DOCSLIB.ORG

AP LATIN: SUMMER ASSIGNMENT1 Read the Aeneid in English2

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
AP LATIN: SUMMER ASSIGNMENT1 Read the Aeneid in English2 AP LATIN: SUMMER ASSIGNMENT1 Read the Aeneid in English2. Books 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 12 (you may skim the other sections) Recommended translation: The Aeneid (Penguin Classics) [Paperback] Virgil (Author), Bernard Knox (Editor, Introduction), Robert Fagles (Translator) Publication Date: December 28, 2010 | ISBN-10: 0143106295 | ISBN-13: 978-0143106296 Read the Gallic Wars in English. Books 1, 2, 4, 6, 7 (you may skim the other sections) Recommended translation: The Gallic War: Seven Commentaries on The Gallic War with an Eighth Commentary by Aulus Hirtius (Oxford World's Classics) [Paperback] Julius Caesar (Author), Carolyn Hammond (Translator) Publication Date: June 15, 2008 | ISBN-10: 0199540268 | ISBN-13: 978-0199540266 Answer the following questions on the English readings (please type an electronic version to make sharing answers easier!) You are to answer all the odd even answers. Caesar English Reading Questions 1 Vocabulary If you would like to be really prepared for the year, the 200 most frequently used vocabulary words in both Vergil and Caesar can be found at this site: http://www.stjohns- chs.org/language/imurphy_courses/ap-latin/ap_vergil_caesar_vocabulary.pdf 2 You can also find English translations for free online at sites like www.perseus.tufts.edu Book 1 sections 8-29 1. Do the reasons Caesar gives for fighting the Helvetians in section 10 seem realistic? (Be sure to review the map of Gaul before answering this question) 2. Caesar is known for his willingness to move swiftly in an emergency. What examples of this do you find in sections 10-13? 3. In sections 17-19, how does Caesar characterize Dumnorix? Cite specific examples from the text. Compare this with Caesar’s description of Dumorix’s brother Diviacus, why the difference? Read between the lines! 4. What themes reappear in the story of Dumnorix that first appeared in Caesar’s account of Orgetorix in sections 2-4? 5. Why did Caesar arrange his troops as he did when preparing to fight the Helvetians in section 24? 6. Caesar never denies that the Gauls were courageous fighters. What evidence does he give of the Helvetians’ courage in sections 25-26? Book 1 sections 30-54 1. What had the political situation in Gaul been? How was it changed by the arrival of the Germans? 2. Caesar was governor of Transalpine Gaul but had not been authorized to conduct military operations beyond its borders. With this in mind, evaluate the reasons Caesar gives for undertaking a war against Ariovistus. What motive does he not mention which may have played a part in his decision? 3. How does Caesar portray Ariovistus? Cite specific examples from the text. Why might Caesar have characterized Ariovistus this way? How as Caesar’s own behavior different? 4. How does Ariovistus compare with Gallic leaders like Dumnorix? 5. Why would it not be surprising that the military tribunes and prefects of cavalry were first to panic (section 39)? What factors in addition to those Caesar mentions might have contributed to the fear his men felt? 6. Caesar says that his intervention (sections 40-41) successfully dealt with the potential mutiny by his troops. Why were his actions effective? 7. Do you find the arguments that Ariovistus makes (sections 36-44) against Roman interventions reasonable? Why or why not? How does Caesar respond to them? Do you find it surprising that Caesar included them in his account? 8. Why might some Gallic tribes have been willing to accept Roman rule while others did not? What were the advantages and disadvantages of Roman imperialism for conquered people and for the Romans themselves? Book 6: Sections 1-12 1. From what two different sources did Caesar obtain additional troops? How many did he get? With these additions, how did the size of Caesar’s army compare with what it had been before the defeat of Sabinus and Cotta? 2. For what reasons was Caesar eager to obtain these reinforcements? 3. Summarize the efforts to resist Roman control that Caesar describes in section 2. 4. What was the first step that Caesar took in response to these efforts (see section 3)? What was unusual about this? 5. How did Caesar deal with the Senones and the Carnutes after they refused to attend the council of Gallic tribes? 6. How were the Menapii different from other tribes? What was their connection to Ambiorix? By what means did Caesar attempt to prevent them from aiding Ambiorix? 7. How did Labienus forestall the planned attack on his camp by the Eburones and the German mercenaries? 8. Why did Caesar decide to cross the Rhine again? What did the ambassadors from the Ubii tell him? 9. What group of Germans sent aid to the Treveri? What did Caesar ask the Ubii to do in order to assist him in dealing with this group? 10. What two Gallic tribes were traditionally the most influential? What was the political situation when Caesar arrived in Gaul? How did Caesar’s arrival shift the balance of power? Book 6: Sections 21-28 1. How did the Germans obtain a living? How was this different from the tribes of Gaul? 2. What practices show that the Germans were a warlike people? 