FABIAN REVIEW The quarterly magazine of the Fabian Society Spring 2015 / fabians.org.uk / £4.95

TIME to CHANGE

Politics is reinventing itself. The Fabian Review election special investigates how Labour can respond. With Georgia Gould, Peter Hain, Seema Malhotra, Marcus Roberts and more p8 Stephen Bush interviews Labour’s deputy leader Harriet Harman p22 10 things the Fabians have learnt this parliament p27 HAVE TEA WITH SHAW, WEBB AND WELLS…

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FOR MORE INFORMATION visit www.fabians.org.uk/members/join/ or call 020 7227 4904 Contents

FABIAN REVIEW Volume 126—No.­ 1

Leader Andrew Harrop 2 Xxxxx

Shortcuts Clare McNeil 3 Unpicking the web Barry Sheerman 3 Crowd in Isabel Hardman 4 Seeing stars Paul Goodman 5 Mission unlikely Tim Montgomerie 6 Right direction Dominic Rustecki, Richard Carr 7 Closing the deal

Cover story Duncan O’Leary 8 Blue wave Kirsty McNeill 10 There’s trouble abroad Rob Halfon 12 White van plan Laura Sandys 13 Re-making modernisation

Interview Mary Riddell 14 Lord of all he surveys

Policy Pitch Natan Doron 17 Follow the money

Essay Anna Randle 18 Citizen central

Feature Rosie Clayton 22 Nothing ventured, nothing gained

Books Rob Tinker 24 Crisis? What crisis?

26 Fabian Society section

fabian review fabian society Events and Partnerships Membership Fabian Review is the quarterly journal of the 61 Petty France Assistant, Ben Sayah Membership Officer, Fabian Society. Like all publications of the Fabian London SW1H 9EU Giles Wright Society, it represents not the collective view of 020 7227 4900 (main) Editorial Local Societies Officer, the Society, but only the views of the individual 020 7976 7153 (fax) Head of Editorial, Ed Wallis Deborah Stoate writers. The responsibility of the Society is [email protected] Editorial Assistant, limited to approving its publications as worthy of www.fabians.org.uk Anya Pearson Finance and Operations consideration within the Labour movement. Media and Communications Head of Finance and General Secretary, Manager, Richard Speight Operations, Phil Mutero Editor, Ed Wallis Andrew Harrop Editorial Assistant, Anya Pearson Deputy General Secretary, Research Fabian Women’s Network Printed by DG3, London E14 9TE Marcus Roberts Senior Researcher, Natan Doron Ivana Bartoletti, Designed by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Researcher, Rob Tinker [email protected] Events and Partnerships ISSN 1356 1812 Head of Events and [email protected] Partnerships, Kate Godfrey

1 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 Leader © Kenn Goodall / bykenn.com © Kenn Goodall / bykenn.com The inequality election Labour has the ambition and policies to tackle inequality. In the election campaign, it must find its voice—Andrew Harrop

olitics is fragmenting and it seems another need to set an achievable target date now that Gordon inconclusive election is before us. The established Brown’s original deadline can no longer be met. PWestminster parties have failed to find an answer to Nor is Labour simply willing the ends. The party has a public disenchantment, as people say ‘you’re all the same’. radical package of egalitarian policies. Market inequalities But this year the choice between a Labour or Conservative will be addressed by workers on boards and employee government could not be more stark. ownership, a revolution in non-graduate skills, a big push The dividing lines boil down to one word: inequal- for the living wage and a much higher minimum wage. ity. Under Conservative plans Britain will become far less Labour has also changed its mind on the role of tax equal. Under Labour, there is the chance of a different in tackling inequality. The mansion tax, the 50p top rate path. Fabian research published in February provides the and reform of pension tax relief are all ways to diminish backdrop, showing that if politicians do nothing inequality soaring inequality. These are policies which will redistrib- and poverty will soar. ute money from those with the broadest shoulders, but But the Conservatives don’t even plan inaction, they economists reckon they will also change incentives and so seek to actively widen the gap. Already, five years’ of reduce inequality in the market. austerity have hit the living standards of the poorer half of The missing piece of the jigsaw is an affordable strategy society, while leaving most in the top half untouched. for benefits and tax credits. This is not just for a few at the Now the Conservatives proudly promise more of the bottom: middle income families will only see their living same. They will strip £12bn from the incomes of the bot- standards rise to reflect economic growth if social security tom 50 per cent, through benefit cuts, while simultaneous- becomes more generous. ly giving away £7bn to the top half in income tax cuts. This Ruling out savage new cuts is an important start. But is not a dirty secret, hidden away in the Tory small print. It the new Fabian research shows it is possible to raise ben- is front and centre of their election campaign. efits, especially for children, without borrowing more; by By contrast, Labour presents its most egalitarian plat- recycling the tax revenues generated from improvements form for a generation. Ed Miliband has pitched himself to the labour market back to households. on the side of ‘the many’, standing up to vested interests Labour’s challenge now is to set out its stall and show and powerful elites. He has set out radical ambitions to more clearly what is at stake. It must convince voters that reduce levels of low pay and said that his economic goal is it is not just a party of good intentions, but answers that to raise typical family incomes not GDP, adopting a 2014 really work. Fabian proposal. Inequality is the defining issue of our times. And only And the party has not abandoned its commitment to Labour can ever put it at the heart of our politics. The party eradicating child poverty, although after the election it will has the ambition, it has the policies. It must find its voice.F

