Arguments for Revolutionary Socialism
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A Socialist Critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” Left
After the Revolution: Who Rules? A socialist critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” left. Published Online by Socialist Labor Party of America www.slp.org March 2007 After the Revolution: Who Rules? A socialist critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” left PUBLISHING HISTORY PRINTED EDITION ..................................... January 1978 ONLINE EDITION ....................................... March 2007 NEW YORK LABOR NEWS P.O. BOX 218 MOUNTAIN VIEW, CA 94042-0218 http://www.slp.org/nyln.htm Introduction The articles compiled here were prompted by a call for the formation of a “new communist party” issued in June of 1977. The call came from the New York-based radical newspaper, the Guardian, and was one of several proposals for a new party to come out of the U.S. left over the past few years. In a broader sense, however, these articles are not so much a reply to the Guardian as they are a general critique of the theory and programs of the various “Marxist-Leninist” groups. As a consequence, they include an important discussion of basic Marxist concepts and of the fundamental content of a revolutionary socialist program. As mentioned in the text, the pro-Maoist Marxist-Leninist groups enjoyed a period of expansion in the U.S. and Europe during the late 1960s and early ’70s. This expansion came on the heels of the “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” in China and the emergence of the People’s Republic from over 25 years of relative isolation. China’s influence, combined with the intense opposition throughout the capitalist world to U.S. imperialism’s war on Vietnam, produced a sizable number of youth whose radicalization was expressed in terms of “Marxism-Leninism Mao Tse- tung1 Thought.” However, those tied to China’s rising star soon found themselves in a dilemma familiar to all who allow bureaucratic governments in Peking, Moscow or elsewhere to do their thinking. -
Anarchism, Individualism and Communism: William Morris's Critique of Anarcho-Communism
Loughborough University Institutional Repository Anarchism, individualism and communism: William Morris's critique of anarcho-communism This item was submitted to Loughborough University's Institutional Repository by the/an author. Citation: KINNA, R., 2012. Anarchism, individualism and communism: William Morris's critique of anarcho-communism. IN: Prichard, A. ... et al (eds). Liber- tarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.35-56. Additional Information: • This is a book chapter. It is reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan. This extract is taken from the author's original manuscript and has not been edited. The definitive, published, version of record is available here: www.palgrave.com Metadata Record: https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12730 Version: Accepted for publication Publisher: Palgrave MacMillan ( c Alex Prichard, Ruth Kinna, Saku Pinta and Dave Berry) Please cite the published version. This item was submitted to Loughborough’s Institutional Repository (https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/) by the author and is made available under the following Creative Commons Licence conditions. For the full text of this licence, please go to: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ 3 Anarchism, Individualism and Communism: William Morris’s Critique of Anarcho- communism Ruth Kinna Introduction William Morris’s commitment to revolutionary socialism is now well established, but the nature of his politics, specifically his relationship to Marxism and anarchist thought, is still contested. Perhaps, as Mark Bevir has argued, the ideological label pinned to Morris’s socialism is of ‘little importance’ for as long as his political thought is described adequately. Nevertheless, the starting point for this essay is that thinking about the application of ideological descriptors is a useful exercise and one which sheds important light on Morris’s socialism and the process of ideological formation in the late nineteenth-century socialist movement. -
In Defense of Revolutionary Socialism: the Implications of Bhaskar Sunkara’S "The Socialist Manifesto"
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 7 Issue 2 Article 1 2019 In Defense of Revolutionary Socialism: The Implications of Bhaskar Sunkara’s "The Socialist Manifesto" Ronald W. Cox Florida International University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Cox, Ronald W. (2019) "In Defense of Revolutionary Socialism: The Implications of Bhaskar Sunkara’s "The Socialist Manifesto"," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 7 : Iss. 2 , Article 1. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.7.2.008327 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol7/iss2/1 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. In Defense of Revolutionary Socialism: The Implications of Bhaskar Sunkara’s "The Socialist Manifesto" Abstract This review of Bhaskar Sunkara’s The Socialist Manifesto locates the book within socialist debates about revolutionary praxis and the limits of reform versus revolution. The reviewer argues that the book has been accused, both fairly and unfairly, as “socialism without revolution,” an argument that can only be understood by delving more deeply into the positions advocated by the author. While Sunkara does in fact advance a “revolutionary socialism” in terms of concrete policy proposals, it is fair to ask critical questions about whether or not his limited interrogation of capitalist power is compatible with his self- professed goals. -
