“I WANT TO TRY AND TRY”: INCREASING ACHIEVEMENT MOTIVATION IN YOUNG CHILDREN
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES OF STANFORD UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Allison Master May 2011
© 2011 by Allison Leigh Master. All Rights Reserved. Re-distributed by Stanford University under license with the author.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 3.0 United States License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/
This dissertation is online at: http://purl.stanford.edu/hx314zv7838
ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Carol Dweck, Primary Adviser
I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Ellen Markman
I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Gregory Walton
Approved for the Stanford University Committee on Graduate Studies. Patricia J. Gumport, Vice Provost Graduate Education
This signature page was generated electronically upon submission of this dissertation in electronic format. An original signed hard copy of the signature page is on file in University Archives.
iii ABSTRACT Motivation to learn plays a critical role in students’ academic success. This dissertation reports five experiments (N = 250) that increase children’s motivation (specifically, challenge seeking and persistence) through storybooks. The first two studies examined how manipulating the similarity between the main character of a story and the participating child affected preschoolers’ (Study 1) and kindergarteners’ (Study 2) motivation as assessed by the choice of and persistence on challenging puzzles. Study 2 also compared effects for struggling versus non-struggling students. Study 3 examined whether persuasion would increase challenge seeking, when children convince someone else of the value of taking on challenges and persisting. Study 4 examined effects over time, and found that children showed a robust boost in challenge seeking two weeks later, especially those who were reminded of the original book. Study 5 examined whether the effects could be due to a particular aspect of the books, process praise, which sends a message that effort and persistence are effective and valued. Increasing children’s motivation at a young age may set the stage for future academic achievement, creating a cycle of positive motivation and academic success.
iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This work would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of a number of people. First, I would like to thank Carol Dweck for her tremendous support, wisdom, and mentoring over the past few years. Her work and ideas have forever changed my life. I also consider myself fortunate to have had the opportunity to collaborate with and learn from Ellen Markman, Greg Walton, Geoff Cohen, Mark Lepper, and James Gross. They have all had a profound effect on the way I think about the world and the psychological processes that shape motivation and well-being. I would also like to thank the members of the Dweck/Walton and Markman Labs, and all the other DevoStuds, for all of their friendship, advice, and game nights through the years, especially Quin Yow, Carissa Romero, and Luke Butler. The majority of this research was conducted at the Bing Nursery School, so I would like to thank the children who participated and the teachers who encouraged them to participate. I am particularly grateful to Chia-wa Yeh, Jennifer Winters, and Beth Wise for all of their help and valuable feedback. Bing is an amazing place, and I have had far more fun there over the past few years as “Teacher Game Room” than a respectable doctoral candidate should. Thanks as well to the staff and students of the Palo Alto Unified School District. Many outstanding research assistants helped me collect data for this and other projects. Special thanks to Emily Campbell, Lauren Hay, Amy Ho, Armando Lopez, Charishma Chotalia, Isa Dillingham, Carly Janiga, Jessica Snyder, Whitney Worthen, Cole Murphy-Hockett, Kristine Baluyot, Sadie Zapata, Jacky Mendoza, Charissa Tansomboon, and Hannah Jaycox for all their hard work. I would like to acknowledge the financial support provided by a Regina Casper Stanford Graduate Fellowship, a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship, and an Elizabeth Munsterberg Koppitz Child Psychology Graduate Fellowship from the American Psychological Foundation. Finally, I would like to thank my family. My parents and my sister Karen have always supported me, believed in me, and let me be as intrinsically motivated as I wanted to be. They are wonderful. And speaking of wonderful (and tylerrific), I am
v grateful to Tyler for his love and support. Together we have climbed mountains and had amazing adventures, and I can’t wait for the next. I love you.
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction ...... 1 The Importance of Motivation…………………………………….…………………1 The Importance of Motivation in Early Childhood……………………………...…..3 Factors that Increase Motivation in Children……………………………………..…5 Factors that May Help Children Internalize Motivation………………………….…7 Motivational Factors to be Examined………………………….………………...…11 Study 1: Motivation in Preschoolers…………………………………………………...14 Method…………………………………………………………………….……16 Results……………………………………………………………………….…18 Discussion…………………………………………………………………..…..24 Study 2: Motivation in Older Children……………………………………………...….26 Method……………………………………………………………………..…...26 Results…………………………………………………………………….……27 Discussion…………………………………………………………………...….32 Study 3: Persuasion and Challenge Seeking………………………………………...…34 Method……………………………………………………………………..…...35 Results……………………………………………………………………….....37 Discussion………………………………………………………………………39 Study 4: Longitudinal Effects on Challenge Seeking………………………………...... 41 Method…………………………………………………………………….…....42 Results……………………………………………………………………….....43 Discussion…………………………………………………………………...….46 Study 5: Effects of Praise on Motivation…………………………………………...….49 Method……………………………………………………………………….....51 Results……………………………………………………………………...…..53 Discussion………………………………………………………………………57 General Discussion………………………………………………………………..…....59 References Appendices……………………………………………………………………..71
vii List of References………………………………………………………………78 Tables…………………………………………………………………………………..91 Figures………………………………………………………………………………….97
viii LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 Challenge seeking scale, Studies 1 and 2…………………………...... 91 Table 2 Summary of results……………………………………………………..92 Table 3 Helmert style contrasts for condition, Studies 1 and 2…………………93 Table 4 Effects of condition on puzzle and activity choices, and pre-challenge and post-challenge choices………………………….…………….....…94 Table 5 Effects on children’s open-ended explanations for their choices………95 Table 6 Effects of condition on length of time persisted and number of puzzle pieces correctly placed…………………………………………………96
ix LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 Challenge seeking, Study 1..……………………………...... …97 Figure 2 Children’s global badness beliefs and challenge seeking, Study 1….....98 Figure 3 Persistence, Study 1..……………………………...... …99 Figure 4 Motivation composite, Study 1………………………………………..100 Figure 5 Children’s global badness beliefs and challenge seeking, Study 2...…101 Figure 6 Persistence, Study 2..……………………………...... …102 Figure 7 Motivation composite, Study 2…………………………………….….103 Figure 8 Challenge seeking, Study 3..……………………………...... …104 Figure 9 Challenge seeking by age, Study 3..…………………………...... …105 Figure 10 Challenge seeking, Study 4, Time 1..…………………………...... …106 Figure 11 Challenge seeking, Study 4, Time 3…………………………………..107 Figure 12 Interaction between booster and age on challenge seeking for children in the treatment condition, Study 4..……………………………...... …108 Figure 13 Self-evaluation composite, Study 5..…………………….……...... …109 Figure 14 Challenge seeking, Study 5..…………………………...... ………….110 Figure 15 Motivation composite, Study 5..………………………………...... …111 Figure 16 Mastery-orientation composite (self-evaluations, challenge seeking, and persistence), Study 5..…………………………...... …..…112
x INTRODUCTION Mastery and learning can be challenging and time-consuming processes. Many practical and scientific discoveries, from the invention of sliced bread to the discovery of radium, are the result of years of constant struggle and effort, and history is filled with examples of people who took on enormous challenges and never gave up despite frustration (Curie, 1921; Van Dulken, 2000). For example, Thomas Edison persisted in efforts to improve the design of the light bulb despite thousands of failures to get the results he wanted before he finally succeeded. Instead of giving up, he viewed each “failure” as a learning experience (Edison, 1948). Many individuals seek out challenge and keep right on going, even when the going gets tough. Yet many others give up at the first sign of trouble and consistently take the easy way out. What motivates those individuals who persevere in school and beyond? And how can that information be used to increase the motivation of young students who seem to lack that inner drive? This dissertation describes the results of several studies that explore the effects of an intervention that uses motivationally themed storybooks to increase young children’s motivation. The remainder of this Introduction defines the relevant aspects of motivation, outlines their importance for learning, and discusses why examining motivation in early childhood is particularly critical. The final sections of the Introduction discuss more specific aspects of the intervention: motivational factors that were incorporated into the intervention (praise for effort, strategies for persistence, and role models who cope with failure), other factors that increase the likelihood that children internalize motivation (the use of concrete examples to increase generalization, and storybooks as a method of delivering the intervention), and two other factors that were manipulated in the following studies (the use of personal identity, and persuading another person). The Importance of Motivation Challenge seeking and persistence are important behavioral components of motivation (Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Feather, 1962). Challenge seeking is the choice of a harder task over an easier task. It overlaps with the distinction between learning
1 goals (e.g., the choice of a difficult task which a person expects to learn from) vs. performance goals (e.g., the choice of a typically easy task on which a person expects to perform well). Persistence is the continuation of work on a task. It may be operationalized as the choice to continue a challenging or difficult task rather than switch to an easy task, or time spent on a difficult task (Thomas & Pashley, 1982). Both involve confronting difficulty—one is opting to take on difficulty, while the other is opting to continue when faced with difficulty. Seeking challenge and persisting in the face of difficulty are optimal for learning. Children benefit most when slightly challenged in terms of their current cognitive level (Danner & Lonky, 1981; Deci, 1975; Kohlberg, 1994; Piaget, 1952, 1977). Students who actively seek out challenges, and who persist until they master them, are more productive and successful in school (Duckworth, Peterson, Matthews, & Kelly, 2007; Helmreich, Beane, Lucker, & Spence, 1978; Lepper, Yow, & Master, 2011; Nicholls, 1979; Nicholls, Patashnick, & Nolen, 1985; Stipek, 2002). Persistence is also a key part of motivation. It is generally more likely to lead to success and certainly tends to be a more successful strategy than quitting (Jennings, Connors, & Stegman, 1988; Jennings & Dietz, 2003). Lack of persistence can be a symptom of helplessness, which is a constellation of negative responses (such as negative cognitions about the self, negative emotions, and lack of persistence) that occur when some individuals encounter difficult situations (Hebert & Dweck, 1985, described in Dweck, 1991; Kistner, Ziegert, Castro, & Robertson, 2001; Lütkenhaus, 1984). However, note that students should not choose impossibly difficult tasks or mindlessly persist. It is also important for students to distinguish between useful persistence and useless, repetitive perseveration (Carver & Scheier, 2001; Dweck, 1999; Janoff-Bulman & Brickman, 1982; Morgan, Harmon, & Maslin-Cole, 1990). Challenge seeking can be examined in young children, who demonstrate a coherent understanding of what types of tasks are challenging for them. Three-year- olds can accurately use the words “easy” and “hard” to describe tasks, and match them with tasks that they “can” and “can’t” do (Bird & Thompson, 1986). However, young children may not yet understand the value of tasks from which they can learn. Five-
2 and six-year-olds often show a preference for easy tasks because they do not yet perceive that a hard task has the most value, for example, when asked, “What would your teacher be most pleased you could do?” (Nicholls,1978). Although older students and adults understand that hard tasks yield more value than easier ones, they too may show preferences for easy tasks. For example, some students hold “performance avoidance” goals in which they wish to avoid all risk of failure (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996) or work-avoidant goals, in which they are concerned with minimizing their effort (Archer, 1994; Meece, Blumenfield, & Hoyle, 1988). The Importance of Motivation in Early Childhood Examining motivation in early childhood (including how to increase motivation in young children) may be particularly critical, for three primary reasons. First, early motivation can set students on a more positive trajectory to further academic success and increased subsequent motivation (Stipek, 2001). For example, motivation in early childhood predicts later cognitive abilities and achievement (Luster & McAdoo, 1996; Sigman, Cohen, Beckwith, & Topinka, 1987). Although those studies are correlational, this raises the possibility that an increase in motivation in early childhood could improve later achievement and create a recursive causal relationship, in which small changes in motivation lead to higher achievement and competence, which then in turn increase motivation over time (Bronson, 2000; Cohen, Garcia, Purdie-Vaughns, Apfel, & Brzustoski, 2009; Heckman, 2006; Lepper & Greene, 1978; Stipek & Greene, 2001). This type of increase in motivation could be used to set students on a learning track before they have experienced real academic failure. Second, achievement gaps between groups appear early in education, and could be reduced through early intervention. The academic achievement gap between Black and White children is already substantial by the time they enter elementary school, and further differences emerge even among children who enter elementary school with the same skills (Phillips, Crouse, & Ralph, 1998). Interventions that encourage preschool children to engage in cognitively challenging tasks (e.g., the Tools of the Mind program) have been remarkably successful among low-income and
3 minority populations, suggesting that encouraging young children to take on challenges could help to narrow or close this achievement gap (Barnett, Jung, Yarosz, Thomas, Hornbeck, Stechuk, & Burns, 2008; Diamond, Barnett, Thomas, & Munro, 2007). Third, motivation typically exhibits a decline as students get older. Young children are highly intrinsically motivated to explore and learn, but they show a decline in intrinsic motivation in school by early adolescence (Cordova & Lepper, 1996; Dweck, 1986; Lepper, Corpus, & Iyengar, 2005; Pintrich, 2003; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002). However, preschool through early elementary age is a developmental stage in which children are not yet concerned that the use of effort will lead to negative assessments of their ability (Kun, 1977). Thus, they may be particularly responsive to an intervention that teaches them to embrace challenge and put forth effort, and may more easily see the subsequent rewards of persistence and hard work. Thus, challenge seeking and persistence are critical components of motivation, and understanding the factors that affect motivation in young children is extremely important. Many factors have been examined as determinants of challenge seeking and persistence, but most of this research and almost all motivational interventions have been conducted with older children. Little is known about the foundations of motivation in early childhood. Indeed, until relatively recently, many researchers believed that young children were universally highly resilient and unlikely to show helpless reactions to failure, compared to older children (see Burhans & Dweck, 1995), and thus young children were not perceived to be in need of motivational interventions. Considering the motivational literature, what factors might be most influential for young children and create lasting motivational change? The goal of this research was to create a basic motivational intervention for young children and systematically examine what factors might make it more effective. The next three sections discuss motivational factors incorporated into the intervention (praise for effort, strategies for persisting, and role models who cope with failure), other non-motivational factors incorporated into the intervention to help children internalize the intervention message
4 (the use of concrete examples, and storybooks as a method of delivering the intervention), and factors that were manipulated in different versions of the intervention (personal identity, and persuading another person). Factors that Increase Motivation in Children Three factors that have been found to increase children’s motivation were incorporated into the basic intervention: praise for effort, strategies for persisting, and role models who cope with failure. Praise for Effort First, praise for effort can increase children’s motivation. Whether children are praised for their fixed traits (such as ability) or their behavior (such as effort or use of strategies) can affect whether they want to continue at that task. Praise for effort may help children focus on the learning process and the development of skills, and to value learning opportunities instead of worrying about how well they will perform (Mueller & Dweck, 1998). Indeed, praise for effort has been shown to increase children’s challenge seeking and persistence (Keister, 1943; Mueller & Dweck, 1998). In contrast, other types of praise may decrease motivation if they cause children to feel evaluated or judged on the basis of their ability. For example, when 5th graders encountered challenging problems, those who had previously been praised for effort (“You must have worked hard at these problems”) were more likely to want to persist and chose more challenging problems to work on than students who had been praised for their ability (“You must be smart at these problems,” Mueller & Dweck, 1998). The effects of different types of praise can be seen even in young children. In one study, five-year-olds role-played a story (Kamins & Dweck, 1999). They were given either process praise (similar to effort praise, e.g., “You must have tried really hard”) or person praise (similar to ability praise, e.g., “You’re really good at this”). Afterwards, they role-played their reactions to an unsuccessful activity. Those who had been praised for effort/process were less likely to choose to give up and do something else rather than continue compared to children who had been given ability/person praise. They were also more likely to persist by constructing a helpful solution to the role-played problem (e.g., “I can do it again better if I take my time,”
5 Kamins & Dweck, 1999, p. 840). Person praise conveys that traits (such as ability) can be judged from performance and are deep-seated. When children struggle with a task, they may feel helpless and choose to give up rather than persist. In contrast, effort or process-based praise shows children that their effort is what is valued, and leads to greater persistence. This type of praise helps children focus on the learning process and welcome challenges. Strategies for Persisting A second factor incorporated into the intervention was to give children self- instruction strategies for how to persist (that is, phrases to say to themselves to keep themselves from giving up), which can help children persist longer and avoid the temptation to quit. Previous studies found that preschool children were better able to keep working on a task and resist a tempting interactive toy when given a plan for resisting, such as telling themselves, “No I can’t, I’m working,” or “I’m going to keep working” (Mischel & Patterson, 1976; Patterson & Mischel, 1975, 1976). This verbal strategy helped children remember that their goal was to continue working and gave them a salient alternative response other than quitting. Thus, when adults give children a clear verbal strategy for persistence, children are better able to resist temptation and continue to persist. In a more academic situation, effective strategies might include teaching children to tell themselves such things as, “Just keep trying,” or “I’m not going to give up.” Role Models who Cope with Failure The third factor incorporated into the intervention was increasing children’s self-efficacy by giving them a role model who copes with failure. Self-efficacy is an individual’s belief that he or she can successfully perform the behavior required to produce a given outcome (Bandura, Adams, & Beyer, 1977), and it predicts greater persistence in children (Schunk, 1981). One factor that has been shown to enhance self-efficacy is the use of role models who cope with failure (Bandura & Schunk, 1981). Children may observe the success of role models who either succeed right away (“mastery” models) or experience initial difficulty followed by gradual success (“coping” models). Coping models demonstrate to students that persistent effort can