2 / Fabian Review Shortcuts

understand for the friends of friends of the specific messages to specific groups based on activist, as well as the activist herself. demographics – or even their interests.” Labour should also map out the Labour should bear in mind, however, digital experience of the party for new that our understanding of what works is still members, supporters, old timers, and those in its infancy. In the commercial world, many considering returning to the party. We’ve all brands still struggle to work out the genuine heard the complaints about the frequency return on investment they are likely to get DIGITAL ALCHEMY of emails asking for donations. As our from promotion on social media. The same is The digital revolution will work understanding of digital behaviour develops, true of politics. Post-election, the media will in Labour’s favour—Fran O’Leary the party should take a more sophisticated closely scrutinise whether the Conservative’s approach that enables and encourages rumoured mega-spending on Facebook people to progress from being supporters, advertising was worth it – big spending to activists, and beyond. doesn’t always directly lead to big successes. With people now spending well over As Labour gets prepared for the battles two hours online each day, digital com- Reaching out to the disengaged that follow the 2015 general election, its munications are frontier territory in general team should take time to review the digital elections. As new technology develops, new shouldn’t be seen purely as an highs and lows from this campaign. It’s digital platforms emerge and our online election campaign tactic only by facing up to the failures, as well as behaviour changes, everyone is experiment- the successes, that the party will perfect its ing as they mix science with creativity. It’s The potential of digital campaigning recipe for digital alchemy. F a very modern kind of alchemy; no one has really hit home for me in the run up to the the definitive formula to convert online Scottish Referendum, when I met young Fran O’Leary is director of strategy and innovation content into votes, but everyone is searching CWU members who had become politicised at Lodestone, a Co-Founder of the RegistHERtoVote for gold. through social media. For many, the distinc- Campaign, a member of Centre for the Analysis of Getting digital right could have a huge tion between online life, and offline life, is Social Media’s network of experts and is writing in impact on the long-term future of the now irrelevant – it’s all real life. As Mike a personal capacity. Labour party. People now get much of their Joslin of Organise Consulting puts it: “The political information from online platforms, 2010 general election was the first social as well as traditional media. Labour has media election but 2015 will be the first the most to gain from this disruption to the digital relationship election.” To persuade traditional gatekeepers of truth, so to make and win the support of young voters, Labour the most of this, the party should review will need to invest more thinking and the success of its digital experiments after resources into building these digital relation- the election, concentrating on the following ships as part of its long term strategy. areas: motivating supporters, persuading Digital can also be used to reach those people, winning support and engaging who are disengaged from politics. Around the disengaged. 39 per cent of people didn’t cast their vote in Some politicians are effective in the 2010 general election and the Lodestone KEYS TO THE KINGDOM motivating support using Twitter and Political Survey found that many of these We need to foster a stronger Facebook, but other candidates still appear people said that they would vote Labour if relationship between Westminster robotic. Citing a recent study from the they voted in future. A number of important and people’s lives—Seema Malhotra Pew Research Centre in the US, Jonathan initiatives, such as the RegistHERtoVote Birdwell at the think tank Demos argues: “If campaign and Bite the Ballot, are using MPs made more effective use of a Facebook digital platforms to try to encourage more profile – to show constituents who they people to register to vote. If there’s one thing that is certain after the really are, their true views, their sense of Yet reaching out to the disengaged general election, it’s that politics is unlikely humour, and the good work they do in the shouldn’t be seen purely as an election to be the same again. The rise of multi-party constituency and in the Commons – it could campaign tactic. With levels of traditional politics in the UK is shifting the electoral dy- potentially help to increase trust the public’s political engagement in decline, this should namics in our communities as party loyalties trust in its politicians”. be a strategic priority to secure the long-term continue to loosen. Meanwhile, satisfaction Activists, too, can use the simplest tactics future of the Labour party. The potential rates with politics drop ever lower. such as ‘doorstep selfies’ to motivate support- for social media micro-targeting should The ongoing crisis of legitimacy in our ers to campaign again. In future elections, be further harnessed by Labour to engage politics and the distance that people feel Labour should continue to ensure this kind with people in future elections; according to from the political process are real matters of campaigning doesn’t become too cliquey. Jonathan Birdwell, “social media advertising for concern. Although there are long waiting Hashtags and slogans should be as easy to tools can be incredibly useful for tailoring lists for tickets to see Prime Minister’s >>

3 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 Shortcuts

lack of connection can be compounded over very basic matters. The biggest issue at one residents’ meeting I went to was the fact that no one was allowed a key to the noticeboard in the park in their community. In an area with low social networks and with high levels of deprivation, this seemingly small problem left people feeling left alone and resentful of a public service that seemed to serve everyone but them. So in starting to develop a deeper relational politics, we should start by focusing not just on reversing the lagging indicators of turnout, confidence and identity with political parties, but identifying new measures of a more thoughtful relationship between citizen and state. These goals will help us achieve a more connected politics focused on a stronger sense of national and common purpose. F

Seema Malhotra is Labour (Co-op) member of parliament for Feltham and Heston and is chair of the Fabian Society © www.flickr.com/photos/stefan-szczelkun/7275304106

>> Questions every week and school and so people see how politics improves their community visits to the House of Commons lives, rather than makes it more difficult. remain popular – both testament to parlia- Building a politics that recognises the ment’s enduring draw – the feedback I get importance of relationships, both within from such visits is that so much more goes communities and between communities on in the House of Commons than people and political decision making, does require are aware of. This suggests there is a deeper reform of processes and policy. I was struck issue: that our democratic crisis is as much recently by the importance of relationships GROWING TOGETHER a failing of political education as of how of all types while talking with the Family Engaging employees is fundamental people build a relationship with politics. Group initiative in my constituency. Working to unlocking the productivity However, every challenge brings an op- with the most challenging children in a portunity. In a time of reduced party loyalties small number of schools, Family Group challenge—Nita Clarke it is time to think anew about the intercon- recognises that in tackling poverty or nections between parties, representatives social exclusion, you can’t just focus on the and voters. The most fundamental shift we child in isolation. If the family system is would benefit from making is to start think- broken, perhaps because the parent had a New technology is disrupting established ing about politics as a relationship, rather dysfunctional relationship with their own industries at a breakneck pace. Just think of than about a set of transactions. Parties family, you will need to work with the family the effect of internet banking on employ- have understandably focused on winning as a whole in order to help the child. ment in the financial sector; the likely effect votes; we seek to identify whether people The intervention focuses on systems – the of driverless cars on the automotive sector; are ‘weak’ or ‘strong’ Tory or Labour. Whilst family system, school system and work of social media on taxi services; of drones for this is necessary for election operations, it is place system – as well as the relationships logistics; and biotechnology for healthcare. not sufficient to sustain our democracy as a between them. Exclusion in one system can At the same time, customers – whether of whole. We need to foster a stronger relation- result in exclusion in another, so Family public services or private utilities – have ship between Westminster and people’s lives. Group works to improve the relationship become more demanding. A deeper sense of nationhood has got to between the parent and child, the child and Constantly innovating to anticipate be part of this, reconnecting our democracy the school, and the parent and the work- demand, and improving productivity and with what it is to be British, embarking place. It can reap quite incredible results. performance, is the key to success for on a new journey towards common goals In applying this principle to politics, and organisations across today’s economy. But and a shared purpose. In the run up to the in recognising that turnout tends to stay under pressure from the quarterly results election, a positive narrative about a shared high in higher social classes and networks, treadmill, too often leaders take the short- future is going to be essential. The message it becomes apparent that politics, too, is in term view. They slash costs, usually in the must be that politics can work in partnership many ways a broken system. People have form of making people redundant (‘reducing with people, rather than simply doing lost the anchor that moored them to local headcount’ in Orwell-speak), rather than things to them. It’s about joining up political and national politics and see little role for thinking more strategically about partnering language, public services and people’s reality themselves within that framework. That with employees to improve efficiency,