3. Do you agree with the idea that people who have a higher standard of living become less fierce? Why or why not? 4. What seemed to impress Caesar most about the Hercynian forest (the forest itself, not its wildlife)? 5. Why might Caesar have included the account he gives of the elks? 6. Compare and contrast the customs of the Gauls and Germans. Which were more civilized by Roman standards and why? 7. S.A. Handford, a Caesar scholar, suggests that Caesar might have added the discussion of the customs of Gaul and Germany at this point to distract his readers from thinking about how little the expedition to Germany had accomplished. Can you think of other reasons why Caesar might have included the material, in general or at this point in particular? Book 6 Sections 29-44 1. What was the first phase of Caesar’s operation against the Eburones after returning from Germany? Was it successful? 2. What was the plan that Caesar adopted during the second part of his campaign? 3. What problem did he encounter? How did he react to it? 4. Why did the Sugambri cross the Rhine? What unexpected event happened when they did? 5. How did each of the following groups react to the arrival of the Germans? What happened to each group? A. The soldiers in the camp B. The cohorts sent to gather grain C. The veterans who went with the cohorts D. The servants 6. In what two ways did unexpected turns of fate play a part in Caesar’s campaign against the Eburones? How did fate also play havoc with his decision to leave the 14th Legion to guard the baggage? 7. Would you describe Caesar’s actions as described in the second half of Book IV as overly cautious, appropriate, or too aggressive? Why or why not? What might have motivated Caesar to behave as he did? Book 7- Sections 1-13 1. Why did the Gauls decide to revolt? What was the general outline of their plan? 2. What tribe took the lead in the revolt? What did this tribe do? 3. Who was Vercingetorix and how did he come to be the leader of the Arverni? 4. How did Vercingetorix prepare for war after being elected commander in chief? 5. How did the Bituriges react when Vercingetorix marched toward their territory? What did they do in the end? 6. Why did Caesar not rejoin his army in Gaul? What did he do instead? 7. Outline the steps by which Caesar was able to return to his legions. 8. In what way did Vercingetorix’s attack on the Boii cause problems for Caesar? What did he decide to do and why? 9. What oppida did Caesar capture on his way to Avaricum? 10. How do the events of sections 7-13 illustrate Caesar’s celeritas, his ability to move more quickly and more decisively than most commanders? Book 7- Sections 14-31 1. What strategy did Vercingetorix persuade the other Gallic leaders to adopt? 2. Why was an exception made for the oppidum of Avaricum? 3. Describe Caesar’s camp outside Avaricum and the activities his men were performing there. 4. What problems did the Romans have? What was the attitude of the soldiers? How was this same attitude in evidence when the Romans approached Vercingetorix’s camp outside Avaricum? 5. How did Vercingetorix respond to the challenge to his leadership and simultaneously improve the morale of the Gauls? 6. What steps did the Gauls in Avaricum take to counter the Roman siege? 7. How large was the siege terrace as it approached completion? What final attempt did the Gauls make to prevent its completion? 8. When this last attempt failed, what did the Gauls decide to do? Why was this plan not carried out? 9. How did Caesar get control of the town? What happened to its people? 10. In what way did Vercingetorix respond to the capture of Avaricum? How did the Gauls make up for the men they lost when the town was captured? Book 7- Sections 32-53 1. What problem was brought to Caesar and how did he deal with it? 2. How did Caesar use his trip to the Aedui to strengthen his army? 3. Why did Convictolitavis convince the Aeduan to change sides? Whom did he recruit to help him? 4. What steps did Convictolitavis and his supporters take to get the Aedui to join the revolt against Caesar? 5.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 1 Gallo-Roman Relations Under the Early Empire by Ryan Walsh A
    Gallo-Roman Relations under the Early Empire By Ryan Walsh A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Ancient Mediterranean Cultures Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2013 © Ryan Walsh 2013 1 Author's Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This paper examines the changing attitudes of Gallo-Romans from the time of Caesar's conquest in the 50s BCE to the start of Vespasian's reign in 70-71 CE and how Roman prejudice shaped those attitudes. I first examine the conflicted opinions of the Gauls in Caesar's time and how they eventually banded together against him but were defeated. Next, the activities of each Julio-Claudian emperor are examined to see how they impacted Gaul and what the Gallo-Roman response was. Throughout this period there is clear evidence of increased Romanisation amongst the Gauls and the prominence of the region is obvious in imperial policy. This changes with Nero's reign where Vindex's rebellion against the emperor highlights the prejudices still effecting Roman attitudes. This only becomes worse in the rebellion of Civilis the next year. After these revolts, the Gallo-Romans appear to retreat from imperial offices and stick to local affairs, likely as a direct response to Rome's rejection of them.