6 overcome difficulties, and thus have a more positive effect on students’ attitudes and behavior. In one study, 9- to 12-year old children who had been struggling in mathematics watched a videotape of a mastery-model or coping-model peer working on a series of fraction problems (Schunk, Hanson, & Cox, 1987). Children who saw the coping model showed significantly more self-efficacy and completed significantly more problems in a series of tutoring sessions on fractions. While this has not been tested with preschool children, seeing a role model who copes with failure may help send a message to children that persistence pays off in the end, and thus they should stay confident and persist through their own experience of difficulty. Factors that May Help Children Internalize Motivation The previous section discussed several motivational factors known to increase challenge seeking and persistence. However, simply exposing children to these motivational factors may not be enough to ensure they internalize greater motivation and carry it into new situations. That is, developmental differences can affect how well children are able to generalize information that they have learned in one situation to a new situation. The goal of this research is to maximize the chances that children internalize factors that increase achievement motivation and generalize them to new learning situations, promoting long-lasting behavioral change. In attempting to apply the research on generalization to a motivational context, we make the assumption that the generalization of motivational factors follows rules similar to the generalization of skills and principles. Children should learn these motivational factors as general principles (e.g., “challenging tasks are better than easy tasks”), rather than as specific to a particular situation. However, the current research goes a step further: what might help children generalize, not just a problem-solving strategy from one story to another, but from a story to the self (e.g., “I should choose more challenging tasks”)? Moreover, children must then generalize that strategy to new tasks. In this way, the research in this dissertation provides a novel addition to the motivation literature and a new application for the cognitive development literature on generalization. While the effect of motivation on generalization has been examined, with mastery goals leading to better generalization and performance-
7 approach goals leading to worse generalization (Bereby-Meyer & Kaplan, 2005; Ford, Smith, Weissbein, Gully, & Salas, 1998), no one has yet looked at the effects of using generalization principles to increase motivation (Pugh & Bergin, 2006). The next sections examine factors that should increase the effectiveness of the intervention from areas of research other than motivation: concrete examples to help children transfer what they have learned to new situations, and storybooks as a method of transmitting cultural values. Concrete Examples Improve Generalization Many studies suggest that young children in particular struggle to generalize what they have learned to a new situation. Older children are better able than younger children to apply what they have learned (Bereby-Meyer & Kaplan, 2005; Brown, 1989; Brown & Kane, 1988; Chen, 1999; Chen & Klahr, 1999). For example, 5th and 6th grade students were more able than preschoolers to transfer an analogy from a storybook to a real-life situation (Holyoak, Junn, & Billman, 1984). However, one factor that may improve young children’s generalization is the use of concrete examples to help them recognize when new situations are relevant to what they have previously learned. Concrete examples can be very helpful for children (Brown & Kane, 1988; Chen, Yanowitz, & Daehler, 1995). For instance, in one study, 8-year-old children were asked to solve seemingly unbelievable riddles and were given hints that were either concrete or abstract examples that illustrated the solution (Chen et al., 1995). Children who heard concrete examples were the most likely to see the connection and solve the riddle. This suggests that an intervention that gives children concrete examples of increased motivation and its benefits may help them recognize and appreciate similar opportunities in their own lives. For example, children who observe a concrete example of how persisting leads to success (e.g., on a challenge puzzle) may more easily see the benefits of persistence in new situations they encounter, compared to children who are told about the benefits of persistence in a more abstract sense. While it may seem counter-intuitive that a concrete example can lead to greater generalization to other situations, the concrete example can help children gain a better
8 understanding of the general principle. That is, showing children how persisting on a puzzle can help them get better at puzzles may be more convincing and effective than simply telling them that they should persist in general. In conclusion, while young children may not be as effective at generalizing their knowledge as older children and adults, several factors can help them with this task. First, as in all learning tasks, active involvement and engagement are crucial (Crisafi & Brown, 1986). Second, it is important that children understand the learning situation. When children are given concrete examples, they are more likely to transfer what they have learned to a new, similar situation (Brown & Kane, 1988; Chen et al., 1995). Storybooks as Pedagogy Many of these studies that have investigated how well children generalize knowledge used stories to teach children a principle or strategy (Brown & Kane, 1988; Gentner & Toupin, 1986; Holyoak et al., 1984). But how well do children learn from storybooks compared to other sources of information? Preschool children are very familiar with storybooks. Reading storybooks is a very common joint activity between adults and children (Ganea, Pickard, & DeLoache, 2008). By the time they enter school, middle-class preschoolers have heard about 1000 hours of storybooks (Adams, 1990). Most children greatly enjoy hearing stories, and young children often request to hear the same stories over and over. Stories for children also frequently involve achievement as themes, with the main character exhibiting effort, persistence, and the acquisition of skills and knowledge (Child, Potter, & Levine, 1946; McArthur & Eisen, 1976). Storybooks also provide an effective way of communicating particular values. Indeed, storybooks are among the most frequent situations for explicit maternal teaching (Brown, 1992; Marum, 1996; McClelland, 1961). Young children are eager cultural learners, and storybooks provide a natural context for them to develop cultural beliefs (Applebee, 1978; Bettelheim, 1976). Storybooks involve collaborative engagement between child and adult, with joint intentions and attention (Tomasello, Carpenter, Call, Behne, & Moll, 2005). Thus, book reading is a way for the adult to
9 indicate, “Pay attention to this, because I think it is important for you.” Previous research suggests that preschoolers are sensitive to cultural messages implicit within books (Tsai, Louie, Chen, & Uchida, 2007), and that personal storytelling (in which adults tell children stories about themselves and their past experiences) is one way in which children are socialized into their culture and its meaning systems (Miller, Wiley, Fung, & Liang, 1997). These studies suggest that children readily pick up on implicit or explicit messages in the stories they hear, and learn about what kinds of things they should value. Storytelling can also create strong identification with characters. The more strongly children identify with characters they read in books, the more powerful the effects on their socialization (Cohen, 2001). When they identify with a character, they internalize that character’s point of view and share his or her goals (Bettelheim, 1976). Similarity to a character (e.g., in terms of gender) increases the likelihood of identification, which then increases the character’s effects on the child’s behavior (Anderson et al., 2003; Cohen, 2001; Jose & Brewer, 1984; Maccoby & Wilson, 1957; McArthur & Eisen, 1976). The power of stories to shape children’s imagination suggests that a manipulation that taps into this source could have a strong effect, as children identify with and learn from characters in stories quite readily. Storybooks may be an effective source of motivation for children, as narratives can have profound impacts on the lives of the listeners. Because stories are so common yet powerful, they seem to provide a logical method for increasing motivation that could be easily utilized in real classrooms (Martin, 2008). Furthermore, previous research with college students suggests that visualizing success from a third-person perspective (that is, looking at yourself from the outside, as in a story) may increase achievement motivation more than visualizing success from a first-person perspective (that is, imagining the situation through your own eyes; Vasquez & Buehler, 2007). While this research has not been replicated with children, it suggests that this type of perspective may help children see the larger meaning and importance of their actions—that choosing a harder task could be an important way to learn more.
10 Motivational Factors to be Examined Two other factors were tested in the current research to examine whether they influenced young children’s motivation: personal identity, and persuading another person. (A third factor, different types of praise, was also examined in the final study; see above for a discussion of the effects of praise on motivation.) Personal Identity Another potential way to increase motivation in young children is to create a sense of identity linked to motivation. Will children show greater motivation if they see themselves as someone who takes on challenges and persists? Research suggests that identity and the way in which people perceive and categorize themselves can have profound effects on their motivation. For example, labeling individuals in a particular way can cause them to see themselves in that way. Fifth-grade students who were told by teachers and the principal that they were neat and tidy threw significantly more trash in the garbage instead of littering several days later (hence they became more neat and tidy) than students who were told that they should be neat and tidy (Miller, Brickman, & Bolen, 1975). Several weeks later, this group continued to throw away more trash. Although this study did not explicitly measure motivation, it caused behavioral change that persisted several weeks later. Convincing children that they are already motivated and persistent may lead them to incorporate that into their identity and to actually be more motivated and persistent. For young children in particular, the more similar their identity is to the main character in a story, the more likely they may be to identify with that character and apply the messages from that story to their own lives. For example, one study found that preschool children showed greater persistence at a task (attempting to use tongs to lift flowers in a bottle) after hearing a story depicting achievement behavior involving a child of the same gender compared to a story involving an opposite-gender child (McArthur & Eisen, 1976). In addition, factors that increase the association between an academic task and the self have been shown to lead to an increase in challenge seeking (Pintrich, 2003). For example, Cordova and Lepper (1996) increased self-relevance in a math computer game for 4th- and 5th-graders through personalization. This involved the incorporation
11 of students’ name, birthday, and favorite things into the game. Children who played a personalized game wanted to spend more time playing the math game instead of going to recess, and preferred to play a more challenging version of the game next time. This suggests that motivational stories may be more effective if they are personally relevant to children’s identity. Persuasion and Dissonance Many previous studies with older children and adults suggest that an extremely effective way to change someone’s attitudes (e.g., attitudes toward challenging tasks) is to have that person advocate a particular position (see Hovland, 1951). This effect is also known as self-persuasion, because the act of persuading someone else appears to more effectively persuade the speaker at the same time (Cialdini, Petty, & Cacioppo, 1981). Persuading another person has been found to create long-lasting attitude change in the self (see Aronson, 1999; Wilson, 1990). This may be due to cognitive dissonance or self-perception effects (Bem, 1967; Festinger & Carlsmith, 1959), as individuals observe themselves endorsing that attitude, and infer that they must truly believe it, also known as the “saying-is-believing effect” (Higgins & Rholes, 1978; Janis & King, 1954). Several educational interventions have had success with having students advocate a particular message to others. For example, Aronson, Fried, and Good (2002) found that African American college students who taught middle school pen pals that intelligence is malleable showed improvements themselves in motivation and grades. What about young children? Do they possess the cognitive capacity to exhibit dissonance or track previous behavior and act consistently? Some studies with preschoolers show evidence that they may be sensitive to similar kinds of dissonance or self-perception effects (Aronson & Carlsmith, 1963; Egan, Santos, & Bloom, 2007; Lepper, Greene, & Nisbett, 1973). In terms of an attitude such as challenge seeking, dissonance could potentially occur if children have told someone else to choose challenges, yet choose an easier task themselves. To avoid this dissonance, they may choose harder tasks for themselves in order to be consistent with their previous behavior of telling someone else that challenges are good. Would the motivational
12 effects of this manipulation be stronger if children could be induced to convince someone else to take on challenges and persist? Would telling someone else to choose challenging tasks make children more likely to choose challenging tasks themselves? Summary In conclusion, the current research examines a basic intervention involving praise for effort, strategies for persisting, and a role model who copes with failure. Some factors, such as praise for effort and strategies for persisting, have been shown to effectively increase the motivation of young children in particular, while others such as coping models have been demonstrated mainly with older children (Keister, 1943; Kamins & Dweck, 1999; Patterson & Mischel, 1975; Schunk, 1981). This intervention also incorporates concrete examples of motivation (e.g., a child choosing a harder puzzle over an easier puzzle), and utilizes storybooks to communicate the intervention. However, many motivational factors have not been tested systematically with young children, and a solid understanding of the ways to increase challenge seeking in preschoolers is still lacking from the literature. Will this intervention be more effective if the storybooks are relevant to children’s personal identity? Will having children persuade someone else of the value of challenges increase the intervention’s effectiveness? Current Research The current dissertation has several main aims: 1) The primary aim of Study 1 is to extend research in motivation while beginning to incorporate findings from cognitive development to increase young children’s challenge seeking and persistence through storybooks. Do these storybooks become more effective as the main character in the story increases in similarity to the child? Independently of this manipulation, Study 1 also looks at how children’s beliefs about goodness and badness relate to their motivation. Are children who believe that mistakes imply badness more likely to avoid challenge? 2) A second aim, in Study 2, includes the examination of the effectiveness of this manipulation in older children (kindergarteners). Are older children better able to generalize from a story to themselves, regardless of how similar they are to the main
13 character? Further, Study 2 compares the effectiveness of the manipulation in populations of struggling and non-struggling students. 3) A third aim, in Study 3, is to explore whether persuading another might increase the book’s effectiveness, by having children transmit the ideas of the storybook to others, compared to children who actively explain what happened in the story. Do children who teach a puppet to choose hard tasks show more challenge seeking themselves? Furthermore, do the storybooks create robust challenge seeking, even after children have experienced a real challenge? 4) The fourth aim, in Study 4, is to explore whether effects persist over time. Do the effects last at least two weeks? 5) A fifth aim, in Study 5, is to examine more closely one particular element in the story (praise for effort), and how it might affect motivation. Does hearing a story containing effort/process praise increase challenge seeking and persistence relative to a story that does not? STUDY 1: MOTIVATION IN PRESCHOOLERS The research cited in the Introduction was used to create storybooks to encourage children to choose hard tasks and persist at them. The storybooks used processes shown to be effective in younger (4-5-year-old) and/or older (9-12-year-old) children, such as praise for effort, strategies to resist the temptation to give up, and a role model who struggles before succeeding (Kamins & Dweck, 1999; Patterson & Mischel, 1975; Schunk, Hanson, & Cox, 1987). Previous interventions have also utilized this process of combining several factors to maximize effects on children’s motivation (Miller, Brickman, & Bolen, 1975). Thus, the story was designed to teach children that they can and should choose challenges and persist in the face of difficulty. Many children are familiar with the story of “The Little Engine that Could” (Piper, 1930), but the story of a train trying to get over a mountain may not be personally meaningful to children. But what if the main character were the child herself? What if the task were more relevant to her life? The story included a concrete situation (choosing easy or hard puzzles) that was highly similar to the dependent measures, since the primary purposes of this study
14 were: 1) to establish the effectiveness of the storybooks in increasing children’s challenge seeking and persistence; and 2) to examine whether similarity to the main character increased this effectiveness. In Study 1, 4- and 5-year-old preschool children were read one of four books by a researcher. Three were treatment stories and one was a control story. The treatment books involved a main character learning to try hard and persist, and varied in the main character’s similarity to the participating child. Children then responded to questions assessing their preference for easy or challenging tasks (including puzzles, as in the story, and also other activities, to assess children’s generalization to other types of tasks). Children also gave explanations for their choice of tasks, to see whether they explicitly mentioned seeking or avoiding challenge. They were then given the chance to persist on an actual puzzle. In addition to these measures, a secondary goal of this study (and of Study 2) was to explore how children’s beliefs relate to motivation. Some children hold beliefs that have been related to helplessness and lack of motivation in the face of difficulty. These children have a tendency to overgeneralize trait inferences on the basis of limited information, and perceive a single instance of making a mistake or misbehaving as diagnostic of overall badness. That is, they see mistakes and misbehavior as conveying implications about global goodness and badness. For these children, a single mistake takes on broader significance, and can have negative motivational consequences. In this dissertation, these types of beliefs will be referred to as “global badness beliefs,” as children who hold these beliefs make global assumptions about goodness and badness based on limited evidence. Previous research has found that children who endorse these global beliefs are more likely to show helpless responses to challenge, such as negative affect, self- blame, and lack of persistence (Heyman, Dweck, & Cain, 1992). While those results are correlational, children’s beliefs were measured before they displayed helplessness, suggesting that children who hold these beliefs are more likely to then overgeneralize following negative experiences and thus are more likely to become helpless (Heyman, Dweck, & Cain, 1992). Much previous research suggests that 4- and 5-year-old children are remarkably resilient in general and show high motivation when they are
15 not currently faced with an overly challenging task (Cimpian, 2010). However, it is possible that children’s beliefs may also predict their behavior even in the absence of experienced difficulty, that is, when they are simply contemplating challenges. Children who believe that making a mistake is bad may attempt to avoid taking on challenges, because failing at a challenging task may have more global implications for their self-worth. Thus, an additional goal of this study (and Study 2) was to examine whether children’s beliefs are related to challenge seeking even in the absence of current difficulty. While previous studies had asked children to make these global badness judgments about other children (e.g., Heyman, Dweck, & Cain, 1992; Kamins & Dweck, 1999), this study added a new question tapping into children’s beliefs about their own mistakes, which may be an even more powerful method of assessing beliefs critical for their motivation (Dweck, 1999). Method Participants Participants were 53 preschoolers (mean age = 4 years, 7 months; range: 4 years, 0 months to 5 years, 7 months; 18 male, 35 female; 32 Caucasian, nine Asian American, four Latino/a, three African American, and five multiple ethnicities) at a research nursery school. The majority of them came from middle- to upper-middle- class backgrounds. Materials Participants were randomly assigned to hear one of four storybooks. (See Appendix A for full texts.) Three treatment books involved a character that learned to “keep trying” on a hard puzzle. The main character was either an animal (“Little Bird”), another child (“Taylor”), or the participating child him/herself. “Animal” and “another child” books were matched to the participant’s gender (McArthur & Eisen, 1976). A control book involved the participating child playing with a bouncing ball (to control for potential effects of hearing a self-relevant story), with a storyline that did not involve motivation. The books in which the participating child was the main character were individually printed with the child’s name.