4 / Fabian Review Shortcuts deliver better to customers and develop investment and consequent job creation, is new products. based on a series of agreements between Too many organisations are trying to run unions, the workforce and management to 21st century organisations in last century’s secure continuous improvement techniques style. Yet it has become crystal clear that the that have led to Toyota, Nissan and Jaguar old view of how people behave at work, Land Rover products at the top of the based on deference and trust, no longer consumer wish list. The UK now has the A MORE DIVERSE JUDICIARY holds water. Neuroscience tells us why most productive car plants in the world. old-style command and control manage- BAE Systems reduced the unit cost of the Being a judge still feels like ment approaches backfire, because people F35 fighter jet through a ground-breaking belonging to a club to which women will only embrace, rather than resist, change agreement with its union on workforce and ethnic minority lawyers aren’t in a safe environment. skills enhancement. Similar examples of invited—Geoffrey Bindman More positively, many people are no improved productivity through partnership longer willing to hang their brains on the working can be found in the sectors where door when they come into work. We seek USDAW, Community and Prospect, among meaning and fulfilment, and if an organisa- others, organise. tion does not provide these, many will find The balance between men and women another that does. How telling that in the The left has a major opportunity among our senior judges compares poorly recent Sunday Times survey of the top 100 with other countries. In 2012 Britain ranked graduate employers, no fewer than four to build a common platform with fourth worst in Europe. More shamefully of the top ten were public sector, with the progressive employers who have still, there is not one Black Asian or Minority Teach First programme in second place. Also signed up to the importance of this Ethnic (BAME) judge in either the Court in the top ten were the NHS, the civil service new way of working of Appeal or the Supreme Court. In the and the BBC; service sector organisations Supreme Court, 11 out of 12 judges are (including PWC on the top spot) took up white men. Only eight out of 38 judges in another three places and although Aldi For engagement to be more than just a the Court of Appeal are women. and Google made the list, they were joined tick-box survey it has to include a strong Lady Hale, the only female Supreme by Britain’s leading retail mutual, the John strategic narrative that gives meaning to Court judge, has said that we are “out of step Lewis Partnership at number ten. Hardly a people’s work. It needs managers who with the rest of the world”. The facts bear this ringing endorsement of our private sector know how to treat people as individuals, out. In the US and the Canadian Supreme from our future leaders. No wonder the with jobs designed so that people can bring Courts, a third of the judges are women. In CBI has embarked on a groundbreaking their whole selves to their work, and which Australia there are three women out of seven campaign to restore trust in British business. enable individual growth. It requires organi- and in New Zealand two out of five. And overlaid on all this complexity is the sational integrity, where the values on the The President of the Supreme Court, Lord challenge of transparency. Glassdoor – a wall are reflected in day to day behaviours, Neuberger, said recently that the judiciary website where people rate their employers and inappropriate behaviours are called out. is “male, white, educated at public school, – receive over a million hits a month in the Above all, employees must be respected, and from the upper middle and middle UK alone, and social media provides open informed and listened to, able and willing classes.” Can we seriously claim to have the forums for real-time feedback, exposing the to speak openly about all aspects of the best possible judiciary when it is drawn from reality that can lie behind corporate spin. organisation. And we know that individual such a narrow sub-section of society? Clearly, reputational risk is the greatest employee wellbeing is also essential. Judicial diversity is a pressing concern for danger facing even the mightiest organisa- But too many organisations exhibit few three main reasons. First, a judiciary that is tions today, as the recent experience of or none of these characteristics. The left has composed almost exclusively of a small class Tesco demonstrates. a major opportunity to build a common cannot command broad community respect. Of course it remains a key responsibility platform with progressive employers who It lacks democratic legitimacy. Secondly, the for the left to ensure that the proceeds of have signed up to the importance of this impediments faced by apparently qualified success are shared fairly – or at least that new way of working – for example those women and minorities are unfair to those any pain is fairly shared – as well as pointing who are sponsoring the Engage for Success seeking a valued career. Thirdly, a diverse out the egregious effects of bonus culture movement (www.engageforsuccess.org). judiciary dispenses better justice. To quote at a time when many people at work are This is more fertile territory than a default Lady Hale again: “I have come to agree struggling financially. So is highlighting the condemnation of business, but to do that with those great women judges who think damaging consequences for some workers successfully and to have a voice that is that sometimes on occasion we may make of zero hours contracts, contracting out respected at the highest levels, we have to a difference. That is the result of the lived and casualisation. acknowledge the unprecedented demands experience of being a judge for 20 years and But in my view, supporting a positive, that living in a volatile, complex and a Law Lord or Supreme Court Justice for 10.” pro-active agenda, which can transform ambiguous world are placing on leaders and Until the Constitutional Reform Act in workplaces through engagement, is vital for on organisations. F 2005, the appointment of judges was in the organisations and individuals alike – not to sole discretion of the Lord Chancellor, whose mention UK plc. Nita Clarke is director of the Involvement and decisions were based on secret soundings, We have seen how this can work in Participation Association and was previously followed by the ‘tap on the shoulder’ of the practice. The history of the revival of the Tony Blair’s assistant political secretary with chosen ones. The Act created the Judicial UK car industry, and the massive inflows of responsibility for trade union liaison Appointments Commission (JAC) to bring >>

5 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 Shortcuts

>> greater transparency to the system through because although politics is about many an open and independent selection process. things, if we as individuals are not out ‘on The JAC is responsible for recommending the doorstep’ on a weekly basis connecting candidates for appointment but the Supreme with people where they are at, hearing their Court is excluded from its remit. concerns about their kids’ lives, the NHS The statute provides that “selection or even the last Labour government, then I must be solely on merit” and that the JAC don’t think we deserve to be in politics. “must have regard to the need to encourage For this reason, politics to me is about diversity in the range of persons available having the right ideas to change this country for selection.” Merit is not defined. Lord for the better – but it’s also about listening Falconer, tongue in cheek but accurately, to people and winning over their hearts and told the House of Lords Constitution com- minds. Our movement’s two greatest assets mittee: “Merit is regarded as coterminous have always been our people and our ideas. with having been a junior and a QC at the I’m 100 per cent sure we have the right Bar for 30 years”. ideas, but we need to talk about using our people – as our most valuable campaigning There should be greater recruitment The greatest barrier may be the survival resource – more intelligently. of Lord Neuberger’s traditional stereotype. It Last week, I popped round to see a of academics and the restrictions on has created the sense among many women pensioner who had left a message for me the appointment of Chartered Legal and ethnic minority lawyers that becoming to go and see him. A D-Day veteran well Executives should be relaxed a judge is joining a club to which one does into his 80s, over a cup of tea the gentleman not naturally belong and where one is not told me he wanted to join the Labour party. welcome. A cultural change is needed but I asked him what was behind his decision, The JAC has formulated six “qualities it has to be kick-started. A quota system and he said: “I can’t stand what they’re doing and abilities” which are used to assess merit, could do this: modelled on the experience in to our country”. but they do not include the contribution a other jurisdictions, it would help us achieve That moment will live with me long after candidate may make to diversity. This needs minimum representation of women and this election has been consigned to re-runs to change: contribution to diversity should ethnic minorities as soon as possible. F on BBC Parliament. A few days later I met itself be taken into account in assessing merit. our next newest member, a 14 year old The JAC has tried hard to open up access Geoffrey Bindman QC and Karon Monaghan QC’s teenager, who came out canvassing with to the judiciary to a wider range of appli- report Judicial Diversity: Accelerating Change was us that weekend. The labour movement is cants, but it is hampered by excessive caution commissioned by Sadiq Khan, the shadow justice made up of people of will and conviction, as well as by some factors beyond its control. secretary, can be accessed through the Labour party often from different backgrounds or Among the latter are conditions of judicial perspectives, pulling together for change. employment which can deter potential I am excited about policies like taxing candidates from applying, especially those bankers’ bonuses to create a jobs guarantee with family responsibilities. The circuit for young people. I know from working with system, which dates back to the Middle this age group that this would transform Ages, is one major obstacle. It requires long the lives of thousands across the country. absences from home to try cases in different But to make those ideas a reality, we need parts of the country. This should be replaced activists from across the country helping out by regional appointments. Restrictions on in the marginal seats that will decide who part-time work and short-time appointments is standing at the lectern outside Downing are also a barrier, as are restrictions on judges Street on May 8th. returning to private practice after leaving a FINDING THE FRONTLINE The question we need to be asking judicial post. Most of these restrictions are Now is the time to focus all our ourselves with a few weeks to go is: am I unnecessary or at best too wide. energies on battleground seats focusing all of my energy on the frontline, in Another major impediment to the widen- the battleground seats that will decide the ing of the pool of candidates is the view that —Suzy Stride next general election? a new judge must ‘hit the ground running’ We know that a large number of our by already having substantial judicial activists live and work in London and are experience. This approach obviously favours doing an amazing job of supporting seats Lord Falconer’s long-serving barristers – a I grew up in the East End of London. My there. But for these final few weeks we can largely white male category. What’s needed mum worked nights at a supermarket and only win if our London activists also support is an improvement in judicial training and my dad worked for the local authority. For seats outside the capital. I understand that a greater willingness of solicitors’ firms to the last 10 years I’ve worked with unem- people are passionate about campaigning release their aspirant judges for that purpose ployed young people, helping them develop to make a difference where they live, but for and for part-time appointments to fit them the skills they need to find work. these final weeks we know it has to be about for permanent posts. There should be greater Because of these things, I’m interested the seats in which we can do the most to recruitment of academics and the restric- in a politics that speaks to real people about push back UKIP and the Tories. tions on the appointment of Chartered Legal real improvement and transformation in their I believe to win partly rests upon whether