    [Show full text]
  • DBG Book 1 Outline
    Caesar’s De Bello Gallico BOOK I OUTLINE Chapter I 1-4 Gaul has three parts, inhabited by three tribes (Belgae, Aquitaini, and Celtae/Galli) who are different in language, institutions, and laws. 4-5. The rivers that separate the three areas. 6-11. Three reasons why the Belgae are the bravest. 11-15. The final reason explains why the Helvetians surpass the other Gauls in courage, because they fight regularly with the Germans, either in Germania or in their own land. 15-18. The boundaries of the land the Gauls occupy. 18-21. The boundaries of the land the Belgae occupy. 21-24. The boundaries of the land the Aquitani occupy. Chapter II 1-6. The richest and noblest Helvetian made a conspiracy among the nobility because of a desire for power and persuaded his people to leave their land with the argument that because of their surpassing courage they would easily get control of all Gaul. 6-12. He easily swayed them because the Helvetians were hemmed in on all sides by natural barriers. 12-15. As a result they had less freedom of movement and were less able to wage war against their neighbors, and thus their warriors were afflicted with great sorrow. 15-18. They considered their land, 240 miles by 180 miles, too small in comparison with their numbers and their glory in war. Chapter III 1-6 Persuaded by their situation and the authority of Orgetorix, the Helvetians decide to get ready for departure: they buy all the wagons and pack animals they can; plant as many crops as possible for supplies on the trip, and make alliances with the nearest states.
    [Show full text]
  • Caesar and Tacitus Reading Introduction to the Caesar Reading Julius Caesar Wrote Accounts of His Campaigns in Gaul to Justify His Power and Actions
    Caesar and Tacitus Reading Introduction to the Caesar Reading Julius Caesar wrote accounts of his campaigns in Gaul to justify his power and actions. Here he gives his most extensive accounts of the peoples of Gaul and Germany. What customs, values and practices among the Gauls and the Germans seem significantly different from customs, values and practices at Rome? Are there ways in which he may use these differences as a justification for the military campaigns he is carrying out? Caesar, Gallic Wars Book 6 (chapters 11-20) (Trans. by H. J. Edwards, 1917) 6.11 Since I have arrived at this point, it would seem to be not inappropriate to set forth the customs of Gaul and of Germany, and the difference between these nations. In Gaul, not only in every state and every canton and district, but almost in each several household, there are parties [= political factions]; and the leaders of the parties are men who in the judgment of their fellows are deemed to have the highest authority, men to whose decision and judgment the supreme issue of all cases and counsels may be referred. And this seems to have been an ordinance from ancient days, to the end that no man of the people should lack assistance against a more powerful neighbour; for each man refuses to allow his own folk to be oppressed and defrauded, since otherwise he has no authority among them. The same principle holds in regard to Gaul as a whole taken together; for the whole body of states is divided into two parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Oratio Recta and Oratio Obliqua in Caesar's De Bello
    VOICES OF THE ENEMY: ORATIO RECTA AND ORATIO OBLIQUA IN CAESAR’S DE BELLO GALLICO by RANDY FIELDS (Under the Direction of James C. Anderson, jr.) ABSTRACT According to his contemporaries and critics, Julius Caesar was an eminent orator. Despite the lack of any extant orations written by Caesar, however, one may gain insight into Caesar’s rhetorical ability in his highly literary commentaries, especially the De Bello Gallico. Throughout this work, Caesar employs oratio obliqua (and less frequently oratio recta) to animate his characters and give them “voices.” Moreover, the individuals to whom he most frequently assigns such vivid speeches are his opponents. By endowing his adversaries in his Commentarii with the power of speech (with exquisite rhetorical form, no less), Caesar develops consistent characterizations throughout the work. Consequently, the portrait of self-assured, unification-minded Gauls emerges. Serving as foils to Caesar’s own character, these Gauls sharpen the contrast between themselves and Caesar and therefore serve to elevate Caesar’s status in the minds of his reader. INDEX WORDS: Caesar, rhetoric, oratory, De Bello Gallico, historiography, propaganda, opponent, oratio obliqua, oratio recta VOICES OF THE ENEMY: ORATIO RECTA AND ORATIO OBLIQUA IN CAESAR’S DE BELLO GALLICO by RANDY FIELDS B.S., Vanderbilt University, 1992 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2005 © 2005 Randy Fields All Rights Reserved VOICES OF THE ENEMY: ORATIO RECTA AND ORATIO OBLIQUA IN CAESAR’S DE BELLO GALLICO by RANDY FIELDS Major Professor: James C.