16 The researcher frequently made comments directly to the child to connect the child in the story to him/her. This helped to ensure that the participating child knew the story was about him/her and not a child with the same name. For example, after reading “Carol’s parents gave her two new puzzles,” the researcher turned to the child and said directly to her, “So YOUR parents gave YOU two new puzzles.” In the treatment books, the main character was given a choice between an easy puzzle and a hard puzzle, and chose the hard puzzle. After the character had struggled on the puzzle, his or her parents gave encouragement and praise for trying (including the phrases, “Just keep trying! You’ll see what happens,” and the child telling him or herself, “I’ll just keep trying, and I’ll see what happens”), and he or she succeeded at getting the pieces. The character then went to school and was given another choice between an easy puzzle and a hard puzzle. Again, he or she chose the hard puzzle so he or she could learn. Finally, the character’s classmates were impressed by the hard choice and praised him or her (see Child, 1946). Procedure Children were brought to a research room individually by a researcher who was familiar to them. First, children listened to the story read aloud by a researcher. While listening and looking at the pictures, participants were asked several questions to ensure they stayed engaged in the story. (See Appendix A.) Challenge Seeking After the story, children were given a series of eight choices between easy and hard tasks to assess the effects on challenge seeking. (These questions were selected based on the results of several pilot studies.) Four questions involved puzzle tasks (similar to the story), and four questions involved other activities common in preschool (e.g., building a tower with blocks) to assess whether the effect would generalize to other tasks (Child & Adelsheim, 1944). (See Table 1.) After each choice, children were told “Good choice!” and asked to explain why they chose that one (Smiley & Dweck, 1994). Persistence
17 Next, children worked on a moderately challenging puzzle but were told they could switch at any time to another, obviously easier puzzle (to assess persistence). Every minute and a half, children were reminded, “Remember, you can switch to the other puzzle if you want.” There was no time limit. Global Badness Beliefs Finally, children answered two questions about their global beliefs about badness: 1) in terms of others: “Imagine there’s a new boy/girl in your class. You look over at his/her drawing and see that s/he did lots and lots of things wrong. Does this mean that s/he is bad? [Yes or no?]” and 2) in terms of the self: “Now imagine that you made a drawing and did lots and lots of things wrong. How would this make you feel? Like you were not bad at all, a little bit bad, or really bad?” The “other child” question was always matched to the participant’s gender. Debriefing Children were thanked for their hard work on the puzzle. Children who had switched to the easy puzzle were asked if they wanted the researcher to help them finish the challenging puzzle. Results The dependent measures (challenge seeking and persistence) were examined in terms of three main predictors: condition, age, and global beliefs. Analyses also looked at children’s explanations for their choices, and a motivational composite combining challenge seeking and persistence. The effect of researcher was also tested in all studies to ensure that the effect of researcher did not interact with condition (which was the case in all analyses). Some children did not respond to all questions, so the number of participants varied for different measures. Overall, all three treatment books increased children’s challenge seeking, but only the treatment story about the participating child increased persistence. For an overall summary of results, see Table 2. Challenge Seeking The eight challenge-seeking items formed a reliable scale, α = .86 (and none of the items increased the reliability of the scale if deleted). Effects on challenge seeking
18 were analyzed in two complementary ways: first, the main effects were examined individually using Analysis of Variance (ANOVA). Second, the challenge seeking data were also analyzed using a regression model, in which all the independent variables were analyzed simultaneously (along with random effects of participant) to gain a more complete picture of how these variables might work together. Effect of Condition As predicted, all three treatment books taken together significantly increased overall challenge seeking, compared to the control condition. Across all eight challenge-seeking choices, an overall ANOVA indicated that the conditions were significantly different from each other, F(3,49) = 3.31, p = .028. (See Figure 1.) Post- hoc contrasts revealed that this overall difference was driven by the difference between the three treatment conditions combined compared to the control condition. Children in the three treatment conditions combined chose significantly more challenging items than children in the control condition, t(49) = 3.14, p = .003, which supported the primary hypothesis that these books would increase challenge seeking.1 However, the three treatment books did not differ from one another (ps > .82) and hence, for this measure, did not support the hypothesis that young children would be more influenced by a book that featured themselves as the main character than a book that featured someone else as the main character. (For results analyzed in terms of puzzle choices and activity choices separately, see Table 4.) Thus, as predicted, hearing storybooks that incorporated praise for effort, strategies for persisting, and concrete examples of a role model who coped with failure significantly increased preschool children’s challenge seeking. Age There was a marginal interaction between age and condition (treatment vs. control). The treatment books were marginally more effective for children who were four and a half or older (younger control: M = 2.67, SD = 2.60; older control: M =
1 Individually, each treatment condition was also significantly higher than the control condition; animal vs. control: t(49) = 2.68, p = .010; another child vs. control: t(49) = 2.46, p = .018; participating child vs. control: t(49) = 2.59, p = .013.
19 1.25, SD = 1.89; younger treatment: M = 4.00, SD = 2.66; older treatment: M = 5.75, SD = 2.36), F(1,49) = 3.50, p = .067. The main effect of condition remained significant overall (p = .001). Thus, unsurprisingly, while the intervention was effective for all children, it was especially effective for older children, who were better able to generalize from a story to themselves. Global Beliefs Children’s answers to the global belief questions (e.g., “If a child makes mistakes, does that mean she is bad?”) were coded as one point for a “yes” or “little bad,” and two points for “really bad.” The two questions were marginally correlated, r(51) = .25, p = .08. As predicted, children’s overall global beliefs were related to one aspect of motivation. Beliefs were significantly negatively correlated with total number of challenge-seeking choices, r(51) = -.44, p = .001. (See Figure 2.) Children who endorsed more global beliefs (i.e., believed that making mistakes implies global badness) were less willing to take on challenging tasks. If each global belief question was considered separately, both questions showed the same pattern: the question about the self was significantly correlated with challenge-seeking choices, r(53) = -.38, p = .005, while the question about others was marginally significant, r(51) = -.27, p = .057 (the two overlapping correlations were not significantly different from each other, z = .67, p = .25). This suggests that global belief questions regarding both the self and others may be useful predictors of children’s challenge seeking, although combining both questions may be even more useful. Regression Model Because challenge seeking involved repeated measures and a binary outcome variable, the challenge-seeking choice data was also analyzed using a logistic mixed- effects model that analyzed the effects of all independent variables simultaneously (Baayen, Davidson, & Bates, 2008; Bates & Sarkar, 2007). This type of analysis is an alternative to the use of analysis of variance (ANOVA) models for categorical dependent measures, and has been argued to be less problematic (e.g., when
20 confidence intervals exceed interpretable results) and less likely to lead to spurious null results or spurious significances (Jaeger, 2008; see also Perry, Samuelson, Malloy, & Schiffer, 2010). Condition was coded using three orthogonal Helmert style contrasts (see Table 3). Contrast 1 tested whether the three treatment conditions were different from the control. Contrast 2 tested whether the participating child condition was different from the other two treatment conditions. Contrast 3 tested whether the animal and another child conditions differed from each other. The results of the regression model confirmed the findings of the previous analyses with significant effects of both condition and global beliefs. The initial model was a completely specified model with condition, item type (puzzles vs. activities), global beliefs, and age (older or younger than 4 years, 6 months) as fixed effects, and participant and item as random effects. Uninformative effects were systematically removed by comparing models (see Perry, Samuelson, Malloy, & Schiffer, 2010). For children’s global beliefs, missing scores were replaced by the overall mean, and beliefs were centered. The final model included condition, item type,2 and global beliefs as predictors of challenge seeking choices. Most importantly, children in the treatment conditions chose significantly more challenging options compared to children in the control condition, z = 2.59, p = .001. In addition, children who endorsed more global beliefs (about both self and others) chose significantly fewer challenging options, z = -2.40, p = .017. (While age was not a significant predictor in the final model, it did show a marginal interaction with condition when only condition and age were included as fixed effects, z = 1.91, p = .056.) Thus, as predicted and supporting prior analyses, the best overall model included condition and global beliefs as predictors of challenge seeking choices. Explanations
2 Across all conditions, children were more likely to choose hard puzzles than hard activities, z = 4.41, p < .001. This suggests that children were better able to generalize from the story to real life in terms of tasks that were similar to those explicitly mentioned in the story.
21 In addition to the effects on challenge seeking, children’s explanations of their choices were also coded, to give further insight into children’s thought processes. Children’s explanations of their choices were coded as to whether they were related to seeking challenge (e.g., “I want to try and try,” “I like doing hard things,” “I want to learn”) or avoiding challenge (e.g., “because I like easy ones,” “because I can’t do the non-easy puzzle”). An overall ANOVA revealed that the conditions were marginally different in the number of challenge-seeking explanations that children gave, F(3,49) = 2.75, p = .053 (control: M = 0.77, SD = 1.79; animal: M = 2.46, SD = 2.33, another child: M = 3.46, SD = 3.05, participating child: M = 2.50, SD = 2.41). Post-hoc comparisons showed that children who heard the three treatment books gave significantly more challenge-seeking explanations than children in the control condition, t(49) = 2.62, p = .012. In terms of challenge-avoiding explanations, post- hoc comparisons showed that children who heard the three treatment books were marginally less likely to give challenge-avoiding explanations, compared to the control condition, t(49) = -1.81, p = .077. Thus, in addition to being more likely to take on challenging tasks, children in the treatment conditions were more likely to give explanations for those choices that referenced wanting or valuing challenge, and less likely to give explanations involving a desire to avoid challenge. (See Table 5.) Children were indeed choosing harder tasks specifically because they wanted to learn or wanted a challenge, and not for other reasons. Persistence As predicted, there was an effect of condition on persistence. Persistence was examined in terms of whether children finished the puzzle or quit to work on the easy puzzle. (For further analyses of how long children persisted before quitting the puzzle and the number of puzzle pieces correctly placed, see Table 6.) An overall chi-square revealed that the conditions were marginally different from each other in persistence, χ2(3, N = 53) = 6.63, p = .085. Specifically, the treatment book about the participating child increased persistence on the challenging puzzle compared to the other three
22 conditions, χ2(1, N = 53) = 5.81, p = .016.3 (See Figure 3.)4 Thus, in line with the original hypothesis, hearing a story in which their personal identity was connected to motivation increased preschool children’s persistence. Age Significantly more older children persisted on the puzzle than younger children, χ2(1, N = 53) = 6.94, p = .008 (older children: 71% persisted; younger children: 34%). However, there was no interaction with condition (p = .98). Global Beliefs Unlike the choice measure, there was no relationship between beliefs and persistence (p = .81). Motivation Composite Challenge seeking and persistence are related theoretically and both carry predictive importance for motivation and achievement-related outcomes (as a potential marker of academic trajectories). For example, Dweck and Leggett (1988) suggest that both seeking challenge and showing high persistence are part of a mastery-oriented approach to learning. Thus, both challenge seeking and persistence were combined in a motivation composite to examine whether the composite varied as similarity to the main character increased. (In this sample, persistence was not correlated with challenge seeking, r(53) = -.03, p = .84.) Effect of Condition The overall motivation composite revealed a significant effect of condition. Challenge-seeking choices (how many hard options chosen out of 8) and a dummy
3 Children in the participating child condition were marginally more likely to complete the puzzle than children in the control condition, χ2(1, N = 27) = 3.04, p = .08, and than children in the another child condition, χ2(1, N = 27) = 3.04, p = .08, and significantly more likely than children in the animal condition, χ2(1, N = 27) = 6.24, p = .013. 4 Some children were given an 8-piece puzzle while others were given a 14-piece puzzle to examine effects at different levels of difficulty, although the proportion of children given each puzzle did not differ by condition, p = .99. The pattern of results was identical for both puzzles, and there was no interaction between condition and puzzle type on persistence, p = .67.
23 coding of persistence (whether or not children finished the challenging puzzle) were equally weighted and combined into an overall motivation composite ranging from 0 to 1. An overall ANOVA revealed that the conditions were significantly different from each other, F(3,49) = 3.12, p = .034. In this case, the linear trend was also examined to determine the effects of varying similarity to the main character. The linear trend was significant, F(1,49) = 8.89, p = .004. (See Figure 4.) Post-hoc comparisons showed that the participating child condition was significantly higher in composite motivation than the animal condition, t(49) = 2.09, p = .042. The participating child condition also showed a trend toward being higher than the another child condition, t(49) = 1.52, p = .14. These results indicated that, as predicted, overall motivation increased as similarity to the main character increased—the “participating child” condition was slightly more effective than the “another child” condition, and significantly more effective than the “animal” condition. Discussion These results support the hypothesis that storybooks about a character learning to try hard things and persist can lead young children to choose harder tasks and persist at them. All three treatment books were effective in increasing the number of challenging tasks that children chose. This effect held for hard tasks related to puzzles (as mentioned in the story) and to a lesser extent for tasks related to other activities such as singing and playing games, suggesting that children in all three treatment conditions were able to generalize the idea of the story to tasks other than puzzles. Although children were more likely to select the challenging choice for puzzles than other activities, the treatment books led to significantly more choices of challenge both for puzzles and for other activities. Interestingly, the book about themselves learning to try hard was particularly effective in making children persist on an actual puzzle. Thus, personal identity was not critical for children’s challenge seeking choices, but had a significant effect on their motivated behavior on a real puzzle. Perhaps this book was more effective in convincing these children that they were the kind of children who would not give up.
24 They heard a story in which they tried hard and refused to give up, and this changed their behavior when they encountered a challenge. Perhaps the other treatment books helped children have a positive attitude toward challenges, but that effect was not robust enough to help children persist. Overall, the motivation composite did vary as a function of how similar the child was to the main character in the story, indicating that making the main character more similar to the child increased his or her overall motivation. As hypothesized, children’s beliefs also played an important role in one aspect of motivation, as children with more global beliefs about badness were less likely to choose challenging tasks. Independently of condition, children’s beliefs were significantly related to the number of hard items they selected. Perhaps these children, who believed that mistakes carried global implications, were more concerned about the potential consequences of failure if the task proved too challenging. Previous studies have shown that children’s beliefs are related to their responses when they are experiencing difficulty or challenge. The current findings suggest that children’s beliefs have important consequences even when children are not currently experiencing challenge. Indeed, Study 1 suggests that children who hold more global beliefs may be less likely to choose to put themselves into challenging situations. This study was only the first step toward gaining a richer understanding of motivation in early childhood. One potential concern about this study is that it allowed for the possibility of social desirability effects. In essence, the treatment storybooks told children that what the researcher valued was motivation and the choice of hard tasks. However, teaching children to value challenges is a theoretically important component of the effect, and social desirability cannot entirely explain the effects. Only children who heard a book about themselves were more likely to persist. Moreover, Study 4 suggests that the effects on challenge seeking last over a longer time period, indicating that the storybooks may lead to real and lasting motivational change. Finally, several results indicated the importance of age in the effects of the storybooks on children’s motivation. In particular, the effects on challenge seeking
25 were stronger in older children than younger children. This suggests that there may be interesting developmental differences in the effectiveness of this manipulation. To gain a better understanding of the effectiveness of this manipulation across different groups, Study 2 examined effects in older children. More specifically, Study 2 examined effects in two samples of kindergarten children: a group who was struggling academically and a non-struggling group. STUDY 2: MOTIVATION IN OLDER CHILDREN The results of Study 1 suggest that it is possible to increase the challenge seeking and persistence of young children with storybooks. What about the challenge seeking and persistence of slightly older students? In terms of generalization, older children should have less trouble than younger children in transferring what they have learned to a new situation. In terms of the effect of the storybooks, this improved generalization ability of older children indicates that the similarity between the main character and the participant may be less critical for older children. Further, older children are in a more formal school setting, and some are beginning to experience academic challenge and struggle. Study 2 tested two primary questions. First, does the difference between treatment books matter for older children? Second, how effective are the treatment books for a group of students struggling academically, compared to a non-struggling group? To test these questions, two groups of 5- and 6-year-old children participated in the same procedure as in Study 1. The non-struggling group was comprised of middle-to upper-middle-class students in a suburban public school, from a population highly similar to the children in Study 1, and the other group was comprised of students in a literacy summer program, who had been nominated by their kindergarten teachers as needing extra instruction. Method Participants Participants were 70 children in kindergarten (N = 37) or in a summer school program immediately following kindergarten (N = 33); mean age = 6 years, 1 month;
26 range: 5 years, 5 months to 7 years, 6 months; 32 male, 38 female. The two school samples did not differ in age or gender (ps > .86). According to school demographic information, there were 34 Caucasian, 11 Asian American, 16 Latino/a, one African American, and eight “Other Ethnicity” participants. The summer school sample had a higher proportion of Latino/a children (39%) and a lower proportion of Caucasian children (33%), compared to the public school population, 8% Latino/a and 62% Caucasian (p = .018). (Thus, the struggling and non-struggling samples also differed in demographics and school characteristics; however, the struggling/non-struggling distinction is most relevant for the purposes of this study.) Some children did not respond to all questions, so the number of participants varied for different measures. Materials Participants heard the same books as Study 1. Children were randomly assigned to the control condition or one of three (animal, another child, or participating child) treatment conditions. Procedure The procedure was identical to Study 1. Children responded to questions assessing: 1) challenge seeking choices and explanations, 2) persistence on a challenging puzzle, and 3) global beliefs about badness. Results See Table 2 for a summary of overall results. In addition to condition, age, and global beliefs, analyses also examined differences between the two school groups. As expected, there were no differences among the three treatment conditions for either challenge seeking or persistence. However, there were intriguing differences between the two groups of students in the effectiveness of the treatment conditions compared to the control condition. The intervention had a greater effect on challenge seeking for the non-struggling students (particularly for the puzzle items), but had a greater effect on persistence for the struggling students. While it may be more difficult to encourage challenge seeking among children who have struggled
27 with academic challenges, the results are promising in suggesting that struggling students may be responsive to intervention in terms of behavioral persistence. Challenge Seeking The eight challenge-seeking items formed a reliable scale, α = .87 (and none of the items increased the reliability of the scale if deleted). For the results of children’s explanations for their choices, see Table 5. Again, analyses are presented twice: first, main effects were examined individually using ANOVAs, and second, a regression model examined all independent variables simultaneously. Effect of Condition First, differences among the three treatment conditions were examined. There were no significant differences among treatment conditions in either school sample (ps > .20), so further analyses collapsed across treatment conditions. Among children in the public school, there was a trend for children in the treatment conditions to show greater challenge seeking compared to children in the control condition (control: M = 4.56, SD = 3.05; treatment: M = 5.92, SD = 2.48), t(32) = -1.33, p = .19. Among children at the literacy summer school, there was no effect on challenge seeking (control: M = 3.22, SD = 3.19; treatment: M = 3.05, SD = 2.21), t(29) = 0.18, n.s. Global Beliefs Beliefs were examined combining both groups of students. As in Study 1, the two global belief questions (self and other) were significantly correlated with each other, r(67) = .24, p = .048. As predicted, children’s beliefs were again related to motivational outcomes. Beliefs were significantly negatively correlated with total number of challenging choices, r(62) = -.28, p = .026.5 (See Figure 5.) As in Study 1, children who endorsed more global beliefs about badness were less willing to take on challenging tasks. School Site There was a main effect of school site. Children at the public school were
5 Considered separately, each global belief question was also significantly correlated with challenge seeking; self: r(63) = -.25, p = .048; other: r(64) = -.26, p = .035.