Photo: © www.flickr.com/photos/faundez/3921112328 Executives should be relaxed. lives. That’s why I love speaking to voters: we apply the value of sharing resources to

6 / Fabian Review Shortcuts the way we campaign. In the same way that concept evolved into what we recognise Iceland and Estonia all recently organised we believe in taxing bankers’ bonuses to as democracy today: elected representative citizen-led constitutional conventions. share money where it is most needed, we democracy. It is summed up in the 1948 Ontario and British Columbia held citizens’ should share more of our people and fund- Universal Declaration of Human Rights: assemblies on electoral reform; in Vancouver, ing resources to areas where they are most “The will of the people shall be the basis a randomly selected citizens’ panel is making needed, not just within regions but across of the authority of government; this will decisions on town planning. regions. Seats that have fewer members; shall be expressed in periodic and genuine The recently retired Chief Justice of New seats that desperately need help; and seats elections.” But why do we assume that the South Wales James Spigelman summed up that will decide whether we can bring the process of democracy is as important as the why these innovations matter: “The jury change we need to bring in May. desired end: people’s equally shared control is a profoundly democratic and egalitar- A possible solution could be that activists over their government? ian institution. Selection by lot has two and Labour MPs in every seat in London As participation in British elections distinct advantages. First, it operates on which is not a battleground seat commits to falls to a historical low, the legitimacy the principle that all persons to be selected campaigning in a battleground seat outside of our politicians and political parties to are fundamentally equal and that, in the of London. Similarly, every non-battle- rule over us is badly compromised. With relevant circumstances, it is invidious to ground London seat could run a phone the UK electoral battleground fracturing, say that one person is more qualified than bank for another constituency that needs it is possible for the next government to another. Secondly, selection by lot prevents help, bearing in mind that battleground be formed with only around one third corruption of the system.” seats in London probably get 10 times the of support from those who voted. If we We’re obviously not facing a shortage activists than seats outside the capital. go by the 2010 voter turnout figure, that of new ideas in how to improve our The next few weeks can’t be about means only one third of the 65 per cent democracy. The challenge is how to regain anything else other than bringing change for who turn out support the governing party. the original genius of equal representation people, and fighting for those who need us It’s no wonder that only 14 per cent of on a systemic level rather than a one-off to fight for them. We believe in something British people feel like their voice counts in basis. After the Scottish referendum, bigger, that things can be better, and we decisions being made by the people they’ve there have been suggestions to organise are willing to fight for it – that’s why we go elected to represent them, according to the a citizens’ constitutional convention in out in the early mornings or make phone latest Hansard Society Audit of Political the UK. According to a new study at the calls or deliver leaflets. However, in order to Engagement. So far, UKIP have been the University of Edinburgh, only 9 per cent of bring in all the changes that are needed for first to seize on this mood of political people across the UK disagree with the idea housing, jobs and the NHS, we must be in disaffection, offering a ‘voice’ to those who of a constitutional convention, defined as government. So we have to ask ourselves: feel like the mainstream political class “a series of meetings and events in which am I doing the most effective thing and has been ignoring their concerns. UKIP’s ordinary citizens and experts from across targeting my time to make that a reality? rhetoric is hyperbolic and its solutions are the UK could develop proposals for how We can win, we should win, we need to simplistic, but the centre-left is ignoring the UK should be governed.” win – but please, make sure you’re fighting the underlying distrust that’s driving Aristotle articulated the idea that on the front line. F populism at its peril. to govern well, a society requires the So we should first ask ourselves contribution from different kinds of Suzy Stride is Labour’s parliamentary candidate what the role of democracy is, and then government – by the best, by the few, and for Harlow seriously consider other institutions and by the many. Over time, we lost this last methods of democratic representation pillar on which our mixed polity rests. that might better serve that function. The Labour would benefit from accepting way forward could be a true rebalancing that political reform has significant of power away from Westminster, devolved appeal to an electorate disillusioned parliaments, assemblies, and local with traditional politics. As the figures councils to communities and individuals. supporting a constitutional convention We could look towards new democratic indicate, demand for change and for innovations, defined by Graham Smith as greater citizen involvement is clearly there. “institutions that have been specifically The next step could be to institutionalise designed to increase and deepen citizen citizen participation in political decision- participation in the political decision- making – through regular citizen juries THE DEMOCRACY LAB making process”. These innovations vary or the other innovations mentioned, such Experimenting with new forms of from citizen assemblies or ‘mini-publics’ as randomly selecting local councillors. democracy could change politics as to participatory budgeting, randomly These innovations aren’t a threat to selected councillors, a Citizens’ Senate, elective representation; they are enriching we know it—Claudia Chwalisz citizens’ juries, and deliberative polling additions that will renew democracy for amongst others. the 21st century. F Experimenting with democracy has been successful in other countries. In Australia Claudia Chwalisz is a researcher at Policy Historically, demokratia meant a participatory and the Netherlands, the government is Network and a Professor ADH Crook Public government where the demos (people) pioneering the use of randomly selected Service Fellow at the Sir Bernard Crick Centre had equal kratos (power). Only since citizens’ juries to actively involve people in for the Public Understanding of Politics at the the late 1800s has this 2,000 year-old helping change their communities. Ireland, University of Sheffield.