    [Show full text]
  • Memory and Identity in Flodoard of Reims: His Use of the Roman Past
    E MMA B E DDO E Memory and identity in Flodoard of Reims: his use of the Roman past The Historia Remensis ecclesiae of Flodoard of Reims is a history of that church and diocese from its mythical foundations until Flodoard’s own time, around the mid tenth century. His role as archivist of the church of Reims must have given him complete access to its records, and a unique understanding of the history of his city and church. The various sources were utilised by Flodoard for what they could tell him about this past, which he then reformed in his own fashion when he wrote the account of it. It is only by working backwards from his text that it is possible to unravel the smooth finished result and uncover the sometimes disparate sources and evidence which he used to create this polished narrative. This process of assessment and adjustment is more easily uncovered in his first few chapters in which he dealt with the distant foundation of Reims, and its Roman past, than in his later books. In these first chapters, not only did he state which sources he was using, but his classical sources are also mostly extant, so allowing for a detailed examination of his text and of the way he used his sources. In addition to the written sources available, the contemporary oral tra- ditions and the evidence from the physical remains in the landscape around him also influenced his portrayal of this distant past of Reims. Both the collective memories of his contemporaries in Reims and the historical memories of Reims which he read in the classical sources were adapted by Flodoard when writing what he felt was the appropriate history of his town and church.
    [Show full text]
  • That's the Question
    Romanization or not Romanization – that’s the Question Indisier på romanisering i den første boken av Caesars De Bello Gallico Master i Historie – HI320S Vår 2011 Universitetet i Nordland Fakultet for Samfunnsvitenskap Michèle Gabathuler Takk… …til veilederen min Per-Bjarne Ravnå, som har vært uendelig tålmodig og som har ledet meg tilbake på veien igjen når jeg har gått meg vill så mange ganger. Takk for gode råd, tipps og ideer, og ikke minst for at du tok imot utfordringen med å veilede en sveitser som skriver som Yoda snakker og som er glad i å finne opp egne norske ord som ingen andre enn meg forstår. …til dere alle som måtte tåle mitt åndsfravær når vi var sammen, som måtte høre på meg legge ut om hvor artig og spennende det er å skrive om dette temaet, som måtte svare på alle slags rare spørsmål i forbindelse med oppgava mi, og som måtte oppleve entusiasmen min om dere ville eller ikke. …til dere alle som også måtte høre på sytingen min når berg- og dalbanen hadde nådd et lavpunkt igjen, der jeg syntes at det her aldri kommer til å gå bra. Takk for at dere sa “jo, det her kommer til å gå bra. Stå på.” Merci villmol allna eu! Michèle Gabathuler Bodø, 15.05.2011 1 ::ruuus::fUU'U6:n.n..tLtS C ...."SA~".~SA~ \4oI\R~ Pf!R1E5PeRIESPeReS f.G1lSKeRf.4IER6K1iR'1-4ER6~~. R\AI\Al. 1b9'PEN~1tWÆN AV SfNstNSI'N KA~I'GRGKAR'1IZ~KA~~" PRØMT"5~M'T'5ORØM1li irj ARET 50 F.