28 considerably higher in challenge seeking than children at the literacy summer program (public school: M = 5.56, SD = 2.67; summer program: M = 3.10, SD = 2.48), t(63) = - 3.84, p < .001. This effect did not interact with condition, suggesting that there were large differences between these two groups in how willing they were to take on challenges. It is unclear whether this difference may be a cause or consequence of the differences in academic experiences of these children. See further discussion below of differential effects of school setting. Regression Model The results of the regression supported the findings of the ANOVA analyses, in terms of a main effect of school site and a slight tendency for students in the public school in the treatment conditions to show an increase in challenge seeking. As in Study 1, challenge-seeking choices were analyzed using a logistic mixed-effects model (Bates & Sarkar, 2007). Condition was again coded using three orthogonal Helmert style contrasts (see Table 3). I began with a completely specified model with condition, item type (puzzles vs. activities), global beliefs, school, and age (centered around the mean) as fixed effects, and participant and item as random effects. As in Study 1, models were compared systematically to remove uninformative effects. For children’s global beliefs, missing scores were replaced by the overall mean, and beliefs were centered. Missing challenge-seeking responses were also replaced by the overall mean. The final model included school, age,6 and a three-way interaction involving condition as predictors of challenge seeking choices. First, school was a significant predictor. Children at the literacy summer school were less likely to choose challenging tasks compared to children at the public school, z = 4.19, p < .001. Interestingly, there was a significant three-way interaction between school, item type, and condition (treatment versus control), z = 2.63, p = .009. The treatment conditions increased challenge seeking primarily in terms of puzzle items for children at the
6 Age (continuous) was a marginally significant predictor, z = 1.72, p = .086, but did not interact with other variables. As in Study 1, older children were more likely to choose challenging tasks than younger children.
29 public school. This suggests that the treatment condition did have an effect on challenge seeking, but chiefly for students at the public school, and chiefly in terms of challenging puzzles. In summary, Study 2 addressed two primary questions: are there differences among the treatment conditions for older children, and are there differences for struggling and non-struggling students? First, there was no difference between treatment conditions in terms of challenge seeking for older children. Regardless of the main character of the story, children showed equivalent challenge seeking. Second, it appears that the intervention was not enough to increase the challenge seeking of struggling students, although it did have some effect on students at the public school. Persistence The analyses of persistence revealed that the three treatment books significantly increased persistence compared to the control condition. Again, persistence was examined in terms of whether children finished the puzzle or quit to work on the easy puzzle. (See Table 6 for additional analyses of persistence.) First, differences among the three treatment conditions were examined. There were no significant differences at either school site, so analyses collapsed across treatment conditions (ps > .30). Although there were no significant differences in persistence between children in the treatment and control conditions at the public school, the results were in the predicted direction (control: 50% of children persisted; treatment: 70% of children persisted), χ2(1, N = 37) = 1.33, p = .25. In contrast, there was a highly significant difference between the treatment and control conditions at the literacy summer school (control: 33% of children persisted; treatment: 88% of children persisted), χ2(1, N = 33) = 9.68, p = .002. Across both school groups, the overall effect of condition was significant, χ2(1, N = 70) = 8.48, p = .004.7 (See Figure 6.) Thus, these older children were more likely
7 Some children were given an 11-piece puzzle while others were given a 14-piece puzzle to examine effects at different levels of difficulty, although the proportion of
30 to persist at a moderately challenging puzzle after hearing a motivational book, regardless of whether the main character was an animal, another child, or the participating child. School Site There was no difference between sites in the overall percentage of children who persisted (literacy summer school: 73% persisted; public school: 65%), n.s. However, logistic regression revealed a significant interaction between school and condition, z = -3.66, p < .001, indicating that the effect of condition on persistence was larger for summer school students than for public school students. Effect size was calculated (using proportion of children who finished the puzzle) for each school site and compared the effect of the three treatment books to the control book. The effect size was very high at the literacy summer school, d = -1.13, and moderate at the public school, d = -0.40. In summary, recall the primary questions of Study 2: are there differences among the treatment conditions for older children, and are there differences for struggling vs. non-struggling students? In terms of persistence, just as for challenge seeking, there were no differences among treatment conditions for older children. Children were just as likely to persist after hearing a book about an animal, another child, or themselves persisting. However, in contrast to the challenge seeking measure, the effect of the intervention on persistence was larger for struggling students than for non-struggling students. Motivation Composite Correlation between Challenge Seeking and Persistence Persistence was positively but not significantly correlated with hard choices, r(65) = .15, p = .23. Effect of Condition
children given each puzzle did not differ by condition, p = .92. There was no difference in how likely children were to persist on either puzzle, and there was no interaction between condition and puzzle type on the proportion of children who finished the puzzle, p = .40.
31 Again, an overall motivation composite was created to explore effects on overall motivation. In a motivation composite including all eight challenge-seeking items and a dummy coding of persistence, once again, there were no differences among the three treatment conditions at either school (ps > .29), so the treatment conditions were combined. Overall, across both schools, the effect of condition was significant, t(63) = -2.69, p = .009. (See Figure 7.) The difference between the treatment and control conditions was significant for students in the summer program (control: M = .37, SD = .31; treatment: M = .62, SD = .24), t(29) = -2.43, p = .021, and showed a trend toward being significant for students in the public school (control: M = .51, SD = .40; treatment: M = .71, SD = .33), t(32) = -1.51, p = .14. In summary, when considering overall motivation, again, there were no differences among treatment conditions for older children. However, across both samples of students, the treatment storybooks lead to significantly greater overall motivation. Discussion These results suggest that the intervention is also effective for older students, and has real potential to make a difference for struggling students. These results also support findings from Study 1 that children who hold global beliefs about badness are less willing to take on challenge tasks. Across both challenge seeking and persistence, there were no differences among treatment conditions. This finding supports results from the literature suggesting that older children are better able to generalize than younger children. In the case of the storybooks, kindergarten children may have been able to connect the story equally well to their own lives, regardless of who the main character in the story was. This was particularly true for the persistence measure, indicating that kindergarteners were better able to generalize what they had learned to change their own behavior. Although the effects for challenge seeking were small (perhaps because kindergarten children are in a more formal and evaluative academic setting compared to preschool children), the intervention showed a trend among non-struggling students for increased challenge seeking. However, there was no effect for struggling students.
32 Struggling students may have had many experiences with academic challenges, and may be more likely to consider “hard” tasks beyond their ability. If students have different understandings of what the word “hard” means based on their skill level, then “hard” for struggling children may signify “too hard” to them. Future research could examine this question by asking children (at the end of the research procedure) to identify which of various puzzles they consider “hard” and which the researcher meant by “hard.” The context of the story may also be interpreted differently by struggling and non-struggling students—perhaps the non-struggling students were more familiar with a classroom context (as in the story) that encouraged challenge seeking and supported effort. In terms of the current results, while it may be more difficult to encourage challenge seeking among children who have struggled with academic challenges, the results were highly promising in suggesting that struggling students may be responsive in terms of behavioral persistence. For kindergarten children, all three treatment books increased persistence, and this effect was even stronger for the struggling students. Although they may have avoided choosing challenging tasks, the intervention helped them find the motivation to keep working when they encountered a moderately challenging puzzle. They may have been even more likely than the non-struggling students to identify with the struggling role model in the story, and been encouraged to keep working when they encountered a challenge. As discussed in the Introduction, the achievement gap in this country is evident from the time that students begin elementary school, and widens over time (Phillips, Crouse, & Ralph, 1998). If this manipulation could be used to increase the persistence of children who are slightly academically behind, that persistence could translate into slightly better learning, which could then create a recursive cycle of improved motivation and enhanced learning. Even a small change in students’ academic trajectories at this point has the potential to create larger effects in the long run (see Cohen et al., 2009). Overall, Studies 1 and 2 indicate that it is possible to use storybooks to increase young children’s motivation. However, several concerns remain. For example, one concern with Studies 1 and 2 is that children had no frame of reference when choosing
33 between “easy” and “hard” tasks. When the storybook had an effect on challenge seeking and students desired hard tasks, did they really know what they were choosing? How strong was their desire for challenge? Thus, subsequent studies, with preschoolers, focused on challenge seeking and gave children the opportunity to express a desire for challenge both before and after they experienced genuine difficulty. Does the storybook intervention help children remain challenge seeking, even after they have experienced an extremely challenging task? Thus, for Studies 3 and 4, challenge seeking was measured both before and after children experienced a highly challenging puzzle. Moreover, the next study also explored additional ways to increase the effectiveness of the storybooks: explanation of the value of challenges to another person, either with or without the intention to persuade that other person to take on a challenging task. STUDY 3: PERSUASION AND CHALLENGE SEEKING In Study 3, two treatment conditions were compared to a control condition. The first treatment condition involved children attempting to persuade another person (in this case, a puppet) to take on a hard task. As discussed in the Introduction, persuading another person often leads to greater attitude change for the persuader as well. In terms of challenge seeking, dissonance could potentially occur if children have told someone else to choose challenges, yet choose an easier task themselves. To avoid this dissonance, they may choose harder tasks for themselves in order to be consistent with their previous behavior of telling someone else that challenges are good. Further, in this case, the persuasion involved an explanation to the puppet of why challenges might be beneficial. Generating explanations (e.g., explicitly stating why hard tasks are good) may help children in generalizing what they learned in a previous situation to a new situation (Brown & Kane, 1988; Williams & Lombrozo, 2010). That is, explaining why challenges are beneficial may help children generalize from the story to show greater challenge seeking in their own lives. This is similar to a tactic frequently used by highly effective tutors, namely, to ask the student to reflect on a solution or principle and consider how it might apply to other contexts (Lepper & Woolverton, 2002). To control for the effects of this explanation, that treatment
34 (“explain + persuade”) condition was compared to the effect of a treatment condition in which children explained to the researcher why hard tasks are good without any element of persuasion (“explain”). These two treatment conditions (in which the participating child was the main character of the motivational story) were compared to a control condition in which children answered questions about the control storybook. Method Participants Participants were 36 children in at a research nursery school (mean = 4 years, 9 months; range: 4 years, 6 months to 5 years, 7 months; 14 male, 22 female; 13 Caucasian, 10 Asian American, nine Latino/a, two Middle Eastern, one African American, and one multiple ethnicity). Because this was potentially a more subtle manipulation (with a small distinction between treatment conditions), only children who were at least four and a half years old participated. Materials Participants heard the same books as children in the participating child and control conditions in Study 1, with slight modifications to ensure children were more involved in the story by answering questions about it. While children in Studies 1 and 2 responded to two questions during the story (e.g., “What do YOU think you/he/she should do?” and “Which one did you/he/she pick?”), in Study 3 children answered additional questions during the story to keep them engaged. For the puzzle measure, a different puzzle was used to determine the hardiness of the effect of the storybook on challenge seeking—an extremely challenging 20- piece jigsaw puzzle. Children were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: control, treatment book with explanation questions only (“explain”), or treatment book with explanation of the value of challenges and inducement to persuade a puppet (“explain + persuade”). Procedure Storybook and Questions
35 Control condition. After hearing the story, children in the control condition answered three questions about the story they had heard (“What happened in that story?” “Which ball did you pick?” and “Why that one was a good one to pick?”). Explain condition. After hearing the story, children in the explain condition answered three questions about the story they had heard (“What happened in that story?” “Which puzzle did you pick?” and “Why that one was a good one to pick?”). The third question elicited explanations from children about the advantages of taking on challenges. Explain + persuade condition. After hearing the story, children in the explain + persuade condition were introduced to a gender-matched puppet who could choose an easy or a hard puzzle, and were asked to teach the puppet what they had learned from the book in choosing: “Which one should Sam pick?” The puppet then asked which one s/he should pick (“Which one do you think I should pick?”), why s/he should pick that one (“Why should I pick that one?”), and why it was good for him/her to choose hard things (“Why is it good for me to learn hard things?”). Thus, children had the opportunity to make a recommendation, attempt to persuade the puppet, and explain why taking on challenges is beneficial. If children suggested that the puppet choose the easy puzzle, they were reminded to think about what happened in the book, and asked again. Emotion To make sure that mood was not responsible for condition effects, children were asked to rate how happy they felt (on a 6-point scale). This question was repeated immediately after children worked on the puzzle as well. Challenge Seeking Next, children responded to four of the challenge-seeking items (“pre- challenge”) and gave explanations for their choices. The remaining four challenge- seeking questions were asked after children worked on the challenging puzzle (“post- challenge”), which allowed an examination of how the intervening challenge experience affected children’s responses. The pre- and post-challenge sets of four questions each included two puzzle items and two activity items.
