Devolution Or Disunion: the Constitution After Meech Lake, 29 Osgoode Hall L.J
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War and the Constitutional Text John C
War and the Constitutional Text John C. Yoo∗ In a series of articles, I have criticized the view that the original under- standing of the Constitution requires that Congress provide its authorization before the United States can engage in military hostilities.1 This “pro- Congress” position ignores the constitutional text and structure, errs in in- terpreting the ratification history of the Constitution, and cannot account for the practice of the three branches of government. Instead of the rigid proc- ess advocated by scholars such as Louis Henkin, John Hart Ely, Louis Fisher, Michael Glennon, and Harold Koh,2 I have argued that the Constitu- tion creates a flexible system of war powers. That system provides the president with significant initiative as commander-in-chief, while reserving to Congress ample authority to check executive policy through its power of the purse. In this scheme, the Declare War Clause confers on Congress a ju- ridical power, one that both defines the state of international legal relations ∗ Professor of Law, University of California at Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) (on leave); Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, United States Department of Justice. The views expressed here are those of the author alone and do not represent the views of the Department of Justice. I express my deep appreciation for the advice and assistance of James C. Ho in preparing this response. Robert Delahunty, Jack Goldsmith, and Sai Prakash provided helpful comments on the draft. 1 See John C. Yoo, Kosovo, War Powers, and the Multilateral Future, 148 U Pa L Rev 1673, 1686–1704 (2000) (discussing the original understanding of war powers in the context of the Kosovo conflict); John C. -
Prince Edward Island and Confederation 1863-1873
CCHA, Report, 28 (1961), 25-30 Prince Edward Island and Confederation 1863-1873 Francis William Pius BOLGER, Ph.D. St. Dunstan’s University, Charlottetown The idea of Confederation did not receive serious consideration in Prince Edward Island prior to the year 1863. Ten more years elapsed before the subject of union with the British North American Colonies moved into the non-academic and practical sphere. The position of the Island in the Confederation negotiations illustrated in large measure the characteristics of its politics and its attitude to distant administrations. This attitude might best be described simply as a policy of exclusiveness. The history of the Confederation negotiations in Prince Edward Island consisted of the interplay of British, Canadian, and Maritime influences upon this policy. It is the purpose of this paper to tell the story of Confederation in Prince Edward Island from 1863 to 1873. The policy of exclusiveness, which characterized Prince Erward Island’s attitude to Confederation, was clearly revealed in the political arena. The Islanders had a profound respect for local self-government. They enjoyed their political independence, particularly after the attainment of responsible government in 1851, and did not wish to see a reduction in the significance of their local institutions. They realized, moreover, that they would have an insignificant voice in a centralized legislature, and as a result they feared that their local needs would be disregarded. Finally, previous frustrating experience with the Imperial government with respect to the settlement of the land question on the Island had taught the Islanders that it was extremely hazardous to trust the management of local problems to distant and possibly unsympathetic administrations. -
Glyphosate a Love Story April
Glyphosate-A love story. Ordinary thoughtlessness and response-ability in industrial farming Birgit Müller To cite this version: Birgit Müller. Glyphosate-A love story. Ordinary thoughtlessness and response-ability in industrial farming. Journal of Agrarian Change, Wiley, 2020, 10.1111/joac.12374. halshs-03098507 HAL Id: halshs-03098507 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03098507 Submitted on 6 Jan 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. GLYPHOSATE — A LOVE STORY. Ordinary Thoughtlessness and Response-ability in Industrial Farming Birgit Müller 2020 « Glyphosate—A love story. Ordinary thoughtlessness and response-ability in industrial farming. » Journal of Agrarian Change. 2020 :1–20. https://doi.org/10.1111/joac.12374 Abstract : More than 8.6 billion kilograms of glyphosate have been used worldwide since the 1970s. Herbicide tolerant crops became the lynchpin of the technological revolution for large-scale farming first in the US and Canada, and now in Europe. Zero-till farming as a production scheme and a world view, is based on simplifications promoted by a handful of transnational corporations with the complicity of politicians looking for easy solutions for problems, such as climate change, erosion and the hunger in the world. -
What Was the Iroquois Confederacy?