7 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 Win, lose or draw… …Labour needs keep changing, writes Marcus Roberts

Marcus Roberts is deputy general secretary of the Fabian Society

8 / Fabian Review Cover story

olitics has changed dramatically over the last five mentoring, Graf promoted community campaigns based years. The coalition, collapse of the LibDems, rise of on issues like the living wage, night safety and pay day PUKIP, the Greens and the SNP; all of this, plus voter loans. The idea was to both rebuild trust between Labour anger towards the traditional parties has created a chal- and voters by showing that Labour could be judged by lenging environment for exploring new ideas of political, its actions, not just its words, and by so doing could grow economic and societal renewal. the capacity of local parties as supporters progressed from The current moment has many causes. Some of them single issue campaign alliances with Labour to full blown are long-term and structural, like the dealignment that has election activism. Sadly, Graf left the UK after press pres- left our main political parties with a diminishing share of sure over questions of his work status. Miliband, despite the vote. Some of them are current and cultural: the pe- having praised Graf’s work as essential to Labour’s future culiar consequences of the coalition, revulsion caused by and even appearing in an election video with him, did not the MPs expenses scandal, the narrowing social make-up ensure his return. of the professional political class. But the upshot is clear. Emerging from this mixed picture are clear indications Politics feels out of tune with people’s lives and increasingly for Labour’s future. The party must grow its numbers, people are either turning away or seeking new alternatives promote trust and respect towards its rank and file, and to the main political parties. care just as much about delivering change through local Win, lose or draw on 7 May, how Labour responds to campaigns. With the SNP enjoying a membership of over this will define its success or failure in the next parliament. 100,000 (compared to just 10,000 for Scottish Labour) it is Labour’s last five years have been packed full of the clear that mass movement politics practised by a political promise of big ideas battling to survive against political party is still possible. Labour’s challenge over the next compromise. From Blue Labour to community organising, five years is to tap the energies of movement politics to from ‘responsible capitalism’ and ‘predistribution’ to the inspire volunteers in their hundreds of thousands to join ‘cost of living crisis’ and the energy price freeze: the story of Labour’s cause. To do so the party must change culturally, Ed Miliband’s five years as leader of the opposition is the respecting, empowering and including its members in far story of struggle between ideas that could change British more of its decisions and showing the confidence to ‘let go’ politics fundamentally, and British politics’ fundamental and embrace a diversity of organising techniques across a ability to resist such change. broad range of varying local issue and electoral campaigns. But on the eve of either a return to government or This means a Labour party that practises devolution in its continued opposition it is worth reflecting on the sources organisational approach as well as its policy offer to prove of hopes and strength that might sustain the party over the it trusts its activists with greater influence over all functions next parliament. For these are the forces that can continue of the party – from candidate selections to policy making. to reshape our party and our politics. Inequality Party reform: Movement versus At the heart of Miliband’s politics is a driving hatred of machine politics inequality. To his great credit Miliband put the inequality The idea that Labour should be a party far broader and question at the forefront of policy thinking, media interven- deeper than just its 200,000 members was key to the early tions and campaigning efforts. Tapping into the wider anger days of Miliband’s leadership. Through the Refounding around growing inequality on the left, Miliband committed Labour effort, the party’s constitution was changed to himself to the 50p top rate of tax as a matter of “morality” embrace community activism as a core part of Labour’s during his leadership election, expressed solidarity with mission. This process yielded some sensible reforms, but the Occupy protestors of 2011 and forced even Cameron none of them fundamentally changed Labour’s way of do- and Osborne into defending their government in terms of ing business or reset the conversation with the country. Tim the inequality debate. The combination of Miliband’s own Bale’s new book Five Year Mission captures the bathos: “The formidable intellect and his cadre of clever advisers, like announcement that, at some point in the future, registered Marc Stears and Greg Beales, helped move the party on supporters might play a minor role in electing the Labour from its New Labour reputation of redistribution by stealth leader … did not really cut it”. paired with public praise of wealth. Miliband rightly received praise for going beyond even More than any other single subject, inequality – not just Blair in the wake of the Falkirk selections crisis of 2013 in of income but of power as well – has the potential to fire requiring trade union affiliates to opt-in to Labour mem- up Labour hearts and inspire a mission of profound social bership rather than opt-out. The move, which came at a change that reaches far beyond the benefits of just win- cost of both political capital and cold, hard union cash, was ning elections. Crucial to this has been the understanding a crucial step on the journey to convert trade unionists from that tackling economic inequality is insufficient for a truly paper memberships into election-fighting activists. radical Labour party. The legacy of Jon Cruddas’s manifesto But perhaps the greatest hope of Labour’s spell in oppo- work will provide rich pickings for a Labour party eager to sition has been the Arnie Graf project. Graf, an early men- go further on the devolution of power and budgets. This tor to Barack Obama, was commissioned by Ed Miliband in would mean far greater localism and ‘people-powered 2011 to conduct a root and branch review of local parties. public services’ with stronger parent and patient involve- He subsequently set about working with MPs, candidates, ment in schools and the NHS. Labour in the next five years organisers and activists to develop greater connections would be wise to develop this work by adopting an agenda between Labour at the local level and the communities for fighting inequality as it seeks to establish its defining the party wished to represent. Focusing on training and mission in British politics.

