South Africa's Media 20 Years After Apartheid
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A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. -
Blurred Lines
BLURRED LINES: HOW SOUTH AFRICA’S INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM HAS CHANGED WITH A NEW DEMOCRACY AND EVOLVING COMMUNICATION TOOLS Zoe Schaver The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Media and Journalism Advised by: __________________________ Chris Roush __________________________ Paul O’Connor __________________________ Jock Lauterer BLURRED LINES 1 ABSTRACT South Africa’s developing democracy, along with globalization and advances in technology, have created a confusing and chaotic environment for the country’s journalists. This research paper provides an overview of the history of the South African press, particularly the “alternative” press, since the early 1900s until 1994, when democracy came to South Africa. Through an in-depth analysis of the African National Congress’s relationship with the press, the commercialization of the press and new developments in technology and news accessibility over the past two decades, the paper goes on to argue that while journalists have been distracted by heated debates within the media and the government about press freedom, and while South African media companies have aggressively cut costs and focused on urban areas, the South African press has lost touch with ordinary South Africans — especially historically disadvantaged South Africans, who are still struggling and who most need representation in news coverage. BLURRED LINES 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I: Introduction A. Background and Purpose B. Research Questions and Methodology C. Definitions Chapter II: Review of Literature A. History of the Alternative Press in South Africa B. Censorship of the Alternative Press under Apartheid Chapter III: Media-State Relations Post-1994 Chapter IV: Profits, the Press, and the Public Chapter V: Discussion and Conclusion BLURRED LINES 3 CHAPTER I: Introduction A. -
PRENEGOTIATION Ln SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) a PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS of the TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS
PRENEGOTIATION lN SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) A PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS BOTHA W. KRUGER Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Stellenbosch. Supervisor: ProfPierre du Toit March 1998 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it at any university for a degree. Signature: Date: The fmancial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the Centre for Science Development. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za OPSOMMING Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling. -
Mandela My Life Exhibition 795.8KB .Pdf File
Items being borrowed by Museums Victoria for inclusion in the exhibition Items being borrowed by Museums Victoria from International Entertainment Consulting (IEC) Pty Ltd for inclusion in the exhibition Mandela My Life: The Official Exhibition at Melbourne Museum, 11 Nicholson Street, Carlton, AUSTRALIA, 22 September 2018 to 3 March 2019 MUSEUMSVICTORIA MV IDLender ID Object Image Provenance Information Height Length Width Depth Unit LN 65730OBJ050 Coffee Table - Nelson Mandela Office This coffee table was used directly by Mr Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela between 2002 and 2010 in his post-presidential office which was based at the Nelson Mandela Foundation (NMF) at its premises on 107 Central Street, Hougton, Johannesburg, South Africa. The NMF is the legal owner and of these items. LN 65729OBJ050 Chair – Upholstered, Blue – Nelson Mandela Office This chair was used directly by Mr Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela between 2002 and 2010 in his post-presidential office which was based at the Nelson Mandela Foundation (NMF) at its premises on 107 Central Street, Hougton, Johannesburg, South Africa. The NMF is the legal owner and of these items. LN 65728OBJ049 Chair – Upholstered, Blue – Nelson Mandela Office This chair was used directly by Mr Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela between 2002 and 2010 in his post-presidential office which was based at the Nelson Mandela Foundation (NMF) at its premises on 107 Central Street, Hougton, Johannesburg, South Africa. The NMF is the legal owner and of these items. Page 1 of 62 Museums Victoria MV IDLender ID Object Image Provenance Information Height Length Width Depth Unit LN 65727RSA092 Photograph - Formal studio portrait of Mandela as young Obtained by gift, or purchased directly from Mr Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela and/or man, smiling (RSA092) members of the Mandela family and/or from auctions, mints and/or memorabilia collections from around the world between 1993 and 2018 who were the previous legal owners and/or originators of these items. -
Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?
Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director. -
Politics and the Media in Southern Africa I
Politics and the Media in Southern Africa I. Media and Politics: The Role of the Media in Promoting Democracy and Good Governance 21–23 September 1999 Safari Court Hotel Windhoek, Namibia II. Konrad Adenauer Foundation Journalism Workshop: the Media in Southern Africa 10–12 September 1999 River Side Hotel Durban, South Africa Table of Contents Introduction 5 I. MEDIA AND POLITICS: THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN PROMOTING DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE Opening Remarks 9 Michael Schlicht, Regional Representative, Central and Southern Africa, Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAF) Opening Address 11 Ben Amathila, Minister of Information and Broadcasting, Namibia Obstacles and Challenges Facing the Media in: • KENYA 15 Henry Owuor, Nation Newspapers, Nairobi • MALAWI 17 Peter Kumwenda, Editor, The Champion, Lilongwe • SOUTH AFRICA 21 Xolisa Vapi, Political Reporter, The Independent on Saturday, Durban • TANZANIA 27 Matilda Kasanga, The Guardian Limited, Dar-es-Salaam • UGANDA 33 Tom Gawaya-Tegulle, The New Vision, Kampala • ZAMBIA 41 Masautso Phiri, Zambia Independent Media Association, Lusaka • ZIMBABWE 53 Davison S. Maruziva, The Daily News, Harare The Media and Ethics 55 Pushpa A. Jamieson, The Chronicle, Lilongwe, Malawi 3 Table of Contents The Media and Elections 59 Raymond Louw, Editor and Publisher, Southern Africa Report Investigative Journalism: the Police Perspective 65 Martin S. Simbi, Principal, Police Staff College, Zimbabwe Republic Police Seminar Programme 69 Seminar Participants’ List 71 II. KONRAD ADENAUER FOUNDATION JOURNALISM WORKSHOP: -
EB145 Opt.Pdf
E EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 C (212) 4n-0066 FAX: (212) 979-1013 S A #145 21 february 1994 _SU_N_D_AY-.::..:20--:FEB:.=:..:;R..:..:U..:..:AR:..:.Y:.....:..:.1994::...::.-_---.". ----'-__THE OBSERVER_ Ten weeks before South Africa's elections, a race war looks increasingly likely, reports Phillip van Niekerk in Johannesburg TOKYO SEXWALE, the Afri In S'tanderton, in the Eastern candidate for the premiership of At the meeting in the Pretoria Many leading Inkatha mem can National Congress candidate Transvaal, the white town coun Natal. There is little doubt that showgrounds three weeks ago, bers have publicly and privately for the office of premier in the cillast Wednesday declared itself Natal will fall to the ANC on 27 when General Constand Viljoen, expressed their dissatisfaction at Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Veree part of an independent Boer April, which explains Buthelezi's head ofthe Afrikaner Volksfront, Inkatha's refusal to participate in niging province, returned shaken state, almost provoking a racial determination to wriggle out of was shouted down while advo the election, and could break from a tour of the civil war in conflagration which, for all the having to fight the dection.~ cating the route to a volkstaat not away. Angola last Thursday. 'I have violence of recent years, the At the very least, last week's very different to that announced But the real prize in Natal is seen the furure according to the country not yet experienced. concessions removed any trace of by Mandela last week, the im Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu right wing,' he said, vividly de The council's declaration pro a legitimate gripe against the new pression was created that the king and Buthelezi's nephew. -
We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse. -
Steve Biko in 2007: a Return to Non-Racialism?