04 AB6 Ch 4.11 4/2/08 11:22 AM Page 82 What was the 4 Iroquois Confederacy? Chapter Focus Questions •What was the social structure of Iroquois society? •What opportunities did people have to participate in decision making? •What were the ideas behind the government of the Iroquois Confederacy? The last chapter explored the government of ancient Athens. This chapter explores another government with deep roots in history: the Iroquois Confederacy. The Iroquois Confederacy formed hundreds of years ago in North America — long before Europeans first arrived here. The structure and principles of its government influenced the government that the United States eventually established. The Confederacy united five, and later six, separate nations. It had clear rules and procedures for making decisions through representatives and consensus. It reflected respect for diversity and a belief in the equality of people. Pause The image on the side of this page represents the Iroquois Confederacy and its five original member nations. It is a symbol as old as the Confederacy itself. Why do you think this symbol is still honoured in Iroquois society? 82 04 AB6 Ch 4.11 4/2/08 11:22 AM Page 83 What are we learning in this chapter? Iroquois versus Haudenosaunee This chapter explores the social structure of Iroquois There are two names for society, which showed particular respect for women and the Iroquois people today: for people of other cultures. Iroquois (ear-o-kwa) and Haudenosaunee It also explores the structure and processes of Iroquois (how-den-o-show-nee). government. Think back to Chapter 3, where you saw how Iroquois is a name that the social structure of ancient Athens determined the way dates from the fur trade people participated in its government. -
Autonomy, Indigenous Peoples, and Afro-Descendants in Colombia
Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies Vol. 3 Issue 1 Autonomy, Indigenous Peoples, and Afro-Descendants in Colombia Mauricio Romero Vidal and Juan David Niño Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies, 3(1) 2019, 8–26 URL: http://jass.ax/volume-3-issue-1-Vidal_Nino/ 8 Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies Vol. 3 Issue 1 Abstract The article analyzes how indigenous and Afro-descendant communities achieved participation in the National Constitutional Assembly in 1991 in Colombia and how this process influenced the definition of new territorial institutions in which territorial autonomy and self-rule were successfully granted – against all odds. How did this happen? What circumstances facilitated the agency of these marginalized groups to such an extent that it shaped the new constitution to their benefit? The argument in this article highlights a historical juncture between a global discourse in favor of human rights, and ethnic and cultural diversity – supported by the United Nations – and a regional trend towards democratization and constitutional change. This juncture occurred during the times of a domestic peace negotiation process between the Colombian government and the country’s guerrilla groups, a process that was joined by an unusual social mobilization of underprivileged groups. Taken together, these international and national circumstances created conditions that paved the way for a successful outcome of the constitutional process, for the indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. Despite this constitutional achievement, reality has however not been easy. The territory of the two groups is rich in natural resources, something that creates opportunities for large scale agribusiness investments, and they are also well located for coca cultivation and cocaine trafficking. -
Exploring the Link: Administrative Exclusion and Second Order Devolution Rhucha Samudra the College at Brockport, SUNY, [email protected]
Journal of Public Management & Social Policy Volume 26 | Number 1 Article 4 June 2019 Exploring the Link: Administrative Exclusion and Second Order Devolution Rhucha Samudra The College at Brockport, SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.tsu.edu/jpmsp Part of the Political Science Commons, Public Administration Commons, Social Policy Commons, and the Social Welfare Commons Recommended Citation Samudra, Rhucha (2019) "Exploring the Link: Administrative Exclusion and Second Order Devolution," Journal of Public Management & Social Policy: Vol. 26 : No. 1 , Article 4. Available at: https://digitalscholarship.tsu.edu/jpmsp/vol26/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Digital Scholarship @ Texas Southern University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Public Management & Social Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Scholarship @ Texas Southern University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Exploring the Link: Administrative Exclusion and Second Order Devolution Cover Page Footnote Author thanks Bradley Hardy, Pamela Viggiani, Jocelyn Johnston, Keith Baker and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on the previous versions of the manuscript. This article is available in Journal of Public Management & Social Policy: https://digitalscholarship.tsu.edu/jpmsp/vol26/iss1/4 Samudra: Exploring the Link Journal of Public Management & Social Policy Spring 2019 Exploring the Link: Administrative Exclusion and Second Order Devolution Rhucha Samudra The College at Brockport, State University of New York Devolution was embedded in the 1996 welfare reform. Using the National Survey of America’s Families, this article explores the relationship between living in a Second Order Devolution (SOD) state and administrative exclusion from a welfare program. -
