus pandemic management EUROPE AND FAKE NEWS FRAMEWORK 2 requires, first and foremost, highlighting certain of their char- acteristics in relation to the current Italian political system. Lega leader Matteo Salvini’s response to the onset of the crisis, from mid-February onwards, was his usual approach First of all, the Italian right is made up of three parties, two focusing on protecting the borders and the dangers of immi- on the far right – Lega and Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), and one cen- gration. Thus, on 21 February, Salvini asked the government tre-right, Forza Italia (FI). These are personalised parties (in to impose mandatory quarantine on people coming in from the case of FI we might even talk of a personal party) whose China and, above all, to temporarily suspend the Schengen image is powerfully bound up with that of their leaders: Mat- agreement and he did so in strident propaganda on the so- teo Salvini in the case of Lega, Giorgia Meloni for FdI, Silvio cial networks in particular, juxtaposing those who might Berlusconi for FI. Whilst political and party personalisation is have brought the virus in from abroad and a government also a feature of the mainstream parties (Rahat and Kenig: incapable of defending Italy to the Italian people: 2018), in the case of contemporary populist parties it is based on populist leaders’ claims to a direct relationship with the »Voluntary quarantine for those returning from China??? Are people or rather the »’right’, ‘good’ or ‘best’ part of the peo- they joking??? Our people’s health comes first. We’re sick of ple« (Urbinati: 2020, 17). These parties campaigned in the a government which decides nothing.« #Contedimettiti last elections of 2018 as allies, although this did not stop Le- (#Conteresign) (Twitter) ga from forming a government with Movimento 5 Stelle - M5S (Italy’s other populist party, though one with no clear »I want to know who’s coming in and out of my country. location on the right-left axis). After the governmental crisis Let’s shut down, seal off our borders. If anyone hasn’t or triggered by Matteo Salvini in the summer of 2019 and the won’t do his duty let him answer to the people. If Conte is formation of a new governmental majority made up of Parti- not capable of defending Italy and the Italians he should to Democratico (PD) and M5S, the three right wing parties all stand down« (Facebook). moved into opposition. In subsequent months, too, Salvini appealed to immigration In the second place, it is important to highlight that these themes in his propaganda, conjuring up an even more press- three dominate the opposition to the government headed by ing need to shut down the borders during a pandemic. In Giuseppe Conte: the only other parties outside the majority July, at a parliamentary press conference on the subject of are small and mainly centrist in stance. In turn, Lega and FdI the new arrivals at the island of Lampedusa, he argued: »The dominate the Italian right: polls in October1 showed Lega Italian government is importing infected people. Perhaps it’s with 24.8% of support, FdI with 15.8% and FI with just 6%. a strategy to keep us in a state of emergency until the 31st of In other words, the two far right parties account for almost October«. FdI leader, Giorgia Meloni, has attempted to adopt 90% of the Italian right and over 75% of the opposition as a a less radical profile. When Salvini was talking about closing whole. For this reason, as we will see, the strategies of these the borders in February, she was writing on Twitter: »The two parties, in general and in the specific situation generated global coronavirus emergency requires seriousness, com- by the pandemic, can be seen as a combination of »normal« mon-sense and tenacity«. But Meloni has herself never aban- opposition and typically populist strategies, although the for- doned the Italian/immigrant juxtaposition in her rhetoric ei- mer inevitably have repercussions on the latter. ther. In this respect her approach has always been a juxtaposition between the Italians – neglected by the gov- ernment and obliged to remain locked up at home as a result 2 For this and subsequent sections my reconstruction of events and the stances and behaviours of the two right wing populist parties and their leaders refers primarily to articles in Italy’s main three news- papers (Repubblica, Corriere della sera and Stampa) and a series of 1 5 October, SWG data. Bloomberg articles. FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – POLITICS FOR EUROPE 2 of the pandemic - and illegal immigrants left unsupervised, peatedly demonstrated a certain contempt of governmental potentially infectious and prioritised by the government over virus control guidelines, especially the use of masks, for ex- Italians. According to an analysis carried out in June 2020 ample, appearing in public with his fans, especially during his into the themes dealt with by the principal Italian political summer rallies, after lockdown came to end, minus protec- leaders on Twitter and Facebook, immigration was the sub- tion and taking part on 26 July 2020 in a conference organ- ject of only 7% of posts and tweets, and almost exclusively ised at the Senate by a Lega MP which downplayed the seri- by Meloni and Salvini. For their fans immigration remains the ousness of coronavirus and criticised pandemic containment most popular theme (Buccione: 2020). measures, including those adopted in the most critical phase. On this latter occasion Salvini ostentatiously refused to wear Europe has also been in the two populist leaders’ firing line, a mask, refusing an explicit request to do so by a Senate however diverse their approaches to it. In particular both employee. This, however, in no way constrained him from have resolutely opposed Italy’s recourse to European Stability staging simultaneously dramatic and tasteless scenes, such Mechanism (ESM) funds, considered too costly in terms of as his late March prayer for the dead intoned together with the pre-conditions required, despite these latter now having famous TV presenter Barbara D’Urso in a Sunday afternoon been reduced to a requirement that the funds be used to TV entertainment broadcast. deal with the pandemic only. Once again the leaders of the extreme right have raised the spectre of a hostile Europe obliging the Italian government to undertake costly and THE RIGHT-WING OPPOSITION: damaging policies for its citizens, such as the wealth tax or THE RHETORIC the raising of the retirement age. On this theme, the attack on the government has reached surreal proportions. It has, in Governmental leaders are not the only ones putting forward fact, not been a clash between supporters and opponents of and communicating an interpretation of the situation at the ESM but between a government which claimed to have times of crisis (meaning-making).