Bassem Chit and Revolutionary Socialism in Lebanon
CLOSE UP 65 Bassem Chit and Revolutionary Socialism in Lebanon Sune Haugbolle Figure 1 : Turkey Agenda. “Interview with the Late Bassem Chit on Politics and and Culture in Lebanon and the Middle East.” www.turkeyagenda.com Web. 16. Oct. 2014 This article discusses the Lebanese draws on the sociology of intellectuals, miss your voice, Bassem.” They refer to activist and writer Bassem Chit as an in particular Gramsci, in the analysis of Bassem Chit, the Lebanese revolutionary example of the intellectual rebel in Bassam Chit’s work and his post mortem socialist, writer and activist who died from Lebanon and the Arab world. It analyses veneration. a heart attack on October 1, 2014. For a the ideological tradition of revolutionary limited circle of Lebanese, Arab and inter- socialism and the Arab left. Through Keywords: Socialism; Arab Left; Intellec- national revolutionary socialists, Bassem an analysis of interviews and articles, tual History Chit is a rebel martyr, whose life and work Haugbolle attempts to locate the place continue to inspire. He died at the tender and nature of intellectual production in During the 2015 social protests against age of 34 after a life devoted to renewing the organisation of revolutionary activity, Lebanon’s political elite, I have often read Marxism and revolutionary socialism. His and the particular role rebel intellectuals on Facebook threads laments such as, friends and comrades now miss his voice play in bringing about social change. It “what would Bassem have said?” and “we and his sharp analysis more than ever, at a Middle East – Topics & Arguments #06–2016 CLOSE UP 66 time when they feel that a chink in the scape of thought and action. -
Peter Kropotkin Ecologist, Philosopher and Revolutionary
Peter Kropotkin Ecologist, Philosopher and Revolutionary Graham Purchase A thesis submitted to The School of Philosophy The University of New South Wales Sydney Australia in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2003 Certificate of Originality I hereby declare that this submission is my own and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgment is made in this thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the projects design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged. (Signed)…………………………… Contents Chapter 1 The Life and Times Peters Kropotkin Chapter 2 Kropotkin and The Birth of Ecology Chapter 3 The Mutual Aid Theories Chapter 4 Evolution and Environment: The Weismann-Kropotkin debate Chapter 5 Kropotkin’s Social Anarchism: Its Environmental Dimensions Chapter 6 Anarchism and Organisation Chapter 7 Progressivism Chapter 8 Scientific Metaphores: Struggle and Cooperation Bibliography 3 Abstract Peter Kropotkin: Ecologist, Philosopher and Revolutionary By Graham Purchase The Problem Investigated: This thesis is conceived as: [1] a work of scholarship and exegesis [2] an examination of more recent scientific works which use similar metaphors or concepts, eg. -
What Revolutionary Socialism Means. by Carl D
Thompson: What Revolutionary Socialism Means [Oct. 1903] 1 What Revolutionary Socialism Means. by Carl D. Thompson Published in The Vanguard [Green Bay, WI], v. 2, no. 2 (Oct. 1903), pp. 13- Socialism is not a reform, it is a revolution. And first of all, let it be clearly understood This is the position held by all scientific Socialists everywhere that by revolution Socialists do not everywhere. But such a statement made without mean violence or bloodshed. It is safe to say that explanation with a non-Socialist or in a lecture to every scientific Socialist in the world would re- an ordinary audience is certain to be misunder- gard it a calamity to the cause, as well as to hu- stood. When the word “revolution” is spoken the manity, to have a violent upheaval in society. The common run of people think of violence, future may see violence of bloodshed, of armies and navies. It does and war, as has the past. not matter what the “scientific” and “dic- Our present social prob- tionary” definition of the term is, common lem may involve this people don’t carry an unabridged dictio- nation and others in se- nary with them as a rule. To use the term rious trouble, but it is without explanation is to get one’s self and quite evident that if one’s cause seriously misunderstood. And such should be the case sometimes while listening to the speech of it would be not the re- Socialists one cannot but feel that they are sult of the teaching of not always entirely clear themselves as to Socialism, but rather the just what is meant by the expression “revo- result of the refusal of lutionary Socialism.” the rulers to accept the And yet we need some designation Socialistic program. -
When Kropotkin Met Lenin Ruth Kinna Loughborough University
