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The Militant Politics of Auguste Blanqui

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The Militant Politics of Auguste Blanqui University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/77812 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. The militant politics of Auguste Blanqui Philippe Le Goff A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Warwick, Department of French Studies September 2015 ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 1! Contents Acknowledgments 5 Abstract 6 Introduction: Blanqui rediscovered 7 Rebel without a pause 14 ‘Blanqui’ as pejorative signifier 21 The primacy of politics 27 Forerunners, contemporaries, descendents 32 Blanqui in print 34 1 Thought, Ideas and Education 39 Revolution of the intellect 41 Blanqui’s dualism 41 Man is thought 43 Instruction, transformation, volition 44 The individual and the collective 53 The politics of (mis)education 55 Enlightenment as emancipation 56 A war of words 59 A pedagogical prerequisite 62 Leadership, organisation and the role of the masses 65 Revolutionary vanguards 66 Whither the masses? 76 Principled convictions or material interests? 80 2 Making choices, taking sides 89 Civil war 92 ! 2! Property 92 The state 97 Revolution and repression in perspective 103 No half-measures 113 Two irreconcilable principles 113 Some practical implications 117 First principles 123 Equality and justice 123 The struggle over meaning 126 3 The People and the Proletariat 132 A political actor 134 Two classes 134 France and Paris 139 The actor’s political action 142 Interpretations 146 From socio-economic to political reasoning 151 Blanqui with Rancière 162 Counting the uncounted 162 Division and unity 164 Blanqui beyond Rancière 169 (In)equality of intelligence 170 Perception 172 The untold suffering of work 175 4 Voluntarism and Will 186 How to begin 187 ! 3! Conscious volition 188 A conflict of wills 190 Collective volition as positive and practical exercise 192 How to continue 201 Overcoming obstacles and resistance 201 Moral duty, resolute commitment 205 Politics as faith 212 Voluntary servitude 217 Volition and transition 220 A patient realism 220 An elitist and substitutionalist conception of will? 224 The legislator as transitional power? 235 5 History and Progress 242 What is history? 243 Philosophical primacy 243 Historical materialism? 251 Equality or catastrophe 257 The poverty of positivism 264 Against fatalism 265 The tradition of the oppressed 269 Reappraising the astronomical hypothesis 273 The finite, the infinite 274 Fatalism against fatalism 278 Signifying eternity 284 Making progress 289 ! 4! Conclusion: Blanqui today 298 Blanqui’s politics … 298 … today? 305 Future directions 310 Bibliography 313 ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 5! Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor, Nick Hewlett, whose unfailing encouragement, generosity, patience and good humour have made the past four years such a rewarding time. The feedback of Jeremy Ahearne and Jessica Wardhaugh on draft chapters helped me to bring together the thesis as a whole. Peter Hallward’s enthusiasm for the project, particularly when it was still in its early stages, was most encouraging. Comments on some initial ideas from participants at the French Socialist Press conference at Stanford in November 2013 informed the overall trajectory of the research. My thanks also go to Sarah Sussman and her colleagues at the Stanford University Libraries for the visiting fellowship that allowed me to take part in the conference and work with their wonderful archival collection. I am especially grateful to the Warwick Graduate School and the Warwick Department of French Studies for the doctoral funding that made the project possible. Many conversations with friends, family and colleagues have shaped my thinking while preparing this thesis. At Warwick, Alex Corcos, Dee Marco, Sotirios Paraschas, Sarah Scales and Mark Winfield provided friendship and advice during the day-to-day writing and research. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Christina and Alain, and my brother, Pierre-Louis, whose unconditional support has remained a source of great strength throughout. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 6! Abstract Auguste Blanqui (1805-81) is arguably at once the most important and most overlooked revolutionary of the nineteenth century. This thesis aims to shed new light on Blanqui’s thought by examining his unpublished manuscripts and recent anthologies of his writings that have yet to receive sustained critical engagement. I contend that politics is the central category through which to read and interpret Blanqui’s entire project. To this end, I reconstruct what I take to be the fundamental elements of Blanqui’s politics, arguing that it remains rooted at every moment in his concept of ‘pensée-volonté’, or conscious volition. This groundwork provides a platform from which I advance my own readings as well as engaging with previous interpretations that, though stimulating and useful, nonetheless often remain limited because of their incomplete view of Blanqui’s overall body of work. More than previous studies, I seek to resituate Blanqui within the wider revolutionary tradition from which he has hitherto been largely excluded that begins with Jean-Jacques Rousseau and continues through Karl Marx to Che Guevara, showing the extent to which Blanqui advanced and developed the political assumptions of those who preceded him on the one hand, and anticipated the politics of those who succeeded him on the other. Unlike all previous studies, I read Blanqui with and through more recent political thought as a means to both better critically assess Blanqui and to explore in turn how he can contribute to contemporary theoretical discussions. I suggest that despite his limitations with regard to questions of popular consciousness and the contexts and conditions of political struggles, in many crucial respects Blanqui lucidly outlines some of the basic elements of collective political action in his time and our own, from the subjective requirements of political actors to the rejection of historical necessity. ! 7! Introduction: Blanqui rediscovered ‘It really must be stressed that it is precisely the first elements, the most elementary things, which are the first to be forgotten. However, if they are repeated innumerable times, they become the pillars of politics and of any collective action whatsoever.’1 Auguste Blanqui is a singular figure. Described as the link between Babeuf and Bolshevism,2 Blanqui occupies a unique position in the history of revolutionary politics: neither ‘utopian’ socialist nor Marxist, insofar as his project unifies many of the most salient features of Rousseau’s philosophy and the radical politics of the French Revolution with various strands of nineteenth-century social theory, he is perhaps best understood as a neo-Jacobin communist, a resolute political militant of absolute social equality.3 In wrestling with issues of power and agency, choice and commitment, Blanqui’s enterprise poses some of the most fundamental and inescapable questions in politics: How and when can revolutionary change occur, and, conversely, through which strategies and mechanisms is it suppressed? What is the role of consciousness in the construction of both an individual and a collective political subject? What does it mean and what does it take to be a militant and a revolutionary, to sustain a commitment and pursue an ideal? How should one understand and react to obstacles and difficulties, to defeat and failure? Blanqui’s responses to such questions are not always satisfactory - as with any other political theory Blanqui’s has its shortcomings and limitations; perhaps more than many other !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Antonio Gramsci, ‘The Modern Prince’, in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowel Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), p. 144. 2 Edward S. Mason, ‘Blanqui and Communism’, Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Dec. 1929), p. 498; Maurice Dommanget, Auguste Blanqui à Belle-Île (Paris: Librarie du Travail, 1935), p. 7. 3 See Alan B. Spitzer, The Revolutionary Theories of Louis Auguste Blanqui (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957), pp. 3, 111-112. The term neo-Jacobin communism is an amalgamation of Spitzer’s evocation of a ‘Jacobin Communism’ and Peter Hallward’s usage of ‘neo-Jacobin’. See Peter Hallward, ‘The Will of the People: Notes Towards a Dialectical Voluntarism’, Radical Philosophy, 155 (May-June 2009), pp. 17-29; Peter Hallward, ‘Defiance or emancipation?’, Radical Philosophy, 183 (Jan.-Feb. 2014), pp. 21-32. ! 8! political theories Blanqui’s lacks rigorous exposition. Even when Blanqui’s ideas are under-developed or inadequate, what nonetheless remains in his basic questions and concerns is possibly the most significant theory of militant, revolutionary politics of the nineteenth century, and one which continued to find echoes across the twentieth century. Lenin and Luxemburg, Gramsci and Guevara, Badiou and Bensaïd – in their own times and in their own ways, all stand on the shoulders of Blanqui. The broad outlines of Blanqui’s thought might be resumed as follows. Blanqui insists
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