36 Puzzle Children were given a difficult puzzle and, so as not to induce an overly high degree of frustration, told they could switch to another (visibly easier) puzzle at any point. This puzzle had 20 pieces and each piece was jigsaw shaped, which made it extremely challenging. A five-minute time limit was established so that children would not be disrupted from the classroom for an unlimited period of time. Debriefing All children who had not previously finished the challenging puzzle were then told, “Now let’s finish this puzzle together,” and the researcher scaffolded children at the appropriate level to help them successfully complete the puzzle. Finally, children were thanked for their hard work on the puzzle and returned to the classroom. Results There was a failure of random assignment to condition, such that children in the control condition were significantly older than children in the two treatment conditions, F(1,34) = 5.49, p = .025 (control: M = 4 years, 10 months; treatment: M = 4 years, 8 months). However, controlling for age, the results replicated the effects of the treatment books on overall challenge seeking. (See Table 2.) Children in both treatment conditions were significantly more likely to choose challenging tasks than children in the control condition, but this effect was not robust enough to withstand children’s subsequent experience of an extremely challenging task. Emotions There were no significant differences by condition in how happy children reported that they felt, either immediately after the story (control: M = 5.00 out of 6, SD = 1.61; explain: M = 5.85, SD = 0.38; explain + persuade: M = 5.58, SD = 0.79), F(2,33) = 2.09, p = .14, or immediately after working on the puzzle (control: M = 5.27 out of 6, SD = 1.27; explain: M = 5.31, SD = 1.11; explain + persuade: M = 5.42, SD = 1.00), F(2,33) = 0.05, p = .95. Challenge Seeking The eight challenge-seeking items formed a reliable scale, α = .87. For the results of children’s explanations for their overall choices, see Table 5. Again,
37 analyses are presented twice: first, main effects were examined individually using ANOVAs, and second, a regression model examined all independent variables simultaneously. Effect of Condition Both treatment conditions led to greater challenge seeking than the control condition. In terms of number of overall hard choices selected, there was no significant difference between the two treatment groups, t(33) = -0.10, p = .92. Looking at pre-challenge and post-challenge choices separately, there were also no differences between the two treatment groups, ps > .73. Thus, further analyses collapsed across treatment condition. Controlling for age in months, condition (combined treatment conditions vs. control) significantly predicted challenge seeking, F(1,33) = 6.74, p = .014. (See Figures 8 and 9 .) Older children also showed greater challenge seeking, F(1,33) = 5.85, p = .021. Results remained the same controlling for the emotion that children reported after hearing the story. Thus, although there was a tendency for older children to choose more challenging tasks (as in Study 1), the treatment conditions overall led children to be more likely to take on challenges. Pre- and Post-Challenge When challenge-seeking choices were divided into pre- and post-challenge items, the effect of condition was significant for items assessed pre-challenge, and marginally significant for items assessed post-challenge. Controlling for age, children in the treatment conditions were significantly more likely to choose challenging tasks before they experienced a challenge, F(1,33) = 7.34, p = .011, d = .82. After they experienced a challenge, children in the treatment conditions were marginally more likely to choose challenging task, F(1,33) = 3.33, p = .077, d = .31. The interaction between assessment (pre- or post-challenge) and condition was marginally significant, F(1,34) = 3.40, p = .074. Thus, the effect of the intervention was marginally weaker after children directly experienced an extremely challenging situation. Regression Model
38 The results of the regression model supported the previous analyses, indicating a main effect of condition and an interaction between condition and time (pre- or post- challenge). As in Studies 1 and 2, overall challenge-seeking choices were analyzed using a logistic mixed-effects model (Bates & Sarkar, 2007), and looked in particular at effects of condition and item time (pre- and post-challenge). Condition was coded using two orthogonal Helmert style contrasts. Contrast 1 tested whether the two treatment conditions were different from the control condition. Contrast 2 tested whether the two treatment conditions differed from each other. The initial model was a completely specified model with condition, item type (puzzles vs. activities), item time (pre- or post-challenge), and age (older or younger than 4 years, 8 months) as fixed effects, and participant and item as random effects. As before, models were compared systematically to remove uninformative effects. The final model included only condition and item time8 as predictors of challenge seeking choices. Condition was a marginally significant predictor in terms of the two treatment conditions versus the control condition, z = 1.66, p = .097. As discussed previously, children in the treatment conditions were more likely to choose challenging tasks than children in the control condition. Importantly, there was a marginally significant interaction between condition and item time, z = 1.76, p = .078. (See Table 4 for effects of condition on challenge seeking pre- and post-challenge.) Children in the treatment conditions were significantly different from those in the control condition before working on the challenging puzzle, but not after working on the puzzle. This suggests that the effect of the intervention was not robust enough to fully withstand children’s experience of an extremely challenging puzzle. Discussion Persuasion, in the form of instructing a puppet of the value of choosing hard tasks and persisting, did not appear to increase challenge seeking above a condition in
8 Children were more likely to choose challenging tasks pre-challenge than post- challenge, z = 3.46, p < .001.
39 which children explained the value of choosing hard tasks. There are several potential explanations for these results. First, it is possible that young children need more explicit emphasis and reminders of their behavior (e.g., that they have said that hard tasks are good) in order to show motivational change (e.g., to demonstrate a positive attitude toward hard tasks by choosing more hard tasks) in accordance with that behavior. Perhaps the persuasion experience was not salient enough, as the puppet went away after the child explained the value of challenges, and children were not reminded of what they had told the puppet. Furthermore, previous research suggests that attitudes and behaviors show little consistency in young children unless linked in some explicit way, such as a group identity (Master & Walton, 2011; see also Patterson & Bigler, 2006). Future research should examine the effects of inducing children to advocate for the choice of hard tasks using minimal and unobtrusive coercion (see Lepper, Nisbett, & Greene, 1973), giving children repeated reminders of that behavior, and then examining attitude change (in terms of whether children show a greater preference for hard tasks). Second, it is also possible that the explain condition was equally effective for independent reasons. Perhaps thinking about why the hard puzzle was good to choose and constructing an explanation for the researcher was just as effective in boosting challenge seeking as telling the puppet to choose the hard one and constructing an explanation for the puppet. When children generate their own explanations or examples, they may generalize knowledge more easily (Brown & Kane, 1988). For example, in one study, 3-year-old children were given several sets of analogous problems and were trained in one of several conditions. One group was asked to say how the first two analogous problems were similar, and another group was told to teach a puppet the two solutions to the problems. Both groups were significantly better than a control group at solving the third analogous problem (Brown & Kane, 1988). Indeed, there were no differences in that study between children who explained the link between two solutions to a problem and children who taught those solutions to a puppet. Although in the current study the explain condition was
40 included as a strong control for the explain + persuade condition, future research should examine whether each of these conditions increases challenge seeking above a situation in which children are exposed to the story but do not answer questions about it. The other primary result of this study was the interaction between condition (in terms of treatment vs. control) and the time point at which children responded (either before or after the challenging experience). Children in the treatment conditions were significantly more likely to choose challenging tasks, but only before they experienced the challenging puzzle. The effect was weaker after they experienced the challenge. This suggests that the effects of the treatment books may not be robust enough to fully withstand children’s experience of challenges in the real world. However, it is also possible that the treatment storybooks may become more effective over a longer period of time. Perhaps children need real-world experience with a variety of challenging tasks to connect the message of the storybooks to the value of challenges in their own lives. This possibility is examined in Study 4. Indeed, in evaluating the findings of Studies 1, 2, and 3, an important issue to consider is how applicable these results (from laboratory studies) are to long-lasting motivation in actual classrooms. Previous short-term studies that have been conducted in classrooms or that examined long-term academic effects have found promising results with long-term effects on students’ motivation and achievement (Miller, Brickman, & Bolen, 1975; Walton & Cohen, 2007; Wilson & Linville, 1982). A first step toward examining whether the effects of this manipulation lead to long-lasting motivation is to look at whether the effects last for a longer period of time than the 15- minute duration of the research session. As mentioned previously, the effects may become even stronger over time, as children experience the positive consequences of working hard at challenging tasks. STUDY 4: LONGITUDINAL EFFECTS ON CHALLENGE SEEKING Can this manipulation (hearing a story about themselves taking on a challenge, trying different strategies, being praised for effort, and finally succeeding) change the way children approach challenges not just in the immediate aftermath of the
41 storybook? Could children be more likely to choose challenging tasks and persist, even up to several weeks later? Furthermore, would the effect be more likely to last if children were given a “booster” reminder of the manipulation? Study 4 explored these questions. This study also offered a methodological improvement on previous studies: because some measures were taken long after the manipulation, it may help rule out social desirability as an alternate explanation for the results of Studies 1-3. Children participated at multiple time points: Time 1 involved the storybook and measures of challenge seeking, Time 2 involved a “booster” reminder for some children of the story, and Time 3 involved measures of challenge seeking several weeks later. Method Participants Participants were 4- and 5-year-old preschoolers at a research nursery school. Forty children participated throughout all three time points (mean age = 4 years, 6 months; range = 4 years, 0 months to 5 years, 3 months; 15 male, 25 female). Twenty-one were Caucasian, seven were Latino/a, six were African American, four were Asian American, and two were multiple ethnicities. Due to absences or disinterest in going to the “Game Room” (the research room), one child was run only at Time 1 and an additional child was run only at Times 1 and 2. Materials The materials were the same as in Study 3. Children were randomly assigned to the treatment or control condition. Within each condition, half the children were randomly assigned to receive a “booster” reminder of the storybook. Procedure Time 1 The procedure during Time 1 was very similar to the procedure in Study 3. Children 1) heard a story (either the treatment or control story containing the participating child as the main character); 2) answered four challenge-seeking
42 questions; 3) worked on a highly challenging puzzle; 4) answered four more challenge-seeking questions; and 5) were debriefed. Time 2 To see whether the effects lasted longer if children were given a reminder of the intervention during a “booster” session, half the children from each condition were randomly assigned to return to the Game Room approximately a week after Time 1 with the same researcher. They were shown the storybook again. Rather than reading the book word for word, the researcher reminded children what happened in the story, and talked them through it, e.g., “Remember how you got the easy puzzle and the hard puzzle? You had a choice. Which one did you pick? Why did you pick the hard one? When you try hard things, you learn more, right?” or “Remember how you got the green ball and the red ball? You had a choice. Which one did you pick? Why did you pick the green one? When you played with the green ball, you had fun, right?” Children’s responses to the questions at Time 2 were coded on a scale from 0-2 (0 = clearly incorrect, 1 = other, 2 = clearly correct) to assess how well they processed the story. If children were absent or chose not to go to the “Game Room” that day, the researcher continued to invite them on the next available school day(s). Time 3 Approximately two weeks after children participated at Time 1, all children returned to the “Game Room” with the same researcher as before. The procedure was the same as Time 1, except that children did not hear a storybook or any reminder of the storybook that they heard. A new (and similarly difficult puzzle) was used for the challenging experience. If children were absent or chose not to go to the Game Room that day, the researcher continued to invite them on the next available school day(s). Results Overall, the results suggest that the effect of condition on challenge seeking became stronger over time, as well as better able to withstand the experience of an extreme challenge. (See Table 2 for a summary of overall results.) In addition, challenge seeking showed high stability over time.
43 Time 1 Challenge Seeking The eight challenge-seeking items formed a reliable scale, α = .84 (and none of the items increased the reliability of the scale if deleted). For the results of children’s explanations for their choices, see Table 5. Effect of condition. Overall, there was a trend for children in the treatment condition to choose more hard options than children in the control condition (control: M = 2.50, SD = 0.48; treatment: M = 3.80, SD = 0.66), t(38) = -1.59, p = .12. (See Figure 10.) There was a significant interaction with age—among older children (4 years, 6 months and older), children in the treatment condition showed more challenge seeking than children in the control condition (younger control: M = 3.75, SD = 2.38; older control: M = 1.67, SD = 1.61; younger treatment: M = 2.67, SD = 2.69; older treatment: M = 4.73, SD = 2.94), F(1,36) = 7.10, p = .011. As in Study 1, the treatment storybook was most effective for older children. Regression model. The results of the regression model supported the previous analyses. The initial model for overall challenge-seeking choices included fixed effects for condition, age (older or younger than 4 years, 6 months), item type (puzzles vs. activities),9 and item time (pre- or post-challenge), and random effects of item and participant. There was a significant interaction between condition and age, z = 2.63, p = .009. Older children in the treatment condition were most likely to choose challenging tasks (see above). Time 2 Children participated at Time 2 (the “booster”) an average of eight days after participating at Time 1, and this did not differ by condition, p = .42. Children in the treatment and control conditions seemed to remember and respond to questions about the books equally well (average scores: control: M = 1.60 out of 2, SD = 0.38; treatment: M = 1.67, SD = 0.47), t(18) = -0.38, p > .70.
9 On average, children chose more challenging puzzles than activities, z = 3.80, p < .001.
44 Time 3 Children participated at Time 3 an average of 17 days after participating at Time 1, and this did not differ by condition, p = .54. Challenge Seeking The eight challenge-seeking items formed a reliable scale, α = .89 (and none of the items increased the reliability of the scale if deleted). There was a significant correlation between challenge seeking at Time 1 and Time 3, r(40) = .82, p < .001. The effect of condition became stronger over time, particularly for older children in the treatment condition, and for younger children in the treatment condition who received a booster at Time 2. Furthermore, the effect of condition on challenge seeking was significant both pre- and post-challenge experience. Effect of condition. Considering the four groups separately (treatment/booster, treatment/no booster, control/booster, control/no booster), there was an overall marginal effect of condition on hard choices, F(3,36) = 2.56, p = .07. (See Figure 11.) A planned post-hoc contrast between the treatment and control conditions was significant, t(36) = 2.32, p = .026, indicating that children in the treatment condition were significantly more likely to choose challenging tasks overall. There was no difference between the two control conditions, p = .75. There was a trend for children in the treatment/booster condition to choose more challenging tasks than children in the treatment/no booster condition, t(36) = 1.45, p = .15. Comparing this effect to the effect at Time 1, there was a marginal interaction between condition and time point, indicating that the effect of condition was marginally larger at Time 3, F(3,36) = 2.41, p = .08. Pre- and post-challenge. When challenge-seeking choices were divided into pre- and post-challenge items, the effect of condition was significant for items assessed pre-challenge, and remained significant even for items assessed post- challenge. (See Table 4.) Children in the treatment conditions were significantly more likely to choose challenging tasks before they experienced a challenge, t(38) = - 2.17, p = .036. They were also significantly more likely to choose challenging tasks after they experienced a challenge, t(38) = -2.23, p = .032. The interaction between
45 assessment (pre- or post-challenge) and condition (treatment or control) was not significant, indicating that the size of the condition effect did not change, F(1,38) = 0.12, p = .73. Thus, two weeks after hearing the storybooks, children who heard the treatment books remained challenge seeking even after working on a very challenging task. Regression model. The regression model supported the previous analyses, indicating a significant effect of treatment condition. The initial model for challenge- seeking choices included fixed effects of the child’s choice for that item at Time 1,10 condition (treatment vs. control), booster status,11 age (older or younger than 4 years, 6 months), item type (puzzles vs. activities), item time (pre- or post-challenge), and random effects of participant and item. The main effect of treatment was a trend, z = 1.54, p = .12, and there was a significant interaction between treatment and age, z = 2.57, p = .010. Older children in the treatment condition were most likely to choose the challenging option overall. Interestingly, there was a marginally significant three-way interaction between treatment, booster, and age, z = -1.89, p = .059. Older children in the treatment condition showed more challenge seeking regardless of the booster, but younger children in the treatment condition showed more challenge seeking only if they received the booster (see Figure 12). For older children, hearing the intervention storybook once may be enough to produce lasting change. However, younger children may need more explicit cues and reminders of the value of choosing challenging tasks in order to show long-term effects. Discussion The results of Study 4 suggest that even brief manipulations in a laboratory have the potential to create changes for young children that last beyond the laboratory session, with effects that may become even stronger over time. The effect size of
10 Children who chose the challenging option for a particular item at Time 1 were also more likely to choose the challenging option for that item at Time 3, z = 3.49, p < .001. 11 Across both conditions, children who received a booster were more likely to choose the challenging option, z = 2.19, p = .028 (but see below for more details about the combined effect of treatment and booster).
46 condition (treatment vs. control) on challenge seeking at Time 1 was 0.52, but at Time 3, it was 0.77. Thus, this manipulation has the potential to affect children’s choices and persistence in the classroom over longer periods of time. Furthermore, the ability of the intervention to create resilient motivation, the kind of challenge seeking that can withstand an immediate challenging experience, increased over time. At Time 1, there was not a significant difference between conditions post-challenge, but there was a significant different post-challenge two weeks later. Why did the effect get stronger? And why did the effect remain robust at Time 3 in Study 4, but not in Study 3? These findings illustrate both the fragility of this effect (post-challenge in Study 3) and its robustness (Studies 1, 2, and 4 and pre- challenge in Study 3). Perhaps, following Time 1, children attempted a variety of challenging tasks, succeeded at many of them, and paid greater attention to the challenges they experienced. This then gave them a new way of perceiving and construing those challenges (for similar effects of time in a very different population and for a very different psychological process, see Marigold, Holmes, & Ross, 2007). This could create a recursive cycle in which children begin to take on more challenges and see the benefits of those challenging experiences. Similarly, children may also have been able to weight that challenging experience (at Time 3) in light of all the other challenges that they had succeeded at in the past two weeks. Thus, that particular experience with difficulty may not have been as salient as it was in Study 3. Previous studies suggest that identity- and motivation-related interventions frequently have effects that strengthen over time, as they tap into the recursive cycles of motivation and learning and achievement (Cohen et al., 2009). Children may go away, think about these ideas, put them into practice, and fully embrace them. One of the most important directions for future research may be to better understand these recursive cycles and their power at different stages of development. Can children who experience successful motivational interventions in early childhood better withstand the decline in motivation that is typically seen in early adolescence? In addition, this study suggests that this aspect of children’s motivation shows a great deal of stability over time. Challenge seeking showed high test-retest
47 reliability between Time 1 and Time 3. This suggests that children by this age may already be on particular motivational trajectories, yet those trajectories can be shifted by interventions that target relevant psychological processes. Study 4 was only the first step in longitudinally examining how long these effects may last and how much motivation children may show in a subsequent situation. The situations in Time 1 and Time 3 were extremely similar, in terms of an identical researcher asking identical questions. Further research, beyond the scope of this dissertation, should examine a new situation with a new adult in addition to a different time point. Furthermore, another possibility for increasing real-world validity might be to get teachers’ ratings of children’s academic motivation pre- and post-intervention. Despite these limitations, anecdotal evidence suggests that this manipulation has the potential to affect children’s lives outside the laboratory and inside the classroom. As I was conducting this study, I was in the classroom preparing to bring a child to the research “Game Room” for Time 3. He was in the treatment condition and had received the booster reminder the week before. We were planning to go to the Game Room as soon as he finished the project he was working on. Another child nearby was trying to get a basketball through the basketball hoop. She wasn’t succeeding, so she decided to quit. He called out to her, “You have to keep trying!” Then he turned to me and said, “Remember the book? If you keep trying the same thing, you learn that thing and if you keep trying the same thing over and over, you get better at that same thing. Then you can do whatever you want better and better.” While this is anecdotal evidence, it suggests that some children were able to retain the message of the storybook and apply it to their lives in the classroom. Moreover, some children may even be able to communicate that message to other children. Given the power of social norms to affect behavior, this raises the possibility that a future intervention that could change classroom norms related to challenge seeking could be extremely powerful. Could we create a classroom where the group identity is one that embraces challenge (see Master & Walton, 2011; Woodhead, 1988)?