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository When Kropotkin met Lenin Ruth Kinna Loughborough University Introduction In 1970 the left libertarian Maurice Brinton presented a novel version of the victor’s history thesis in an attempt to show why historical analysis of the Russian revolution remained an urgent task. Brinton was not interested in exposing the partiality of Soviet narratives of the revolution or in presenting an ideologically-driven critique of past events or decisions. Instead he wanted to recover the revolution’s conceptual history. He argued that, like it or not, post-revolutionary socialism was impregnated with the ‘ethos, traditions and organisational conceptions of Bolshevism’.1 Perhaps we may not have been all Bolsheviks then but we nonetheless inhabited the conceptual world that they had shaped. Failing to appreciate how profoundly the languages of socialism had been moulded in the course of past revolutionary struggles, led modern political activists to formulate their politics imprecisely and feebly. Instead of interrogating the meaning of principles bequeathed by their revolutionary idols, the critics were lazily repeated their old demands as if their sense was clear. History had been reduced to a vehicle for toothless finger-wagging and critical energy was diverted in the confirmation of deeply- rooted anti-Bolshevik positions. Brinton’s argument resonated with a charge made by the anarchist Voline much earlier: that the Bolsheviks had used propaganda to hijack slogans popularised by political rivals in order to advance policies that were entirely out of kilter with the opposition’s proposals.2 However Brinton was interested the content of the ideas, not their cynical manipulation. -
Libertarian Socialism
Libertarian Socialism PDF generated using the open source mwlib toolkit. See http://code.pediapress.com/ for more information. PDF generated at: Sun, 12 Aug 2012 19:52:27 UTC Contents Articles Libertarian socialism 1 The Venus Project 37 The Zeitgeist Movement 39 References Article Sources and Contributors 42 Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 43 Article Licenses License 44 Libertarian socialism 1 Libertarian socialism Libertarian socialism (sometimes called social anarchism,[1][2] and sometimes left libertarianism)[3][4] is a group of political philosophies that promote a non-hierarchical, non-bureaucratic society without private property in the means of production. Libertarian socialists believe in converting present-day private productive property into the commons or public goods, while retaining respect for personal property[5]. Libertarian socialism is opposed to coercive forms of social organization. It promotes free association in place of government and opposes the social relations of capitalism, such as wage labor.[6] The term libertarian socialism is used by some socialists to differentiate their philosophy from state socialism[7][8] or by some as a synonym for left anarchism.[1][2][9] Adherents of libertarian socialism assert that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control certain means of production and subordinate the majority to an owning class or political and economic elite.[10] Libertarian socialism also constitutes a tendency of thought that -
Socialism Or Barbarism an Introduction to the Politics of the Communist Workers' Organisation
Contents Preface 1 Capitalism and its Contradictions 4 Imperialism 6 State Capitalism 8 The Economic Crisis 10 Communism 10 The Road to Communism: The Working Class 11 The Economic Struggle 12 Class Consciousness 13 The Party 15 Working Class Unity: National Liberation/ Nationalism 17 Racism 19 Women 's Oppression 21 False Friends: Trades Unions 24 The 'Labour Movement' 26 Stalinism,Trotskyism, Maoism 28 Tasks of Revolutionaries 29 The Revolution 30 The Transitional Society 32 This document is intended as an introduction to the politics of the CWO. By its nature it cannot be a full account. Its main point are explained more fully in our other publications (see below). Political correspondence is welcomed. All letters should be sent to P.O.Box 338, Sheffield 83 9YX The Communist Workers' Organisation publishes a paper Workers Voice (50p per issue, plus the cost of a first class stamp). A subscription is £3 (6 issues) in the UK or Eire and £5 elsewhere. The International Bureau (IBRP) publishes Inter .· nationalist Communist Review (£2 per issue). A subscription is £4.50 (2 issues) in the UK/Eire and £5 elsewhere. Socialism or Barbarism An Introduction to the Politics of the Communist Workers' Organisation Preface Today the working class, not just in Britain, is faced with one of the greatest upheavals in its history. Capitalists everywhere are trying to restore profit rates. By restructuring whole industries and imple menting technological innovation and lowering wages they are trying to maintain competitiveness on an increasingly globalised and vicious world market. At the same time the international capitalist class has used the collapse of Stalinism to reinforce its ideo logical campaign against the working class: to try and discredit the very idea of communism and de moralise workers into believing there is no point in struggling. -
The Death of Socialism?