9 / Volume 125—No.­ 4 Predistribution Movement politics, fighting inequality, predistribution and Perhaps no other word so neatly sums up the potential responsible capitalism: taken together these are the power- and the pain of Miliband’s time in opposition as ‘predis- ful forces that will shape Labour over the decade to come. tribution’. Beloved of leftist policy wonks like Jacob Hacker Putting them together in a coherent narrative that ad- and Jon Cruddas, this is the idea that inequality can be dresses the crisis of politics and the legacy of the crash has tackled not just after the fact via taxation and redistribu- been a challenge for Labour throughout this parliament. tion but beforehand, through improved wages and life For a while, it seemed that ‘one nation’ Labour might al- chances. Predistribution challenged Labour’s decades’-old low the party to unite these ideas in broad movement of Croslandite consensus that the best the party could hope national renewal against inequality that would reshape for was to grow the economy, tax the proceeds of wealth the economy and the state alike. But the one nation idea and use the welfare state to address the worst excesses was quietly dropped in favour of a more traditional pro- of societal and economic failures. NHS, anti-Tory general election After all, New Labour enjoyed over Labour in opposition has campaign. a decade of huge parliamentary Labour in opposition has majorities and lavish public spend- chosen to focus far more on chosen to focus far more on ing before the financial crisis of the crisis of capitalism than the crisis of capitalism than 2008 and yet was unable to meet its the collapse in political trust the collapse in political trust ambition of halving child poverty, which helps explain why its because redistribution of wealth which helps explain why its organisational development as and statist approaches to societal organisational development as a party has been so limited. As change were proved insufficient to a party has been so limited a result the party’s direction of such deep and complex problems. travel in policy terms is more Rather, through ideas like re- promising than its attempts to gional banks to provide access for credit for business growth renew British democracy. If the party is to be successful outside of London, an activist industrial policy to regrow in government it will need to go far further in embracing Britain’s manufacturing sector and worker representation cultural and organisational change in order to reconnect on boards to ensure higher pay, pre-distribution sought with increasingly disillusioned voters. to think more imaginatively about how Labour in govern- But to successfully tackle both the crisis of politics and ment might best shape society. And as Labour looks to its the crisis in the economy, it is vital that Labour’s agenda next generation of leaders like Liz Kendall, Lisa Nandy and for the future is not reduced down to a menu of policy Gloria De Piero, it is telling that these rising stars have used choices or dividing lines. Policy must always be an articula- their portfolios to think creatively about how to achieve tion of a deeper political meaning, but this has often been social change through a mix of state intervention, market absent. The mission for Labour as a movement should be change and partnership with communities. Without ques- to embrace a politics of compassion and solidarity for both tion, the attractiveness of Labour of a political agenda that working people and the disadvantaged within a nation delivers fairness, fights inequality and avoids the crudities where power is more evenly shared. of tax and spend, will ensure that predistribution survives Miliband’s legacy as leader of the opposition is that he the next five years – even if it gets a much-needed name correctly identified the forces of movement politics, in- change. equality, predistribution and responsible capitalism as the sources of greatest strength for the left during these years. Responsible capitalism And though Miliband may not always have embraced Miliband consigliere Steward Wood once described these themes as fully as some might have wished (the ex- Milibandism “in three words: markets need rules.” Treasury special adviser gene was always too strong for a Responsible capitalism was a classic achievement of full blooded radicalism it would seem), it is to his credit that Miliband’s tenure as leader of the opposition. By speaking Labour has a powerful political and intellectual arsenal to out against banker bonuses, opposing price gouging­ energy draw from. F companies and advocating for a living wage, Miliband set out a vision of how capitalism should embrace its producers not its predators. Sensible market interventions like rent increase restrictions for tenants routinely went through a cycle of being dismissed in the right wing press as socialist before being quietly adopted in some form or another by the Conservatives in government. With leading Blairites like Lord Sainsbury speaking of ‘progressive capitalism’ and Times columnist Philip Collins talking of how in the wake of the crash even Blair would have changed course on the role of the state with regard to markets, it is clear that responsible capitalism will be a strong theme in Labour’s policy throughout government or opposition to come.

What’s left?

10 / Fabian Review Cover story

Fifty shades of red Anya Pearson and Richard Speight take a closer look at the candidates for Labour’s top target seats

On the eve of the 2010 general election, the again in the same constituency), but council- Fabian Review profiled the incoming genera- lors are similarly well represented amongst tion of Labour MPs. There was a sense of Tory ranks. optimism that these new Labourites could People with a background in small and put both the scandal of expenses and the medium sized enterprises (SMEs) are, interminable divisions of the Blair/Brown perhaps unsurprisingly, rather better repre- era behind the party. sented for the Tories. This is an area Labour The optimism has proved to be justified. could well improve in, especially considering Many high profile shadow cabinet mem- ers like Kate Green and Sarah Champion its canny SME-friendly policies. It will be far bers were in the 2010 intake and Labour’s have been quiet but effective Westminster harder to mistakenly characterise Labour campaign has been, in the main, free of the operatives; the latter went from running a as ‘anti-business’ if more shopkeepers and civil wars that came to characterise the New children’s hospice to campaign impressively business people stand as candidates. Labour government. on behalf of victims of sexual exploitation in Restricted shortlists – black and minor- Since then Labour’s selection processes Rotherham without any previous experience ity ethnic (BME) and non-special adviser have come under considerable scrutiny, fol- of Westminster. shortlists have been mooted to join the lowing the furore over the Falkirk selection unquestionably successful but hardly uncon- and the ensuing Collins Review. How the We’ve examined the backgrounds troversial all-women shortlists in the tools party does selections has changed and is available to the NEC. Such shortlists do likely to change further as it grapples with of candidates in Labour’s top fifty have their place, as Labour’s growing female declining levels of support for established target seats to see whether the representation in the PLP demonstrates. political parties. So who are the next genera- country is aptly reflected There may well be a case for BME shortlists tion of Labour MPs? We’ve examined the as still not enough target candidates are backgrounds of candidates in Labour’s top from a minority ethnic background. But fifty target seats to see whether the country The revived strength of Labour’s localism more fundamental still is the need to change is aptly reflected. is evident in the number of councillors- further the culture of party selections. The One of the most pernicious allegations turned-candidates. Of Labour’s top fifty, Future Candidates Programme has been levelled at modern politicians is that of 18 serve as councillors, mostly in the area a qualified success, bringing forward new professionalism. All three main party lead- they’re seeking to represent as parliamentar- kinds of candidates , but potential outsiders ers are, to a greater or lesser extent, ‘boot ians, like Carlisle’s Lee Sheriff or Ipswich’s are still daunted by the party’s arcane rules room’ candidates – advisers, turned MPs, David Ellesmere. This is positive; polling for and ‘who-you-know’ culture. Labour could turned ministers, turned leaders – and this, the Fabian Review revealed that voters are do more to attract candidates with ‘real life’ combined with the practice of parachuting looking for candidates with a record of local experience by strengthening recruitment and favoured candidates into safe seats, has con- action, who are willing to put political differ- training, impose stricter spending limits on tributed to public unease about politicians’ ences to one side to ‘get things done’. selection contests and increase transparency. real life experience. At 11, there is a high proportion of re- The numbers for 2015 bear testament However, there is little evidence of this nominees seeking re-election in their former to a party committed to changing its ap- in Labour’s top fifty candidates. Just a constituency or nearby. It’s easy to under- proach to selections. Labour has a wealth of handful are ex-political advisers, and they stand the temptation to reselect an MP who candidates who have earned their stripes in have often had ‘real jobs’ too, as journalists, comes ready made with a local reputation the council chambers and campaign groups or in business. The third sector represent a and a record of action, and of course many across the country, who elected or not will decent proportion of candidates, though, fine MPs lost their seats in 2010. But any be a credit to the party. But whatever the with 11 from the charitable or voluntary public perception of an electoral merry-go- election result, Labour must continue to sector. These candidates present an ambi- round could be dangerous. open up and broaden out its candidate base. guity for Labour. In the negative column, How does this compare with candidates The political times demand it. they feed a perception of a revolving door chosen for the Conservative’s 40:40 strategy, between Whitehall, Westminster and ‘charity based on holding 40 marginal seats and Anya Pearson is assistant editor at the street’. On the other hand, selecting proven winning 40 target seats? There are far fewer Fabian Society campaigners with a record of advocacy for re-standing MPs (though of course there marginalised people will increase the party’s were far fewer losing Tory MPs in 2010; Richard Speight is media and communications depth and knowledge base. Campaign- a number of candidates are standing once manager at the Fabian Society