STEVE BIKO IN 2007: A RETURN TO NON-RACIALISM? Danny Titus1 Afrikaanse Taal- en Kultuurvereniging, Johannesburg, South Africa 1 INTRODUCTION In his evidence in court Steve Biko stated the following about SASO (South African Students’ Organisation): SASO is a Black Student Organization working for the liberation of the Black man, first from psychological oppression by themselves through inferiority complex and secondly from the physical one accruing out of living in a White racist society (Arnold 1976:18-19). “Black Consciousness,” he continued, “refers itself to the Black man and to his situation, and I think the Black man is subjected to two forces in this country” (Arnold 1976:19). One, he is oppressed by an external world through institutionalised machi- nery, laws, working conditions, poor pay, hard living conditions and poor education. Secondly and most importantly, black people themselves have become alienated to some extent: they reject themselves because they regard all that is white as good. In 2004 Paul Prinsloo, a Unisa colleague, became part of an artists’ project on Biko in Pretoria and found that Biko’s face was that of a man he never knew. In the eyes of the church, says Prinsloo (Rapport 2004), he was an anti-Christ, in the eyes of the state he was a communist. “I got to know him, and Biko brought me to the point where I can say: ‘I cannot look the other way anymore’” (Rapport 2004). This volume of conference papers presents a wide range of approaches to Biko. My focus is on Biko’s role in 2007: can he make a contribution to non-racialism? Biko once said that the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed. -
CRI11CAL ARTS a Journal Ipr Media Studies CRITICAL ARTS
CRI11CAL ARTS A Journal ipr Media Studies CRITICAL ARTS Editor Keyan G Tomaselli Consulting Editors Organizers Susan Gardner Durban: Mike Vaughan Joe Muller Oxford: Shaun Johnson Ian Steadman Sao Paulo: Ismail Xavier Ruth Tomaselli USA East Coast: Peter Davis Harriet Gavshon USA West Coast: David Mesenbring Editorial Board Business Manager Eve Bertelsen Neale Ferguson Tim Couzens Graham Hayman David Maughan Brown Robert Stam Published by: Distributed by: Critical Arts Study Group Critical Arts Study Group Printed by Central Printing Unit Rhodes University University of the Witwatersrand P O Box 94 I Jan Smuts Avenue Grahamstown 6140 2(H)1 Johannesburg, South Africa South Africa Copyright is vested with Editors ami individual authors. Contents Vol Z No 3 198 2 Notes on Contributors ii Editorial iii Preface: The National Press Union and the Steyn Commission: Getting the Press to do its Own Dirty Work -- Irvin Manoim iv MAJOR ARTICLES 'How to Set Your House in Order1: Read All About it in Steyn Commission II -- Keyan Tomaselli & Ruth Tomaselli 1 Soviets and Surrogates: Black Nationalism and the Steyn Commission -- Tom Lodge 23 BIBLIOGRAPHY The Steyn Commissions: An Annotated Bibliography Abner Jack 29 CONFERENCE REPORT Class, Race or Culture: Kho is the Enemy? The Botswana "Culture and Resistance" Conference -- Graham Hayman 33 INTERCHANGE Breaker Uorant: A Response -- Peter Strauss 49 Breaker Morant: Missing the Point? -- MM Carlin 51 Breaker Moranv and Questions of Interpretation and Critical Strategy: A Reply to MM Carlin and Peter Strauss -
Black Power, Black Consciousness, and South Africa's Armed Struggle
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) Graduate Dissertations and Theses Dissertations, Theses and Capstones 6-2018 UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson Asheeke Binghamton University--SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Asheeke, Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson, "UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985" (2018). Graduate Dissertations and Theses. 78. https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses/78 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations, Theses and Capstones at The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 BY TOIVO TUKONGENI PAUL WILSON ASHEEKE BA, Earlham College, 2010 MA, Binghamton University, 2014 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New -
Committed to Unity
Committed to Unity: South Africa’s Adherence to Its 1994 Political Settlement Paul Graham IPS Paper 6 Abstract This paper reviews the commitment of the remaining power contenders and other political actors to the settlement which was reached between 1993 and 1996. Based on interviews with three key actors now in opposing political parties represented in the National Assembly, the paper makes the case for a continued commitment to, and consensus on, the ideals and principles of the 1996 Constitution. It provides evidence of schisms in the dominant power contender (the African National Congress) which have not led to a return in political violence post-settlement. The paper makes the point that, while some of this was the result of President Nelson Mandela’s presence, more must be ascribed to the constitutional arrangements and commitments of the primary political actors and the citizens of South Africa. © Berghof Foundation Operations GmbH – CINEP/PPP 2014. All rights reserved. About the Publication This paper is one of four case study reports on South Africa produced in the course of the collaborative research project ‘Avoiding Conflict Relapse through Inclusive Political Settlements and State-building after Intra-State War’, running from February 2013 to February 2015. This project aims to examine the conditions for inclusive political settlements following protracted armed conflicts, with a specific focus on former armed power contenders turned state actors. It also aims to inform national and international practitioners and policy-makers on effective practices for enhancing participation, representation, and responsiveness in post-war state-building and governance. It is carried out in cooperation with the partner institutions CINEP/PPP (Colombia, Project Coordinators), Berghof Foundation (Germany, Project Research Coordinators), FLACSO (El Salvador), In Transformation Initiative (South Africa), Sudd Institute (South Sudan), Aceh Policy Institute (Aceh/Indonesia), and Friends for Peace (Nepal).