48 While the results of Studies 1-4 suggest that children’s motivation can indeed be increased through the use of storybooks, the storybooks included several different types of factors predicted to increase motivation in children, including praise for effort, strategies for persisting (such as, “Just keep trying!”), and role models who coped with failure. Thus, these studies offer no way of isolating which aspects of the storybook might have been most critical in creating the effects on challenge-seeking and persistence. As a beginning, Study 5 examined one aspect of the story that may have been particularly important: whether or not children were praised for effort. In all of the treatment books in Studies 1-4, but none of the control books, children heard parents and peers praise the main character for trying. Could the fact that children heard themselves (or another character) praised for effort be at least partially responsible for the effects in Studies 1-4? STUDY 5: EFFECTS OF PRAISE ON MOTIVATION Based on previous research, one element of the storybook in particular may have been particularly effective in increasing children’s motivation. In all the treatment condition stories, after struggling with a challenging puzzle, the main character received praise and positive feedback from an adult and peers for persisting. Previous research with young children shows that process praise (also referred to as effort praise) is beneficial for young children’s motivation (Kamins & Dweck, 1999; Zentall & Morris, 2010). As described in the Introduction, in a study by Kamins and Dweck (1999), children role-played their reactions to an unsuccessful activity, and those who had been given process praise were less likely than those given person praise to show helpless behaviors (such as negative self-evaluations and a lack of persistence—i.e., choosing to give up and do something else rather than continue). They were also more likely to construct a solution to the role-played problem (e.g., “I can do it again better if I take my time”). Similar effects were seen when preschool children were given generic person praise (“You are a good drawer”) or non-generic process praise (“You did a good job drawing”) (Cimpian, Arce, Markman, & Dweck, 2007; Zentall & Morris, 2010). Children given process praise were more likely to
49 show mastery-oriented behaviors, that is, to evaluate themselves positively and report that they would persist following a failure scenario. However, those studies differ from the current studies in several respects. First, in those studies, the praise was administered during a role-playing scenario, while the current studies used a storybook in which the child received praise. Second, those studies used only self-report measures for persistence, in addition to the self- evaluation measures. In contrast, the current research measured behavioral persistence on a challenging task. Finally, those studies did not directly measure challenge seeking. Will process praise administered through a storybook (without the example of a role model who copes with failure or who has strategies for persisting) increase challenge seeking and behavioral persistence, in addition to creating more positive self-evaluations after an imagined failure? In addition, on an exploratory basis, this study examined how children responded to a combination of person- and process-praise: praise for being a “hard worker.” Such praise might have positive effects on children’s motivation due to the emphasis on hard work, and help children attribute their success to consistent hard work and effort. Indeed, previous work has found that allowing children to take on a noun identity (such as being a “helper”) can motivate preschool children’s prosocial behavior (Bryan & Master, 2011). However, it is also possible that such praise might have negative effects on children’s motivation due to the emphasis on an aspect of personality that they do not perceive control over. Will children be more sensitive to the evaluative “person” aspect of this type of praise, or more sensitive to the “process”-based emphasis on hard work? In addition to challenge seeking and persistence, children’s self-evaluations following failure were also measured to give a more complete picture of children’s helpless or mastery-oriented behaviors (as another index of children’s responding to difficulty), and to allow a more direct comparison of the results to previous studies in the literature. This comparison was important given that the current study changed the method of delivering praise from role-played scenarios to storybooks. Study 5 also included a neutral control condition, in which children were not praised.
50 Method Participants Participants were 51 4- and 5-year-old children at a research nursery school (25 were male; 26 were female). Twenty-six were Caucasian, 14 were Asian American, five were African American, three were Latina, and three were Middle Eastern. As in Study 3, only children older than 4 years, 6 months participated (mean age = 4 years, 10 months; range = 4 years, 6 months to 5 years, 6 months). Materials Children were randomly assigned to one of four conditions. The storybooks were simplified so that the element of praise was highly salient for children, and there was no mention of struggle. All children were read a storybook in which they were the main character and completed three puzzles (see Appendix B). After each puzzle, children in the control condition were told, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle!” Children in the person praise condition were told, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must be really good at puzzles.” Children in the person/process praise condition were told, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must be a really hard worker at puzzles.” Children in the process praise condition were told, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must have worked really hard at puzzles.” Thus, all children heard a book in which they successfully completed several puzzles and received positive feedback, but different conditions attributed the child’s success to different factors. Procedure Introduction Once children entered the laboratory room, the researcher told them that they would play with toys and act out stories. The researcher spread out a row of small diverse-looking dolls, and asked the child to select a doll to represent him or her. The researcher then brought out another doll named “Teacher Debbie.” To get used to interacting with the dolls, the “Teacher Debbie” doll asked the child’s doll a series of questions about his/her favorite color and flavor of ice cream and whether s/he had siblings.
51 Next, the researcher read children the story in which they successfully completed several puzzles and received a particular type of praise. After that, the researcher brought the dolls back out and had the child role-play two situations in which Teacher Debbie asked the child to complete a puzzle and then criticized the puzzle. For example, in the second scenario the researcher said, “Let’s see what happens in the next story. Here’s another puzzle piece. Another day you were sitting at the puzzle table. After a little while Teacher Debbie says, ‘(Child’s name), will you do this horse puzzle?’ and you say, ‘Okay, teacher.’ And so you start doing the puzzle. You start putting pieces in, but you aren’t sure where they go. You look at what you did and think to yourself, ‘Uh-oh, those pieces are in the wrong place,’ but you want to show the teacher the puzzle you did so you say, ‘Teacher, I did a puzzle for you.’ The teacher looks at the puzzle you did and says, ‘THAT doesn’t look like a horse. The pieces are in the wrong place and you didn’t finish it.’” Note that there were two primary advantages to using a role-played scenario to measure children’s reactions to failure: 1) This controlled for individual differences in children’s actual ability to complete puzzles; and 2) The role-played scenario prevented the researcher from criticizing the child’s actual performance (Burhans & Dweck, 1995). Self-Evaluations A new measure (not assessed in Studies 1-4) involved children’s self- evaluations following this failure experience. As in Kamins and Dweck (1999) and Cimpian et al. (2007), children responded to four questions measuring their self- evaluations following criticism to assess an important aspect of helpless vs. mastery- oriented responses. First, they rated how much they liked the puzzle they had made in the last scenario on a 6-point scale (“product evaluation”). Second, they rated how happy they felt on a 6-point scale, after not getting the pieces in the second scenario (“affect”). Third, they were asked whether not getting the pieces made them feel like they were good or not good at puzzles (“assessment of goodness”). Fourth, they were asked whether not getting the pieces made them feel like they were a good girl/boy or not a good girl/boy (“assessment of goodness”). Measuring children’s self-evaluations
52 provided another index of children’s motivation following difficulty and allowed more direct comparison of the results to previous studies in the literature. Challenge Seeking Next, children responded to four of the challenge-seeking questions used in Studies 1-4 (easy vs. hard puzzle; few vs. lots of pieces; easy vs. hard tower of blocks; and easy vs. hard game) and gave explanations for their choices. Persistence Children were given a puzzle and told they could switch to a visibly easier puzzle at any time. They worked for up to five minutes, and were reminded every 90 seconds that they could switch to the other puzzle if they wanted. Results Overall, children in the process praise condition showed higher motivation than children in the other conditions. More specifically, they showed higher motivation than children in the person praise condition in terms of self-evaluations, and higher motivation than the control condition in terms of challenge seeking and persistence. Self-Evaluations Correlations The two assessment of goodness questions (good vs. not good at puzzles, and good vs. not good child) were significantly correlated, r(51) = .34, p = .015. The affect question (“how happy did you feel?”) was marginally correlated with a composite of the two assessment of goodness questions, r(50) = .26, p = .072. The product evaluation question (“how much did you like the puzzle you made?”) was not significantly correlated with the other self-evaluation questions. Effect of Condition There was a significant effect of condition for the self-evaluation composite. Children in the person and person/process praise conditions showed particularly low self-evaluations. Post-hoc comparisons compared the process praise condition to the other conditions as a group and individually.
53 Self-evaluation composite. The four items were standardized and averaged to form a self-evaluation composite. Overall, there was a significant effect of condition, F(3,46) = 2.78, p = .05. (See Figure 13.) Post-hoc contrasts indicated a trend for children in the process praise condition to report higher self-evaluations than the other three conditions combined, t(46) = 1.54, p = .13, and indicated significantly higher self-evaluations compared to the person and person/process conditions combined, t(46) = 2.16, p = .036. Recall that the self-evaluation measures allowed a comparison to previous studies to ensure that the change in the method of giving praise (from role- played scenario to storybooks) did not change the pattern of results. Indeed, replicating previous findings, children in the process praise condition reported significantly higher self-evaluations than children in the person praise condition, in particular, t(46) = 2.36, p = .022.12 Challenge Seeking The four challenge-seeking items formed a less reliable scale (compared to the full eight item scale in Studies 1-4), α = .67. For the results of children’s explanations for their choices, see Table 5. Overall, the results indicate that process praise increased children’s challenge seeking compared to other types of praise or no praise. Effect of Condition There was an overall trend in the effect of condition on challenge-seeking choices, F(3,47) = 2.16, p = .11. (See Figure 14.) Post-hoc contrasts revealed that children in the process praise condition were marginally more likely to choose challenges than children in the other three conditions, t(47) = 1.98, p = .054, and significantly more likely to choose challenges than children in the control condition, t(47) = 2.52, p = .015. Consistent with the previous studies reported in this dissertation, children who heard a story in which they were praised for their effort showed increased challenge seeking. While the effects in previous studies could be due to other factors as well (e.g., strategies for persisting or role models who cope
12 Children in the control condition also showed significantly higher self-evaluations compared to children in the person praise condition, t(46) = -2.47, p = .017.
54 with failure), these results indicate that praise for effort without those other factors can increase children’s challenge seeking. Age There was a significant effect of age on challenge-seeking choices, F(1,43) = 9.42, p = .004, and a marginal interaction of age with condition, F(3,43) = 2.43, p = .079. After controlling for age, condition became marginally significant, F(3,43) = 2.65, p = .061, instead of showing a weaker trend toward significance. Younger children (less than 4 years, 10 months) in the control condition were lowest in challenge-seeking choices (M = 0.56, SD = 0.53), while older children in the process praise condition were highest (M = 3.80, SD = 0.45). Thus, older preschool children who heard a story involving process praise showed a greater increase in challenge seeking (similar to the age-related findings in Studies 1 and 3, although those studies involved storybooks with other motivational factors as well). Regression Model The regression model supported the previous analyses, indicating a main effect of process praise (compared to the control condition) and an interaction between condition and age. The initial model included fixed effects of item type (puzzle vs. activities),13 condition (dummy-coded to contrast each condition with the control condition), and age (older or younger than 4 years, 10 months),14 and random effects of participant and item. There was a significant effect of the process praise contrast, z = 2.68, p = .007 (process praise vs. control). Children in the process praise condition were more likely to choose challenging tasks than children in the control condition. There were marginal interactions between age and the process praise contrast, z = 1.79, p = .073, and between age and the person praise contrast, z = -1.72, p = .086. As in the previous analysis, older children in the process praise condition were the most challenge
13 Children were more likely to choose challenging puzzles than challenging activities, z = 2.13, p = .034. 14 Overall, older children were more likely to choose challenging tasks, z = 3.25, p = .001.