    [Show full text]
  • “Celtic” Oppida
    “Celtic” Oppida John Collis (Respondent: Greg Woolf) I will start by stating that I do not believe the sites our discussion. So, what sorts of archaeological feat­ which I am defiling with qualify as “city-states”; ures might we expect for our “city” and “tribal” indeed, in the past I have drawn a contrast between the states? city-states of the Mediterranean littoral and the inland The area with which I am dealing lies mainly “tribal states” of central and northern Gaul. However, within central and northern France, Switzerland, and their inclusion within the ambit of this symposium is Germany west of the Rhine (Collis [1984a-b], [1995a- useful for two reasons. Firstly, if a class of “city-state” bl). This is the area conquered by Julius Caesar in is to be defined, it is necessary to define the character­ 58-51 B.C.. In his Commentaries he refers on istics with reference to what is, or is not, shared with numerous occasions to “oppida”, sites often of urban similar types of simple state or quasi-state formations. character, and apparently all with some form of Secondly, the written documentary sources are some­ defences. Some of the sites he mentions are readily what thin, or even non-existent, for these sites; there­ recognisable as predecessors to Roman and modern fore archaeology must produce much of the data for towns (Fig. 1) - Vesontio (Besançon), Lutetia (Paris), Fig. 1. Sites mentioned by Caesar in the De Bello Galileo. 230 John Collis Durocortorum (Reims), and Avaricum (Bourges) - large size with the Gallic and central European sites while others have been deserted, or failed to develop - (Ulaca is about 80ha).
    [Show full text]
  • Caesar As an Imperialist Author(S): A
    Caesar as an Imperialist Author(s): A. N. Sherwin-White Reviewed work(s): Source: Greece & Rome, Second Series, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Mar., 1957), pp. 36-45 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/641011 . Accessed: 21/08/2012 09:51 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and The Classical Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Greece & Rome. http://www.jstor.org CAESAR AS AN IMPERIALIST By A. N. SHERWIN-WHITE SO much is written nowadays about the propagandistelement in Caesar's Commentaries, and his supposed misrepresentation of his own actions, that it is almost forgotten that he provides the only con- temporary narrative of a major Roman imperialist war, and that by its principal agent. The obscure record of the wars of Augustus has been subjected to a severe scrutiny, and the most diverse and recondite theories propounded about his purposes. But this long and detailed account of the greatest single extension of the Roman Empire has hardly been examined seriously for the things that its author was not concerned to conceal-the springs and purposes and means of that new form of imperialism that under Pompey, Caesar, and Augustus converted the Roman dominion from a suzerainty over a maritime fringe of Mediter- ranean provinces into a solid and broad-based continental empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Julius Caesar's System Understanding
    JULIUS CAESAR’S SYSTEM UNDERSTANDING OF THE GALLIC CRISIS: A PEEK IN THE MIND OF A HISTORY MAKER Armenia S.(1), De Angelis A.(2) (1) DIAG, Sapienza University of Rome, V.le Ariosto, 25 - 00185 Rome, Italy, - [email protected] President of the System Dynamics Italian Chapter (SYDIC) – www.systemdynamics.it (2) Col. It.A.F. – Teacher of Operations Planning - Joint Services Staff College of the Italian Armed Forces, Piazza della Rovere, 83, 00165 Rome, Italy - [email protected] ABSTRACT When studying history, it usually through the accounts of the achievements of some outstanding leaders, who were capable of grasping the defining elements of the complexity of situations they faced, like Julius Caesar, whose political career was a collection of successes that were the result of his deep understanding of the Roman society and of his sensitivity in appreciating the complex situations in the lands under his control. In this work we will focus on the early stages of Caesar’s campaign in the Gallic war. By a Systems Thinking approach, we will retrace Caesar’s thought process, thus showing that what Caesars faced in those years is no different from many situations that today’s policy makers are required to manage. It is striking to see how many similarities there are between then and now, and how many lessons could be learned (re-learned?) and applied by our policy makers. Caesar’s decisions and following actions were, in fact, the consequence of his deep and thorough understanding of the environment, and because of such systemic comprehension, he could achieve Rome’s desired end-state: securing the northwestern borders.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Central Gaul. Bituriges Cubi Circa 200-0 BC. Quinarius AR 15 Mm, 1,91 G Stylized Head Left / Horse Prancing Left, Sword Above