11 / Volume 125—No.­ 4 No party for young people? Young people are more politically active than many assume, but Labour must change the way it operates in order to avoid losing relevance for the next generation, writes Georgia Gould

Georgia Gould is a Labour councillor in Camden and author of ‘Wasted: How misunderstanding young Britain threatens our future’ (Little, Brown)

oung people in Britain today are deeply political – This doesn’t mean we should give up and go home as just as likely to volunteer as previous generations, politics become a battle between independents, or wait for Yhighly engaged in political issues and entrepreneurial Russell Brand’s revolution. While young people are exercis- about social change. They just aren’t joining political parties ing a silent protest, the whole political system carries on or showing many signs of wanting to identify with them. oblivious. The result is that young people and, especially, In 2011 15.8 per cent of young people supported a political disadvantaged young people lose out. Research by IPPR party compared to 57.8 per cent of over-75s. found that in the 2010 spending review, 16 to 24-year-olds However, this is by no means unique to political parties. faced cuts to services worth 28 per cent of their annual We can see similar patterns in religious organisations, trade household income, compared to just 10 per cent for those unions and many traditional community associations. In aged 55 to 74. The infrastructure to support young people 2013 just 9.5 per cent of 20 to 24 year olds were members of is being decimated around the country with over 350 youth trade unions. In 2010 65 per cent of young people between centres having closed since 2010. 18 and 24 did not belong to a religion compared to 24 Changing this story requires those involved in politics per cent for those over 75. Young people are less likely to to profoundly re-think how we engage with young people. engage in formal institutions, full stop. Luckily we are not fishing around in the dark here; there I’ve lost count of the times a young person said to me: I are some brilliant guides to how to do this in young people am not my class, my race, my gender, ‘I am just me’. There themselves. is a reluctance to be labeled and a pursuit of personal Successful youth movements from Rock the Vote to expression which comes with greater lifestyle choice. The Citizens UK’s City Safe campaign are optimistic about the shaping of a personal narrative through work, enterprise or potential of young people and they trust them enough to community activism becomes a political journey in itself, so hand over power. They embrace youth leadership, invest who needs a party? in relationships, and give space for personal autonomy This is a big challenge for the Labour movement, built within a broader network. They have an open and porous as it is on strong collective identities. I remember sitting membership but a strong central purpose, and they are with a group in the Welsh Valleys whose fathers and grand- transparent about how decisions are made. fathers had a rich tradition of union activism and hearing Young people don’t have to engage with political leaders confusion at the idea of joining a union or even taking col- as they have been busy creating their own. Take Eliza, who lective action: “What happens if everyone turns up, we’re started a movement against gangs around the message of all together and there is only one job available, everyone’s Lives not Knives, or spoken word poet Suli Breaks author of against each other again.” ‘Manifesto for Millennials’, who uses his YouTube platform

12 / Fabian Review Cover story © www.flickr.com/photos/jeremympiehler/6167252034 to spark global conversations about issues important to values are most importantly optimistic; the Labour party is young people. He is in constant dialogue with his audi- at its best when it calls on people’s hopes. ence, refining and developing his message based on their That being said, young people are not going to fall in feedback. to line to replace older Labour voters as a loyal band of The Labour party could learn from these movements followers. Their votes will have to be earned time and time and individuals by embracing structural reform in terms of again. Outside of electoral politics, young people have open primaries and utilising technology to open up how we competing narratives to explain their disenfranchisement create policy. In how we govern, it from conspiracy theories through will require a radical devolution of to revolutionary agendas. Anger power down to city regions, local Young people don’t and alienation is always going to government and down again to just want a job, they want the be a breeding ground for system communities so young people can opportunity for creativity, overthrow. have a meaningful say over their We know that there is growing services. Public services that work entrepreneurialism and to intergenerational inequality, but for young people are ones where be part of something bigger layer on top of that rising wealth well-trained staff are trusted to in- than themselves and income inequality and you are novate and given the time to build left with a group of young people meaningful relationships with who are becoming increasingly those they seek to serve. Citizens want much more than marginalised in every area of life. We know social mobility just a vote; they should be given the opportunity to take is stagnating but research also shows young people bought part directly in decision-making in deliberative forums and up in poverty are less likely to engage in formal politics or citizen initiatives. From the young unemployed group in have a strong sense of community. This is what Professor Bradford who asked me why we needed politicians when Mike Savage calls the ‘paradox of class’: as people begin to we could directly vote on issues through social media to move away from collective identity and organization, the the students in Sussex demanding a seat at the table, the grip of social stratification on their life chances tightens. message I heard time and time again was – listen to us and Too many young people in Britain are caught up in a churn trust us. of unemployment and low-paid work with little opportu- This will require honest and inspiring political leader- nity for progression, yet if you subscribe to an ideology of ship underpinned by policies developed with young people personal responsibility then the only person you feel is to that deal with the urgent crisis facing them in relation to blame is yourself. We see in young people the proliferation housing, training, employment and fair pay. of mental health issues, depression and isolation. The Labour party are well placed to be the party of the It is time to recognise that the current social contract has young. Generation Y are on the whole more socially liberal broken down and work with young people to build a new than previous generations. They also tend to take a more one. Young people don’t just want a job, they want the op- open, global perspective. In a recent poll of 17 to 22 year portunity for creativity, entrepreneurialism and to be part olds, 62 per cent thought Britain’s membership of Europe of something bigger than themselves. The big challenge for was a good thing. While young people have a strong narra- Labour is to hold as many aspirations for young people as tive about personal responsibility, they will support action they do for themselves. Young people and especially disad- by the state where they feel it helps those trying to get on. vantaged young people desperately need the Labour party It is a challenge to Labour to prove that reciprocity and to take up their cause. But to do so we have to meet them fairness sit at the heart of our approach to welfare. These where they are, not where we would like them to be. F

13 / Volume 125—No.­ 4 Of mandarins and ministers Incoming Labour ministers must ensure that they are not just in office, but in power, writes Peter Hain