55 seeking, while younger children in the control condition were the least challenge seeking. Persistence The main effect of condition on whether children persisted on the puzzle was not significant (control: 21% of children persisted; person praise: 42%; person/process praise: 23%; process praise: 50%), χ2 (1, N = 51) = 3.38, p = .34. However, there was a trend for children in the process praise condition to be more likely than children in the control condition to persist, χ2(1, N = 26) = 2.33, p = .13. (See Table 6 for further persistence analyses.) Motivation Composite Correlation between Challenge Seeking and Persistence Persistence was significantly positively correlated with the number of hard choices, r(51) = .47, p < .001. Effect of Condition As in Studies 1 and 2, a motivational composite of challenge seeking and persistence was examined, and revealed higher motivation in the process praise condition than the control condition. There was a trend indicating an effect of condition on the overall motivation composite of challenge seeking and persistence, F(3,47) = 1.95, p = .13. (See Figure 15.) Children in the process praise condition showed marginally higher motivation on the composite measure than children in the other three conditions, t(47) = 1.90, p = .06, and significantly higher motivation than children in the control condition, t(47) = 2.29, p = .027. Thus, children who heard a story about themselves that involved effort praise showed greater overall motivation in terms of challenge seeking and persistence combined than did children who heard a story not involving effort praise (similar to the motivation composite results in Studies 1 and 2, although those studies involved storybooks with other motivational factors as well). Mastery-Orientation Composite I also created a broader mastery-oriented motivation composite that included self-evaluation in addition to challenge seeking and persistence, by standardizing and
56 averaging the three measures. There was a slight trend for an overall condition difference, F(3,46) = 1.93, p = .14, and post-hoc contrasts revealed that children in the process praise condition showed significantly higher mastery orientation overall compared to the other three conditions, t(46) = 2.30, p = .026. When compared to each other condition individually, children in the process praise condition showed significantly higher mastery orientation compared to the control condition, t(46) = 2.24, p = .030, marginally higher compared to the person/process praise condition, t(46) = 1.97, p = .055, and a trend toward higher mastery orientation compared to the person praise condition, t(46) = 1.56, p = .13. (See Figure 16.) Overall, children who heard a story about themselves being praised for effort showed more mastery-oriented behaviors, in terms of more positive reactions to failure and greater challenge seeking and persistence, than children who received other types of praise or no praise. Discussion These results suggest that the praise element of the storybooks in Studies 1-4 was at least partially responsible for the effects on challenge seeking and persistence. Praising children for their process and effort through stories led to greater challenge seeking and a trend toward greater persistence. The conditions showed different patterns of effects for different measures. In particular, the pattern of results for self-evaluations differed from that of challenge seeking and persistence. Children in the process praise and control conditions showed the highest motivation in terms of positive self-evaluations, while children in the process praise condition showed higher motivation than the control condition in challenge seeking and persistence. The first set of results (self-evaluations) may be because person-related praise makes children particularly vulnerable to evaluating themselves negatively following a failure experience. They may conclude that if they are good at puzzles when they succeed, then they must not be good at puzzles when they fail. In terms of the second set of results (challenge seeking and persistence), the finding that person praise did not lead to less challenge seeking and persistence is surprising. However, previous studies with young children have found that person praise in young children can sometimes lead to low self-evaluations following failure
57 yet relatively high persistence (Zentall & Morris, 2010). Overall, when all aspects of motivation and mastery orientation were considered, children who had been given process praise (“You must have worked really hard”) showed the highest total motivation. In contrast to the effects of process praise, children in the person/process condition (“hard worker”) frequently showed effects intermediate in terms of motivation. These children did not differ in negative self-evaluations compared to children in the person praise condition, and did not differ in challenge seeking and persistence compared to the control condition. These results suggest that this type of praise may carry some of the negative effects of person praise without all of the benefits of process praise. Any type of praise that evaluates children for personal qualities, even qualities that place value on effort, may hinder children when they encounter challenges (see also Zentall & Morris, 2010). Although the current study added additional conditions, these results replicate previous findings in the literature and in this dissertation. First, children in the person praise condition were more negatively affected by the role-played failure scenario in terms of their self-evaluations, compared to children in the process praise condition (Cimpian et al., 2007; Kamins & Dweck, 1999; Zentall & Morris, 2010). As in previous research, it seems that children are extremely vulnerable to the sense that they are being evaluated based on their traits or ability. Rather than giving them enduring confidence, praising children for ability makes them more likely to doubt their ability when they encounter difficulty. Second, children in the process praise condition showed higher levels of challenge seeking and tended to show higher levels of persistence, compared to children in the control condition. This supports the findings of other studies in this dissertation, and suggests that children who receive positive feedback from adults about taking on challenges and not giving up show motivational benefits compared to children in a control condition. Stories in which the participating child is praised can send the message that effort is valued and important. Although the other studies in
58 this dissertation contained other elements besides praise, the praise element of the story seems to be at least partially responsible for the effects in those studies. However, this does not rule out the possibility that the results of Studies 1-4 were also due to other elements in the story. For example, hearing about a character who struggled to cope with failure may also have contributed to greater challenge seeking in the previous studies. Indeed, the results of a pilot study (N = 17) indicated that older preschool children who heard about a character who struggled before learning how to do a task showed marginally more challenge seeking (p = .098) than children who heard about a character who was immediately successful at a task. It would be very interesting for future research to vary both effort praise (vs. no effort praise) and struggle (vs. immediate success) within the same study to more directly compare the effects. Thinking about the process of learning as involving struggle may be critical for children, such that thinking about success (without this element of the learning process) may not instill the same motivation to persevere. Overall, these results indicate that process praise has beneficial consequences for young children’s challenge seeking and persistence, even following situations in which children do not succeed. GENERAL DISCUSSION Challenge seeking and persistence are aspects of motivation that are particularly critical for students’ learning. The studies reported here lay the foundation for a better understanding of the factors that affect challenge seeking and persistence in young children, with the ultimate goal of using that understanding to create educational interventions that set children on more successful academic trajectories. Discussion of Findings The results from Study 1 suggest that challenge seeking and persistence can be increased in children using storybooks that include praise for effort, strategies for persisting, and a role model who copes with failure. While these books increased children’s challenge seeking regardless of who the main character was, the books were most effective for preschoolers’ behavioral persistence when the main character was
59 the child himself or herself. Thus, personal identity seemed to matter more for preschool children’s persistence than for challenge seeking. In contrast, in Study 2, the books were equally effective in increasing persistence for kindergarten students whether the main character was the participating child, another child, or an animal. Moreover, the books were highly effective in increasing persistence in a group of academically struggling students. Furthermore, both Studies 1 and 2 also found that children who endorsed global beliefs about badness (that making a mistake implies global badness) were less likely to take on challenging tasks. The results from Study 3 showed that the treatment book was equally effective regardless of whether children explained the value of challenges or attempted to persuade someone else of the value of challenges. Study 3 also found that the effect of the treatment book on challenge seeking was weakened after children experienced a real challenge. The results from Study 4 are particularly exciting, as these results suggest that these effects may become stronger over time, and that children may become more likely to show robust challenge seeking even after experiencing real challenges. Older preschool children showed these long-term effects whether or not they were reminded of the value of taking on challenges, whereas younger children remained challenge seeking only if they had been previously reminded of the story. The results from Study 5 indicate that praise may be a critical component of this process. Children who heard a story about themselves being praised for effort showed more positive self-evaluations following failure, compared to children who heard a story about themselves praised for person-based traits such as ability. Children who heard a story in which they were praised for effort also showed greater challenge seeking and slightly greater persistence than children who heard a control story in which they were not praised for effort. In Studies 1, 3, 4, and 5, the treatment books showed reliable effects on challenge seeking (see Table 2). This suggests that children are sensitive to the messages they hear in stories, and that stories can be used to teach children about the
60 value of taking on challenges. Studies 1, 2, and 5 also suggested that these books could be use to increase young children’s persistence at challenging tasks. Hearing a story about themselves persisting (“I’ll just keep trying, and I’ll see what happens”) in which they are praised for persistence and working hard may be an important way to encourage young children to persist when they encounter challenges. Challenge Seeking and Persistence Another interesting finding across studies was the relationship between challenge seeking and persistence. Although challenge seeking and persistence were not correlated in Study 1, there was a moderately high correlation in Studies 2 and 5 between the number of challenging items that children chose and their persistence on a challenging puzzle. When data from the three studies were combined, the overall correlation between challenge seeking and persistence was significant, r(169) = .23, p = .002. This suggests that these may be related components of motivation. Indeed, in the real world, children’s behavior in both types of situations may create a feedback loop, in which children choose a challenging task, persist at it, and realize the benefits of having persisted, which then increases their continuing preference for challenging tasks that they can learn from. Children who show motivational deficits may also create feedback loops: children who choose easy tasks may enjoy the sensation of easily completing tasks and dislike the sensation of frustration while trying to persist on challenging tasks, which may make them more likely to continue to choose easy options in the future. In this way, children with different motivational tendencies may place themselves on very different academic trajectories in school. However, there could be several reasons for the overall correlation between challenge seeking and persistence. The manipulation incorporated several different motivational factors, so different aspects of the manipulation may have had separate effects on challenge seeking and persistence. Furthermore, challenge seeking and persistence did not always show similar patterns of effects. In Study 1, all the treatment books increased preschoolers’ challenge seeking, but only the book about the participating child increased persistence. In contrast, in Study 2, the treatment books led to significant increases in kindergarteners’ persistence but not challenge
61 seeking. Perhaps challenge seeking may be more strongly related to goal-related processes (e.g., whether children are more concerned with learning or performing well), while persistence may be more strongly tied to self-regulation processes. Few studies have measured both challenge seeking and persistence in children, and many of those previous studies used self-report measures of persistence rather than behavioral persistence at a task. In line with the current findings, some studies also demonstrate that challenge seeking and persistence do not always correlate or show identical effects. For example, Nichols, Whelan, and Meyer (1991) found that 5th grade students who had been given learning goals chose harder tasks following failure feedback compared to those who had been given performance goals, but there was no difference in their persistence (in terms of the number of additional problems they wanted to work on). In terms of persistence, recent work found that preschoolers’ persistence on some tasks was correlated with motivational measures such as valuing a task, and on other tasks was correlated with self-regulation measures such as working memory (Berhenke, Lan, & Morrison, 2011). Thus, challenge seeking and persistence appear to be separable aspects of motivation. However, some previous studies have found effects on both challenge seeking and persistence—for example, Mueller and Dweck (1998) found that 5th graders who were given effort praise showed both greater challenge seeking (in terms of choosing harder problems that they could learn from over easier problems that would make them look smart) and persistence (in terms of how much they would like to take the problems home to work on). Perhaps persistence is more likely to be correlated with challenge seeking when it is clear to children that persistence will lead to greater learning (for example, perhaps the preschoolers in Study 1 who heard about themselves persisting in the story were better able to see the learning value of persistence for themselves, compared to children who heard a story about someone else). In contrast, when performance-avoidance goals are salient to children (such as the struggling students in Study 2, who may have been afraid to take on challenges and fail at them), it may be easier to change children’s persistence than their challenge seeking.
62 In addition, the way in which persistence is measured may be relevant. Several previous studies used self-report measures of persistence (in terms of how many additional problems children would like, or whether they would like to continue working) rather than behavioral persistence (in terms of whether children keep working and complete a task, as in Studies 1, 2, and 5). It also remains an open question as to whether these various ways of measuring persistence show high congruence with each other; indeed, a large body of literature suggests that there are frequently discrepancies between self-reports and behavior, particularly for children (see Quattrone, 1985). It may be that challenge seeking and persistence show more similar patterns of effects when both are measured as self-report (as in Mueller & Dweck, 1998). At any rate, the relationship between challenge seeking and persistence remains an open and theoretically rich question for future research to clarify. Aside from the relationship between the two factors, there could be particular situations in a classroom context in which it might be more important to boost either challenge seeking or persistence. In the classroom, teachers frequently have opportunities to guide or scaffold one aspect of motivation while allowing children to make choices about the other. For example, teachers may give a task with a certain level of difficulty (e.g., moderately challenging), but allow children to choose how long they wish to work on it before moving on to another task. Conversely, teachers may assign a certain amount of time for a task, but allow children freedom to choose their own level of difficulty for that task. Thus, the importance of each aspect might differ based on the educational context. In the long term, however, both are important—students should both take advantage of challenging opportunities (e.g., more advanced courses) and persist in working hard at those. As discussed in the Introduction, few studies have attempted to create long- term motivational change in preschool children. Although young children in general may show a preference for easy tasks (Nicholls, 1978), the children who participated in the current studies were highly responsive to an intervention that encouraged them to see challenges as positive learning experiences. Although their preferences for challenging tasks may be highly stable over time (see Study 4), those preferences can
63 be shifted to put children onto an academic trajectory in which they are more willing to take on challenging tasks. Global Beliefs and Challenge Seeking These studies also indicate the potential importance of young children’s beliefs for challenge seeking. Studies 1 and 2 found that children who believed that making a mistake had consequences for global badness were less likely to take on challenges. Across both studies, the correlation between global beliefs and challenge seeking was highly significant, r(113) = -.36, p < .001. As mentioned previously, this is an intriguing new finding. While previous studies in the literature revealed the importance of children’s beliefs for their reactions to challenging situations (with greater endorsement of global beliefs correlated with helpless responses), these studies suggest that children’s beliefs may play an important role in motivation even when children are not encountering difficulty. In particular, children who endorse these beliefs may avoid challenges for fear that failure may have global implications for their self-worth. This is a promising direction for future research. Can children’s global beliefs be reliably changed, and if so, does that have positive motivational consequences? This type of relationship may also be bidirectional, in which experiencing challenges helps children develop more beneficial beliefs. Children may attempt a challenging task, fail, but realize that this failure does not mean they are bad. Intriguingly, longitudinal studies suggest that challenge seeking predicts an increase in the belief that intelligence is malleable in older children (Pomerantz & Saxon, 2001). Thus, beliefs that ability can change, and that mistakes do not imply global-self worth, may make children more likely to take on challenges so that they can learn more, and taking on challenges may also help foster these beneficial beliefs. Motivation in Early Childhood Finally, a recurring theme throughout these studies was the importance of age in children’s challenge seeking and persistence. Age played an important role in several studies, in three primary ways. First, there were often main effects of age (Studies 1, 2, 3, and 5). Older children were often more challenge seeking, more
64 persistent, and gave explanations that were more likely to reference seeking challenge and less likely to reference avoiding challenge. This is concordant with other research suggesting that, at least during elementary school, children become more focused on learning as they become older (Kinlaw & Kurtz-Costes, 2007). Over a longer period of development, this may become a U-shaped curve, in which children increase in motivation until early adolescence, when they show a decrease in motivation. Second, age often showed an interaction with the effect of condition (Studies 1, 4, and 5). In several studies with preschoolers, the treatment manipulation was more effective in older children. Perhaps older preschool children are more attentive, more cognitively advanced, and/or better able to generalize what they have learned in the story to their own choices. Third, the pattern of results often differed by age. In particular, preschool children in Study 1 showed effects on persistence only for the treatment book involving the participating child. In contrast, kindergarten children in Study 2 showed effects on persistence regardless of which treatment book they heard. Understanding how motivation relates to development in early childhood may be extremely important. Directions for Future Research While the results of these five studies are encouraging, many questions remain to be explored. First, is it possible to create storybooks that might change children’s global beliefs? If so, could belief change in early childhood produce motivational change, similar to the effects seen in older children with implicit beliefs about intelligence (e.g., Blackwell, Trzesniewski, & Dweck, 2007)? Future research should examine books designed to change children’s beliefs to potentially make them more willing to take on challenges and less afraid of failure. Second, the results suggest that the effects can remain several weeks later in a highly similar situation (e.g., same researcher, same room, same questions). How robust are these effects precisely? Will the effects stay the same or become stronger over even longer periods of time, as children experience positive consequences in the real world from succeeding at difficult tasks? Will the effects generalize to new situations with new people outside the laboratory? Further, would the stories be as
65 effective if parents read them to children in their home? Future studies could examine the effects of sending the books home with children (or sending families new stories every few weeks) to see whether involving parents in this process would successfully increase challenge seeking. Other research could examine what parents could do to help their children generalize from popular children’s books (such as “The Little Engine That Could”). Could parents help their children generalize the moral of the story (e.g., to take on challenges and persist), even from a highly dissimilar character? A third important direction for future research is to establish in a controlled setting a direct causal link between increased motivation (in terms of challenge seeking and persistence) and learning. There is some converging evidence indicating that increased motivation in children leads to improved learning (Cordova & Lepper, 1996; Master & Walton, 2011), but it would be valuable to demonstrate this in a carefully controlled way for multiple age groups and across many types of learning situations. For example, a future study could examine children’s learning at several points in kindergarten (e.g., in literacy skills or math skills) to create growth curves in how much children have learned, and explore whether challenge seeking facilitates growth in learning. Another issue to consider is how applicable results from laboratory studies are to motivation in actual classrooms. Laboratory experiments may be missing factors that could mediate or moderate effects, such as presence of peers and familiarity with the task (Kaplan & Maehr, 2007). However, studies that have been conducted in classrooms or have examined long-term academic effects have found promising results. For example, teachers who were trained to attribute children’s successes and failures to effort, or who were trained to emphasize learning goals, improved their students’ motivation (Fuchs, Fuchs, Karns, Hamlett, Katzaroff, & Dutka, 1997; Miller et al., 1975; Thomas & Pashley, 1982). Similarly, many studies have looked at the effects of computer programs or modules that could easily be incorporated into classroom settings (Blackwell & Dweck, 2008; Cordova & Lepper, 1996). Finally, several intervention studies have found long-term effects on older students’ motivation and achievement (Walton & Cohen, 2007; Wilson & Linville, 1982). While
66 replicating the results of laboratory manipulations in real classroom settings is important for future research, these studies provide encouraging results. In many cases, seemingly simple interventions can have profound effects if they can change the outcome of negative exacerbation cycles to allow students to reach their full potential (Cohen, Garcia, Apfel, & Master, 2006; Walton & Cohen, 2007). Furthermore, as mentioned previously, future research should continue to isolate the different elements of the storybooks (praise for effort, strategies for persisting, and role models who cope with failure) to compare the effects of the different components. For example, four different stories could be directly compared within the same study: 1) the main character struggles and receives effort praise (similar to Studies 1-4), 2) the main character succeeds and receives effort praise (similar to Study 5), 3) the main character struggles but is not praised, and 4) the main character succeeds and is not praised. Further studies could also examine the effectiveness of combining each element with an explicit strategy for persisting (e.g., “I’m going to keep trying!”). Such research would also help clarify how the different elements of the story might interact (or potentially cancel each other out) in various situations. Does combining motivational factors create additive effects (such that more factors are better than fewer in boosting motivation)? Alternatively, might different factors interact to produce even greater effects when combined? For example, perhaps including both a description of the process of struggling and a strategy for how to persist despite struggling gives children the tools to persist and the ability to recognize when those tools are necessary. It is also possible that different motivational factors might be redundant (producing no additive effects) or even work against each other. That is, perhaps the struggling students in Study 2 would have chosen more challenging tasks following a story involving effort praise that did not involve coping with struggle, but the element of struggle in the story that they heard increased their anxiety about failing at hard tasks. Other aspects of the story (besides the factors emphasized in the Introduction) may also have affected the results, such as when classmates praised the main character by saying, “You’re just like a big kid!” While
67 in many cases young children look up to older children, it is not clear whether that statement conveys person-based praise (like “hard worker”) or implies growth. One important direction for future motivational research is to gain a deeper understanding of more complex manipulations and interventions. Conclusion This dissertation makes several potentially valuable contributions to our knowledge of developmental psychology. First, it begins to bring findings from cognitive development together with research on motivation. Previous research on generalization in children has explored the factors that help children transfer what they have learned in one situation to another situation. In the present case, this dissertation applies this previous research to help children generalize increased motivation from a story to themselves in a new learning situation. Previous research suggests that increased similarity between situations helps children see the connections between those situations (Crisafi & Brown, 1986). In this dissertation, the first study found that preschool children were more likely to internalize the message of the story and show increased persistence in a new situation when the main character of the story was more similar to them. In addition to generalizing from the character to themselves, children were also asked to generalize from the task in the story (puzzles) to other activities. Although these effects were not discussed extensively, it is worth noting that children were more likely to choose challenging tasks directly mentioned in the story (puzzles) than other activities not mentioned in the story (building block towers, playing games, drawing pictures, and singing songs). Further research could more directly quantify this by asking children to rate how similar these other tasks are to puzzles, and then examining whether children’s generalization of increased challenge seeking to these activities varies based on the similarity between these activities and puzzles. Thus, this research has the potential to encourage further application of the tools of cognitive development to the field of motivation. On a more practical level, these findings may impact the way researchers investigate motivation in young children. The importance of challenge seeking and persistence for academic success is clear, and interventions to increase the motivation
68 of older children have been quite successful (e.g., Blackwell, Trzesniewski, & Dweck, 2007). However, experimental manipulations to increase the challenge seeking and persistence of young children, and longitudinal studies to examine their long-term effects, have not been conducted. Many large-scale interventions have positive results but fail to measure motivation or to clarify the most critical variables that might have brought about the results. Other longitudinal studies include motivation but cannot make conclusions about causality. In contrast, the current research used controlled experiments that can help clarify the most critical ingredients for increasing motivation. Furthermore, many early childhood interventions involve a great deal of time and money. In contrast, these studies examined whether a relatively brief intervention could help children internalize greater challenge seeking and persistence. Thus, this has the potential to become a small manipulation with large effects. Another implication of these findings is the potential for introducing motivational change through the vehicle of stories. While other studies have used storybooks to create motivational change in young children (McArthur & Eisen, 1976), the studies presented here effectively demonstrated improvements in two key aspects of motivation, challenge seeking and persistence, and showed that the effects on challenge seeking over time may be robust and durable. These findings support the idea of storybooks as useful pedagogical tools, as discussed in the Introduction, for teaching children important principles, whether motivational or moral. When children listen to stories, they pay attention not only to the plot of the story, but also to the deeper meaning and implications of the story. When that meaning is relevant for them personally, it may lead to changes in what they value and the choices that they make. In addition, storybooks can communicate information in a way that is easy to disseminate on a larger scale, creating the potential to reach many children efficiently. Finally, this research has implications for educational settings as well. This dissertation helps to clarify the most effective ways to increase challenge seeking and persistence in young children. These findings have the potential to be used by teachers in their communications to their own students. For example, teachers can help to shape students’ self-perceptions by reminding them of times when they chose
69 hard tasks and persisted. Furthermore, by improving our understanding of the beliefs that make children more vulnerable, we can help teachers identify which students may need additional support and reassurance in learning situations. These findings suggest that the academic context that children are in may have significant effects on their challenge seeking—in particular, students who were in a remedial context were particularly wary of taking on challenges (Study 2). One important task for educational research is to continue to gain a better understanding of which factors may be most helpful for students in particular contexts. Motivation is one of the most important factors in lifelong success (Duckworth, Peterson, Matthews, & Kelly, 2007). However, differences in motivation can be seen in young children as early as preschool. What are the long-term effects of intervening on these differences in motivation? While longitudinal studies of this type have not yet been done, the motivation literature does suggest that persistence and challenge seeking tend to lead to more positive outcomes. If so, then teaching young children to persist and choose challenges may have many benefits. Challenge seeking and persistence in young children are also critical because children play a large role in constructing their own trajectories through the choices they make (Lufi & Cohen, 1987; Scarr & McCartney, 1983). In the long run, students who consistently seek challenge rather than not will have increased opportunities to learn and improve (Ames & Archer, 1988; Hong, Chiu, Dweck, Lin, & Wan, 1999; Lepper & Greene, 1978). In contrast, when students give up easily, they may miss many opportunities to reach their goals (Heyman & Dweck, 1992). Motivation can provide the necessary force to sustain a life-long pursuit of challenge and learning.