Politics and Sociology Departments Final year module The Death of Socialism? Autumn Term 2018 Autumn Term 2018 Following the collapse of state socialism in Central and Eastern Europe and elsewhere, the erosion of central institutions of Western social democracy and the prevalence of free market and capitalist ideas, this module looks at the contemporary condition of socialism. Is socialism a relevant, feasible or desirable idea in contemporary society? Or is it dead, an historical relic of the 20th century? The module will start by looking at the two predominant conceptions and experiences of socialism in the twentieth century - Marxist and social democratic socialism. It will then examine criticisms of socialism from liberals and libertarians - such as Hayek and Nozick - and from new social movements - such as the women's movement and the green movement. We will look at reasons for the collapse of state socialism in the late 1980s and at attempts in the West to rethink socialism during an era in which neo- liberalism was a dominant force. We will discuss whether globalisation has led to the decline and loss of viability of social democracy. We will examine the attempt of Labour in Britain and European social democrats to respond to the crisis of social democracy and will ask whether there is anything remaining of socialism in such attempts. We will discuss the current state of the left in responding to the financial crisis and austerity and whether Corbyn’s politics involve a revival of socialism and, if so, what sort. We shall examine theses such as that of Fukuyama: that the day of socialism has passed, and that capitalism has won the battle of the two ideologies and systems. -
Notes on Anarchism
$1.00 NOTES ON ANARCHISM by Noam Chomsky NOTES ON ANARCHISM by Noam Chomsky First Printing -- 50 copies -- November 1994 Second Printing - - 300 copies -- January 1995 Third Printing -- 300 copies -- August 1995 Published by DISCUSSION BULLETIN P.O. Box1564 , Grand Rapids, MI49501 INTRODUCTION "Notes on Anarchism" is taken directly from For Reasons of State, a collection o f Noam Chomsky’s essays, published by Random House in 1973. According to Chomsky, it is "...adapted from the introduction to Daniel Guerin’s Anarchism published by Monthly Review Press." With the author’s permission, it was reprinted as the lead article in the June-July 1994 issue of the Discussion Bulletin (number 65). In our letter seeking his permission, we asked Chomsky if his views on anarchism had changed in the twenty years since he wrote it. He answered, "My thinking on these matters hasn’t changed in any essential respect. In fact, it seems to me that there are new prospects for anarchism now that the Soviet tyranny has collapsed and with it a major barrier to socialism, particularly the libertarian forms." The essay speaks for itself of course, but certainly its almost interchangeable use of the terms "anarchism" and "libertarian socialism" is in keeping with the politically ecumenical spirit of the Discussion Bulletin. So too is Chomsky's evenhanded use o f quotations from Bakunin, Marx, Rudolph Rocker, Paul Mattick, Anton Pannekoek, and even the (in1917 ) British DeLeonist and Socialist Labour Party member, William Paul. One more thing, although Chomsky authorized us to publish the essay in the Discussion Bulletin, our impromptu printing of fifty copies full size in pamphlet format -- we had reduced the size o f the typeface for the DB version -- was done without his O.K. -
Rosa Luxemburg's Reform Or Revolution in the Twenty-First Century
Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 6(2) Fall 2010: 118-140 Copyright © 2010 The Author(s) SPECIAL SECTION ON ROSA LUXEMBURG’S POLITICAL ECONOMY Rosa Luxemburg’s Reform or Revolution in the Twenty-first Century HELEN SCOTT Department of English, University of Vermont. Burlington, Vermont, United States Abstract: Rosa Luxemburg lived in a time and place very unlike our own. She was part of a mass labour movement with revolutionary socialist politics at its core, during a period when world socialist revolution was a tangible prospect. At the start of the 21st century the United States labour movement is at a historic low point, organized socialist politics lacks a mass working class base, and capitalism brings crisis, war, and environmental destruction across the globe. But nonetheless across the United States, labour activists are confronting the corporate union model with class struggle unionism based on rank and file independence and left politics. Luxemburg’s Reform and Revolution, written at a high point of socialist struggle, contains invaluable lessons for this new generation of activists as they confront the political and organizational challenges of the day. Resumé: Rosa Luxemburg a vécu à un moment et dans un environnement qui ressemblaient très peu aux nôtres. Elle faisait partie d’un mouvement ouvrier de masse au cœur duquel se situait une politique révolutionnaire socialiste, à une époque où la révolution socialiste mondiale était une possibilité réelle. Au début du 21ième siècle, le mouvement ouvrier aux Etats-Unis a attient un niveau bas historique, la classe ouvrière de masse fait défaut aux politiques socialistes structurées et le capitalisme apporte son lot de crises, de guerres et d’atteintes à l’environnement à travers le monde.