Splitting Sovereignty: the Legislative Power and the Constitution's Federation of Independent States
Splitting Sovereignty: The Legislative Power and the Constitution's Federation of Independent States JAMES T. KNIGHT II* ABSTRACT From the moment the Constitutional Convention of 1787 ended and the Framers presented their plan to ªform a more perfect Union,º people have debated what form of government that union established. Had the thirteen sepa- rate states surrendered their independence to form a new state stretching from New England to Georgia, or was their individual sovereignty preserved as in the Articles of Confederation? If the states remained sovereign in some respect, what did that mean for the new national government? I propose that the original Constitution would have been viewed as establish- ing a federation of independent, sovereign states. The new federation possessed certain limited powers delegated to it by the states, but it lacked a broad power to legislate for the general welfare and the protection of individual rights. This power, termed ªthe legislative powerº by Enlightenment thinkers, was viewed as the essential, identifying power of a sovereign state under the theoretical framework of eighteenth-century political philosophy. The state constitutions adopted prior to the national Constitutional Convention universally gave their governments this broad legislative power rather than enumerate speci®c areas where the government could legislate. Of the constitutional documents adopted prior to the federal Constitution, only the Articles of Confederation provides such an enumeration. In this note, I argue that, against the background of political theory and con- stitutional precedent, a government lacking the full legislative power would not have been viewed as sovereign in its own right. -
The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index the WORLD's WORST
THE WORLD'S WORST COUNTRIES FOR WORKERS The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 4 The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) is a confederation of national trade union centres, each of which links trade unions of that particular country. It was established on 1 November 2006, bringing together the organisations which were formerly affiliated to the ICFTU and WCL (both now dissolved) as well as a number of national trade union centres which had no international affiliation at the time. The new Confederation has 340 affiliated organisations in 163 countries and territories on all five continents, with a membership of 181 million, 40 per cent of whom are women. It is also a partner in “Global Unions” together with the Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD and the Global Union Federations (GUFs) which link together national unions from a particular trade or industry at international level. The ITUC has specialised offices in a number of countries around the world, and has General Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 6 Foreword .............................................9 ASIA .................................................. 70 Bangladesh ....................................... 71 Part I ..................................................13 Cambodia .......................................... 71 The 2017 Results ...............................14 China ................................................ 72 The ITUC Global Rights Index ...............19 Fiji -
Homicide As Affecting the Devolution of Property Arthur E
Marquette Law Review Volume 4 Article 6 Issue 1 Volume 4, Issue 1 (1919) Homicide as Affecting the Devolution of Property Arthur E. Lenicheck Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Arthur E. Lenicheck, Homicide as Affecting the Devolution of Property, 4 Marq. L. Rev. 34 (1919). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol4/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HOMICIDE AS AFFECTING THE DEVOLUTION OF PROPERTY The question has arisen in a number of cases in this country whether a person who has murdered another ought to be en- titled to take by descent or devise from the latter. At a first blush of the question propounded, one would think that there could be no dispute as to the rights of the murderer and to per- mit one who has acquired title in such manner would be abhor- rent and repugnant to natural law and justice. It remains for us to see what opinions have been entertained and what conclusions have been arrived at. Like most perplexing questions of law, the question has been subject to conflicting opinions and the re- sults achieved have no doubt met with disapproval by many of the members of both bench and bar. It may be said at the outset, that the present state of the law is highly unsatisfactory. -
Implementing Federalism