70 Appendix A: Storybook Texts in Studies 1 and 2
Control Condition (Bold text indicates sentence spoken directly to child.) [Name]’s parents (your parents) gave [him/her] two new bouncing balls for [his/her] birthday. One was green. It had some stripes. The other one was red. It had some dots. They looked like they would bounce really high! [S/He] thought, “Should I try the green one or the red one?” [S/He] decided to try the green one. [S/He] picked it up so [s/he] could play with it inside [his/her] playroom. [S/He] said, “Should I play with it?” Let’s tell you to play with the ball! What do YOU think you should do? [Name] said to [himself/herself], “I’ll play with the green one for a little while.” So [s/he] played with it. [S/He] took the ball outside to the backyard, and thought about how to play with it. [S/He] threw it up in the air, then caught it. [S/He] bounced it on the ground and then caught it in [his/her] hands. [Name] told [his/her] parents (so you told your parents), “Thank you for the ball! I bounced it and caught it.” [His/her] parents said, “We’re so glad that you like your birthday present.” Finally [name] took the green ball back inside the house. [S/He] was glad that [s/he] had [his/her] ball. [S/He] wanted to play some more. [S/He] tossed it down on the ground. It bounced off the floor and went very high! [His/her] parents said, “We’re glad that you’re playing with your ball.” The next day [name] went to school. [His/her] teacher was giving out bouncing balls. She put out a green one and a red one. Which one did [name] pick? [S/He] picked the green one. Let’s ask [name] (so we’re going to ask you) why [s/he] picked that one. “I picked the green one because I like to bounce green balls.” After that, [s/he] bounced the ball high in the air. All the other kids said, “Wow, [name] picked the green ball! [S/He] bounced it high! [S/He’s] just like the big kids! Wow!” and [name] smiled.
Treatment Condition: Animal
71 Little Bird’s parents gave [him/her] two new puzzles for [his/her] birthday. One was easy. It only had a few pieces. One was hard. It had a lot of pieces. [S/he] thought, “Should I try the easy puzzle or the hard puzzle?” [S/he] decided to try the hard puzzle. [S/he] picked up a piece, but [s/he] didn’t know where it went. Little Bird said, “Uh-oh, this is too hard!” [His/Her] parents said, “Just try! You’ll see what happens.” Let’s tell Little Bird to keep trying! What do YOU think Little Bird should do? Little Bird said to [himself/herself], “I’ll just keep trying, and I’ll see what happens.” So [s/he] tried. [S/he] picked up another piece, and thought about where to put it. [S/he] tried it in one place, then another. [S/he] turned it around and tried it the other way. But [s/he] still couldn’t quite do it. [His/Her] parents said, “You’re just like a big kid! You’re trying hard things. That makes our hearts feel happy.” Finally [s/he] saw where to put that piece. “I figured it out!” said Little Bird. [S/he] felt proud for picking the hard puzzle and trying so hard. [S/he] tried another piece. That one was even harder, but [s/he] kept trying! Little Bird told [his/her] parents, “I didn’t give up! I’m learning something hard, and that makes me feel happy.” [His/Her] parents said, “We’re so proud that you’re trying something hard.” The next day Little Bird went to school. [His/Her] teacher was giving out puzzles. She put out an easy puzzle and a hard puzzle. Which one did Little Bird pick? [S/he] picked the hard one. Let’s ask Little Bird why [s/he] picked that one. “I picked the hard one because I like to try and I like to learn.” After that, [s/he] tried a lot of hard puzzles. All the other kids said, “Wow, Little Bird picked the hard ones! [S/he] worked hard on them, and [s/he] got the pieces! [S/he’s] just like the big kids! Wow!” and Little Bird smiled.
Treatment Condition: Another Child Taylor’s parents gave [him/her] two new puzzles for [his/her] birthday. One was easy. It only had a few pieces. One was hard. It had a lot of pieces. [S/He] thought, “Should I try the easy puzzle or the hard puzzle?” [S/He] decided to try the hard puzzle. [S/He] picked up a piece, but [s/he] didn’t know where it went. Taylor said,
72 “Uh-oh, this is too hard!” [His/her] parents said, “Just try! You’ll see what happens.” Let’s tell Taylor to keep trying! What do YOU think Taylor should do? Taylor said to [himself/herself], “I’ll just keep trying, and I’ll see what happens.” So [s/he] tried. [S/He] picked up another piece, and thought about where to put it. [S/He] tried it in one place, then another. [S/He] turned it around and tried it the other way. But [s/he] still couldn’t quite do it. [His/her] parents said, “You’re just like a big kid! You’re trying hard things. That makes our hearts feel happy.” Finally [s/he] saw where to put that piece. “I figured it out!” said Taylor. [S/He] felt proud for picking the hard puzzle and trying so hard. [S/He] tried another piece. That one was even harder, but [s/he] kept trying! Taylor told [his/her] parents, “I didn’t give up! I’m learning something hard, and that makes me feel happy.” [His/her] parents said, “We’re so proud that you’re trying something hard.” The next day Taylor went to school. [His/her] teacher was giving out puzzles. She put out an easy puzzle and a hard puzzle. Which one did Taylor pick? [S/He] picked the hard one. Let’s ask Taylor why [s/he] picked that one. “I picked the hard one because I like to try and I like to learn.” After that, [s/he] tried a lot of hard puzzles. All the other kids said, “Wow, Taylor picked the hard ones! [S/He] worked hard on them, and [s/he] got the pieces! [S/He’s] just like the big kids! Wow!” and Taylor smiled.
Treatment Condition: Participant [Name]’s parents (your parents) gave [him/her] two new puzzles for [his/her] birthday. One was easy. It only had a few pieces. One was hard. It had a lot of pieces. [S/He] thought, “Should I try the easy puzzle or the hard puzzle?” [S/He] decided to try the hard puzzle. [S/He] picked up a piece, but she didn’t know where it went. [Name] said, “Uh-oh, this is too hard!” [His/Her] parents said, “Just try! You’ll see what happens.” Let’s tell you to keep trying! What do YOU think you should do? [Name] said to [himself/herself], “I’ll just keep trying, and I’ll see what happens.”
73 So [s/he] tried. [S/He] picked up another piece, and thought about where to put it. [S/He] tried it in one place, then another. [S/He] turned it around and tried it the other way. But [s/he] still couldn’t quite do it. [His/Her] parents said, “You’re just like a big kid! You’re trying hard things. That makes our hearts feel happy.” Finally [s/he] saw where to put that piece. “I figured it out!” said [name]. [S/He] felt proud for picking the hard puzzle and trying so hard. [S/He] tried another piece. That one was even harder, but [s/he] kept trying! [Name] told [his/her] parents (so you told your parents), “I didn’t give up! I’m learning something hard, and that makes me feel happy.” [His/Her] parents said, “We’re so proud that you’re trying something hard.” The next day [name] went to school. [His/Her] teacher was giving out puzzles. She put out an easy puzzle and a hard puzzle. Which one did [name] pick? [S/He] picked the hard one. Let’s ask [name] (so we’re going to ask you) why [s/he] picked that one. “I picked the hard one because I like to try and I like to learn.” After that, [s/he] tried a lot of hard puzzles. All the other kids said, “Wow, [name] picked the hard ones! [S/he] worked hard on them, and [s/he] got the pieces! [S/he’s] just like the big kids! Wow!” and [name] smiled.
74 Appendix B: Storybook Texts in Study 5
Control Condition One day, [name] went to school. [S/he] decided to do an elephant puzzle. [S/he] put in the ears, the nose, and the tail. [S/he] kept putting pieces in. Then [s/he] finished the puzzle. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle!” Then [s/he] decided to do a snail puzzle. [S/he] found all the pieces of the shell and put those pieces together. Then [s/he] finished the puzzle. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle!” Next, [s/he] decided to do a dinosaur puzzle. [S/he] put in the sharp teeth and the big tail. Then [s/he] put in the rest of the pieces. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle!” You did the puzzle of the elephant, the puzzle of the snail, and the puzzle of the dinosaur!
Person Praise One day, [name] went to school. [S/he] decided to do an elephant puzzle. [S/he] put in the ears, the nose, and the tail. [S/he] kept putting pieces in. Then [s/he] finished the puzzle. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must be really good at puzzles.” Then [s/he] decided to do a snail puzzle. [S/he] found all the pieces of the shell and put those pieces together. Then [s/he] finished the puzzle. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must be really good at puzzles.” Next, [s/he] decided to do a dinosaur puzzle. [S/he] put in the sharp teeth and the big tail. Then [s/he] put in the rest of the pieces. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must be really good at puzzles.”
75 You did the puzzle of the elephant, the puzzle of the snail, and the puzzle of the dinosaur. You must be really good at puzzles!
Person/Process Praise One day, [name] went to school. [S/he] decided to do an elephant puzzle. [S/he] put in the ears, the nose, and the tail. [S/he] kept putting pieces in. Then [s/he] finished the puzzle. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must be a really hard worker at puzzles.” Then [s/he] decided to do a snail puzzle. [S/he] found all the pieces of the shell and put those pieces together. Then [s/he] finished the puzzle. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must be a really hard worker at puzzles.” Next, [s/he] decided to do a dinosaur puzzle. [S/he] put in the sharp teeth and the big tail. Then [s/he] put in the rest of the pieces. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must be a really hard worker at puzzles.” You did the puzzle of the elephant, the puzzle of the snail, and the puzzle of the dinosaur. You must be a really hard worker at puzzles!
Process Praise One day, [name] went to school. [S/he] decided to do an elephant puzzle. [S/he] put in the ears, the nose, and the tail. [S/he] kept putting pieces in. Then [s/he] finished the puzzle. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must have worked really hard at the puzzle.” Then [s/he] decided to do a snail puzzle. [S/he] found all the pieces of the shell and put those pieces together. Then [s/he] finished the puzzle. [His/her] teacher looked at the puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must have worked really hard at the puzzle.” Next, [s/he] decided to do a dinosaur puzzle. [S/he] put in the sharp teeth and the big tail. Then [s/he] put in the rest of the pieces. [His/her] teacher looked at the
76 puzzle and said, “You got all the pieces in the puzzle! You must have worked really hard at the puzzle.” You did the puzzle of the elephant, the puzzle of the snail, and the puzzle of the dinosaur. You must have worked really hard at the puzzles!
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90 Table 1. Challenge seeking scale, Studies 1 and 2.
Puzzle Choices 1. This puzzle is hard and this puzzle is easy. I might give you this one or this one. Which one do you want to do? 2. This puzzle you won’t have to work so much to finish, and this puzzle you’ll have to really work a lot. I might give you this one or this one. Which one do you want to do? 3. This puzzle will take a long time to finish, and this one you can do quickly. I might give you this one or this one. Which one do you want to do? 4. This puzzle has just a few pieces and this puzzle has lots of pieces. I might give you this one or this one. Which one do you want to do?
Activity Choices 1. Now, instead of puzzles, there are two songs I could teach you. One song is hard to learn and one song is easy. Which one do you want to learn? 2. I have one picture that’s easy to color and one picture that’s hard to color. Which one do you want to color? 3. I have some blocks that make a tower that’s hard to build and some blocks that make a tower that’s easy to build. Which one would you rather build? 4. I have one game that’s easy to play and one game that’s hard to play. Which one would you rather play?
91 Table 2. Summary of results.
CHALLENGE PERSISTENCE MOTIVATION SEEKING composite Study 1:
3 treatment vs. control p = .003 p = .085 p = .039
Study 2:
3 treatment vs. control n.s. p = .004 p = .009
Study 3:
2 treatment vs. control p = .021 (controlling for age)
Study 4:
Time 1 treatment vs. control p = .12
Time 3 treatment vs. control p = .026
Study 5: process praise vs. control p = .015 p = .13 p = .027
92 Table 3. Helmert style contrasts for condition, Studies 1 and 2.
Contrast 1 Contrast 2 Contrast 3 Control -3 0 0 Animal 1 -1 -1 Another child 1 -1 1 Participating child 1 2 0
93 Table 4. Effects of condition on puzzle and activity choices separately, and pre- challenge and post-challenge choices.
PUZZLE ACTIVITY PRE- POST- Choices Choices Challenge Challenge Study 1:
3 treatment vs. control p = .003 p = .014 N/A N/A
Study 2:
3 treatment vs. control n.s. n.s. N/A N/A
Study 3:
2 treatment vs. control p = .031 p = .012 p = .011 p = .077 (controlling for age)
Study 4:
Time 1 treatment vs. control p = .20 p = .11 p = .20 p = .14
Time 3 treatment vs. control p = .065 p = .023 p = .036 p = .032
Study 5: process praise vs. control p = .012 p = .072 N/A N/A
94 Table 5. Effects on children’s open-ended explanations for their choices.
Challenge-SEEKING Challenge-AVOIDING Study 1:
3 treatment vs. control p = .012 p = .077
Study 2:
3 treatment vs. control n.s. n.s.
Study 3:
2 treatment vs. control p = .033 p = .001 (controlling for age)
Study 4:
Time 1 treatment vs. control p = .022 p = .15
Time 3 treatment vs. control p = .032 p = .018
Study 5: process praise vs. control n.s. n.s.
95 Table 6. Effects of condition on length of time persisted (for children who quit) and number of puzzle pieces correctly placed.
Length of Time Correct Puzzle Pieces before Quit Study 1:
Participating child vs. other conditions n.s. p = .020
Study 2:
3 treatment vs. control n.s. p = .13
Study 5: process praise vs. control p = .07 p = .07
96 Figure 1. Challenge seeking, Study 1. The control condition was significantly different from the other conditions. Error bars represent +1 standard error.
97 Figure 2. Children’s global badness beliefs and challenge seeking, Study 1.
98 Figure 3. Persistence, Study 1. The participating child condition was significantly different from the other conditions.
99 Figure 4. Motivation composite, Study 1. The participating child condition was significantly different from the control and animal conditions.
100 Figure 5. Children’s global beliefs and challenge seeking, Study 2.
101 Figure 6. Persistence, Study 2. The control condition was significantly different from the treatment conditions.
102 Figure 7. Motivation composite, Study 2. The control condition was significantly different from the treatment conditions.
103 Figure 8. Challenge seeking, Study 3.
104 Figure 9. Challenge seeking by age (older or younger than 4 years, 8 months), Study 3. (Note that all of the younger children in the control condition chose all easy tasks.)
105 Figure 10. Challenge seeking, Study 4, Time 1. The treatment conditions showed a trend toward being higher than the control conditions.
106 Figure 11. Challenge seeking, Study 4, Time 3. The treatment conditions were significantly different from the control conditions.
107 Figure 12. Interaction between booster and age on challenge seeking for children in the treatment condition, Study 4.
108 Figure 13. Self-evaluation composite, Study 5.
109 Figure 14. Challenge seeking, Study 5.
110 Figure 15. Motivation composite (challenge seeking and persistence), Study 5.
111 Figure 16. Mastery-orientation composite (self-evaluations, challenge seeking, and persistence), Study 5.
112