    1 Central Gaul. Bituriges Cubi circa 200-0 BC. Quinarius AR 15 mm, 1,91 g Stylized head left / Horse prancing left, sword above. very fine Cf. CCCBM II S412 (pentagram below). Starting price: 50 EUR 2 Central Gaul. Bituriges Cubi circa 200-0 BC. Quinarius AR 17 mm, 1,94 g Laureate head left / Horse leaping left, dagger above, CA-MBOTR-E below. very fine Colbert de Beaulieu, “Notules de numismatique,” Ogam VIII (1956), 421–424; BMC Celtic 511–513; De la Tour 4131. Starting price: 50 EUR 3 Central Europe. Treveri circa 100-30 BC. Potin AE 20 mm, 4,29 g Two goats around pellet; pellet-in-annulet above / Boar and wolf around pellet-in-annulet. very fine De la Tour 7465. Starting price: 50 EUR 4 Gaul. Andecavi circa 100-50 BC. Minim BI 10 mm, 0,38 g Celtic head facing / Boar. very fine D&T 2379. Starting price: 50 EUR 5 Gaul. Carnutes circa 100-50 BC. Bronze AE 15 mm, 3,17 g Male head right / Eagle facing, head right, wings spread; pentagram to upper left. nearly very fine D&T 2577. Starting price: 50 EUR 6 Gaul. Leuci circa 100-50 BC. Potin AE 17 mm, 2,97 g Helmeted head left / Stylized bull right; fleur-de-lis above. good very fine De la Tour 9155. Starting price: 50 EUR 7 Gaul. Lingones circa 100-30 BC. Potin AE 20 mm, 5,41 g Three horn-shaped ornaments revolving around pellet / Three s-shaped ornaments revolving around pellet. very fine De la Tour 8329.
    [Show full text]
  • Caesar De Bello Gallico
    Caesar De Bello Gallico 1 Inhoudsopgave Levensloop ................................................................................................... 6 De Bello Gallico ............................................................................................ 9 onder het consulaat van .................................................................................... 12 Lucius Calpurnius Piso ....................................................................................... 12 Beschrijving van Gallia ....................................................................................... 14 De oorlog tegen de Helvetii ....................................................................... 21 caput 2 -29 ................................................................................................. 21 Oorlog met Ariovistus en de Germanen ........................................... 119 caput 30-54 ............................................................................................. 119 2 3 4 5 Inleiding. Levensloop Vanaf het eind van de 2e eeuw voor Chr. was het in Rome politiek onrustig. Steeds kwamen mannen, die machtswellustig waren. Die tendens zette zich in de eerste eeuw voor Chr. voort. In dit rijtje hoort ook Caesar. In Rome probeerden eind jaren 60 v. Chr. twee mannen van de volkspartij de macht tot zich te trekken: Crassus, een rijke handelsman en Caesar, een begaafd politicus. Crassus Pompeius Toen Pompeius, de grote generaal, terugkwam uit het oosten, waar hij de opstandige koning Mithridates mores had geleerd
    [Show full text]
  • Geoffrey Steadman 16Feb13 Crude Outline of Caesar's Rhetoric During the Helvetian Campaign in Book 1 I.1 “All of Gaul Is Divid
    Geoffrey Steadman 16Feb13 Crude Outline of Caesar's Rhetoric during the Helvetian Campaign in Book 1 I.1 “All of Gaul is divided into three parts” (Gallia…trēs) Caesar suggests that Gaul will not unite against the Romans. All these differ from one another in language, institutions, and laws C. suggests that the Gauls cannot not unite against the Romans. Helvetians surpass the rest of the Gauls in valor (virtūte) C. suggests that the Helvetians are a worthy opponent, that he as victor is more valorous, and that he will be able to defeat the less valorous Gauls Helvetians contend in almost daily battles with the Germans Caesar does not mention the Germans as a cause for the migration. I.2: Orgetorix, attracted by desire of kingship, made a conspiracy Caesar suggests that the Helvetian leader is motivated by self-interest to encourage the Helvetians to migrate into Gaul. How does Caesar read minds and know Orgetorix’ motives? How is Caesar aware of the secret conspiracy? The Helvetians, greedy for warring, (bellandī cupidī) chose to migrate on account of overpopulation (prō multitūdine) and glory of war (glōriā bellī) ….Caesar suggests that the Helvetians are aggressive and that the reason for the migration is to expand Helvetian power in Gaul. …..Why doesn’t Caesar mention the constant threat of the Germans? (see I.1) I.3: Sent by the Helvetians to strengthen ties (amicītiam confirmāre) with neighbors, Orgetorix persuades Casticus, the Sequanian, to seize the kingship (regnum…occupāret) Likewise, Orgetorix persuades Dumnorix, the Aeduan, to attempt the same (ut idem conārētur) and marries his daughter to him.
    [Show full text]