Constitutional INSIGHTS No. 2 October 2018 Summary Federalism or devolution involves the Implementing Federalism organization of public power so that government, on at least two levels, is responsive and accountable to the Introduction people that it serves. More than 25 countries around the world operate as More than 25 countries around the world operate as a federation of some a federation of some kind. Many more kind. Many more devolve power in other ways, across the country or in devolve power in other ways, either particular regions with special autonomy. Some of the older federations across the country or in particular are well-established; India, Malaysia and Pakistan are examples. Others regions with special autonomy. This are much more recent, however. Many new constitutions provide for issue of Constitutional INSIGHTS federation or some form of devolution. In Asia and the Pacific, for explains why any change from a example, the new Constitution of Nepal establishes a federation, and centralized to a federal or devolved federalism is under consideration in Myanmar, the Philippines and system is a significant one. It also Solomon Islands. outlines some of the challenges that Federalism or devolution involves the organization of public power so arise in the context of such change, that government on at least two levels is responsive and accountable to and suggests options that might be the people that it serves. There are all sorts of reasons why countries available to meet them. and their peoples might find that arrangements like this offer benefits that a centralized system of government does not. Federations may be About this series established to assist democratisation; as a way of resolving conflict; as a framework for self-determination; to disperse concentrations of power; to The Melbourne Forum on Constitution- manage government in large countries; or for any combination of these or Building in Asia and the Pacific other reasons. -
Territory, Power and Statecraft: Understanding English Devolution
Regional Studies ISSN: 0034-3404 (Print) 1360-0591 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cres20 Territory, power and statecraft: understanding English devolution Sarah Ayres, Matthew Flinders & Mark Sandford To cite this article: Sarah Ayres, Matthew Flinders & Mark Sandford (2017): Territory, power and statecraft: understanding English devolution, Regional Studies, DOI: 10.1080/00343404.2017.1360486 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2017.1360486 © 2017 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 07 Sep 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 483 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cres20 Download by: [University of Sheffield] Date: 06 October 2017, At: 06:46 REGIONAL STUDIES, 2017 https://doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2017.1360486 Territory, power and statecraft: understanding English devolution Sarah Ayresa , Matthew Flindersb and Mark Sandfordc ABSTRACT In recent decades, the devolution of power to subnational regional authorities has formed a key element of what has been termed the ‘unravelling’ or ‘unbundling’ of the state in many parts of the world. Even in the United Kingdom, with its distinctive global reputation as a power-hoarding majoritarian democracy, the devolution of powers to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland since 1998 can be located within this broader devolutionary dynamic. In recent years, this process has focused on ‘the English question’ and a reform agenda that claimed to offer a ‘devolution revolution’. This paper offers the first research-led analysis of the scope, scale and implications of these post-2015 reforms to English governance. -
Devolution System Made Simple a Popular Version of County Governance System Devolution System Made Simple a Popular Version of County Governance System
Devolution System made Simple A Popular Version of County Governance System Devolution System made Simple A Popular Version of County Governance System November 2012 Devolution System made Simple 1 2 Devolution System made Simple Introduction Devolution is one of the major changes that the Constitution adopted by Kenyans at the referendum held on 4th August 2010 and promulgated on 27th August 2010 has made to the arrangement of government in Kenya. It is a unique and new experience to a majority of Kenyans. This is in spite of the fact that Kenya experimented with a similar system at independence. This flier has been produced to make the new devolved system easy to understand and to avoid confusion which normally comes with very many interpretations from equally very many sources. Devolution System made Simple 3 A. Understanding Devolution And The Devolved System What is Devolution? • The devolution that Kenya has adopted is provided for this in Article 1 (3) and (4); Article 6 (1) and (2); Chapter Eleven and in the First Schedule and Fourth Schedule of the Constitution of Kenya 2010. • Devolution is the proper distribution of State functions and powers amongst and between the three arms of government. The three arms of government are: - > The Legislature or the law and policy making body; > The Executive or the arm that implements laws and policies made by the Legislature. The Executive also runs the day to day operations of government; and > The Judiciary, which resolves disputes between the Legislature and Executive, between and amongst the citizens and also interprets and enforces the laws.