Peter Hain was elected MP for Neath since 1991, was a cabinet minister for seven years and a Minister for a further five, covering Wales, Northern Ireland, Leader of the Commons, Energy, Foreign Office and Work and Pensions. His new book Back to the Future of Socialism is published by Policy Press

d miliband’s labour government will take office in hours of worthily processing papers and shuffling between the toughest of circumstances: our public services meetings. Most important is to arrive on the first day with Eon the rack because of cuts, a weak economy with a sense of political priorities, even if the detail needs to hesitant growth based upon personal debt, housing assets be filled in. Otherwise even the most able ministers find and consumer spending, and with a record trade deficit. themselves running to keep up, and sinking under piles of Despite the constant Tory mantra, ‘it’s the deficit, stupid!’, routine paperwork. all their targets on borrowing, debt and the budget deficit Many in our ministerial cadre, particularly though not have been missed. Their neoliberal austerity agenda is exclusively below cabinet level, seemed more captured by failing, like elsewhere in Europe. Labour will also face the their departments than not. However, Charles Clarke was small problem of ruling without a comfortable majority – or, a notable exception. In 2000, when we were both ministers if the pundits and pollsters are to be believed, no majority. of state, he in the Home Office, me in the Foreign Office, Labour’s first task will be to abandon the growth-choking we had a meeting to discuss getting retired police officers austerity, as I have argued in my new book Back to the to help with the transition from military peacekeeping to Future of Socialism, where I set out a coherent, evidence- local civilian security, especially in African conflict zones. based alternative, focusing initially on capital spending. But My officials had been frustrated by lack of co-operation the key will be for incoming ministers to grip their briefs and from their Home Office counterparts and recommended a departments in a way too many in government never do. ministerial meeting to resolve the impasse. When I was appointed a minister by Tony Blair in Often on such occasions, a ministerial colleague would May 1997, nobody had really taught me how to be one. regurgitate their brief and the meeting would end, with Although during the 1997 election campaign I had read officials happily going off to do what they love doing: Gerald Kaufman’s instructive if somewhat satirical book reflect, write a fresh paper and prepare for another meet- How to be a Minister, I relied upon my own experience, ing. ‘Departmentalitis’ is rife within Whitehall, the Treasury instincts and political values. by far the worst offender, so I was briefed up to persuade Crucially important for an incoming minister is to have Charles of the merits of the proposal. a plan; otherwise, the private office, diligent and supportive He arrived, plonked his burly frame on my office sofa, though I found all of mine in twelve years of government, eyed up the grand old colonial surroundings, and politely quickly takes over and fills the diary, prompting busy interrupted my opening remarks: “Peter, I have looked at

14 / Fabian Review Feature

this carefully – and I completely agree with you.” His officials Maintaining a grip on the ministerial brief involved looked more startled than mine. “Now shall we tell them all striking a balance between the routine and the significant. to work out the details as quickly as they can, and let’s dis- My years in government suggested several lessons. cuss some politics?” As the room Around 80 per cent of the pile emptied, we reflected upon what of papers and files in your in-tray proved to be a common perspective The best officials had or red box was straightforward on the shortcomings and successes and could in principle have been of the Blair government and how a ‘can do’ rather than a handled by the departmental to make it better. How refreshing it ‘can’t do’ attitude and, if the machine. You needed to keep a was to deal with Charles. civil service only adopted weather eye on this bulk because It is pointless being a minister it might contain elephant traps unless you are prepared give that motto as the norm it or plain mistakes. It might also political leadership. Although the would be massively more contain what I called ‘piss-off’ legendary Yes Minister television messages to MPs, couched in series, where civil servants run efficient and immeasurably turgid prose by drafting officials rings around their hapless minister better at delivery blissfully oblivious to their impact. often comes uncomfortably close You couldn’t simply sign off this to the mark, my experience was material even if tired or late at rather different. Officials, I found, valued strong political night. However, for me, doing the job successfully meant leadership and direction – ministers who knew their own focusing as clearly as possible on the 20 per cent where minds – provided they were willing to take advice. The best a difference really can be made. I also ‘did my red boxes private secretaries ensured delivery of my ministerial deci- overnight’, keeping on top of the workload, leaving more sions whilst keeping a wary eye for propriety and telling me time to prioritise and focus on the politics. things I might not want to hear. The best officials had a ‘can Are we in office but not in power? That age old question do’ rather than a ‘can’t do’ attitude and, if the civil service for Labour governments will be worth every one of Ed’s only adopted that motto as the norm it would be massively new Labour ministers asking themselves every day. F more efficient and immeasurably better at delivery.

15 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 The chance to thrive With banks still reluctant to lend, Labour should create a new privately run, publically backed fund to support new enterprises, write Martin Clarke and Nick Butler

Nick Butler is visiting professor and Chair of the King’s Policy Martin Clarke is an ex-partner Institute at King’s College at Permira and currently CFO London. He was formerly head of the AA of strategy at BP

he distancing of the Labour party from business is leavers, graduates and for those displaced in the labour both regrettable and unnecessary. Labour must be market by rapid technical change. Those jobs are needed Ton the side of business, helping to remove barriers across the country and will be the principle source of re- and to encourage investment. To focus on the failings of a generation and wealth creation in areas which have been minority of business leaders and organisations is a neces- neglected as old industries have declined. In the absence sary function of a political party committed to fairness and of new private sector jobs we will have more unemploy- the protection of the interests of those who cannot always ment – especially in the regions – with all the social and protect themselves. But that should not be allowed to be economic costs that brings and more underemployment, painted as hostility to business in general and the majority particularly of graduates who deserve more after going of companies who work hard, provide good jobs and who through university. do not exploit their customers. Labour should help business and the place to start is In an economy which is enjoying only fragile growth, through the creation of new financing mechanisms to help coupled with a commitment to further reductions in public those with the energy and ability to create and grow new spending and the inevitable loss of further public sector enterprises. The consolidation of the banking sector after jobs, the only source of new employment lies in the private the problems of 2008 has hit new business lending hard. sector. We need business to create new jobs – for school In an attempt to sort out their balance sheets, banks have

16 / Fabian Review Feature cut back on lending that carries obvious risks. It is safer to The regional element is important. The imbalances of lend to a big company with extensive assets and a clear economic activity across the UK are serious, with the cur- income stream than a new or growing business, whose rent situation encouraging migration and a concentration assets consist solely of the brains of the people employed of activity in a small number of areas while other regions and whose income stream is an aspiration rather than a are neglected. Banking – which means local banking – current reality. should be at the heart of thriving local economies. A fund Creating and growing new companies takes time and dedicated to helping new and growing businesses should patience – especially when the economic environment is be present across the country building on local knowledge uncertain and volatile. That means companies need lenders and experience. who themselves have patience and who are not looking to Of course there would be a cost but the net cost over sell out within a fixed period of five or seven years – or in time would be quite limited. Government could be a direct some cases less. They also need lenders who are prepared investor or could provide guarantees. Over time the fund, to recognise the value created by those who put the effort however, should become self-financing – recycling the into creating new and growing companies. proceeds of one round of investments into the next. Hedge funds have a legitimate The fund would invest primar- role in the economy but their time ily through equity (the sale of horizons and demands for domi- The imbalances of shares) rather than debt (business nant ownership positions don’t borrowing). Equity investments match the needs of most small and economic activity across create a real partnership based on medium sized enterprises. Some the UK are serious, with an alignment of interests. Equity banks do continue to lend but the the current situation investors share an interest in suc- requirements are too formulaic cess whereas those who simply and are too often determined by encouraging migration and a provide debt have an interest only head offices rather than by people concentration of activity in a in getting their money back. at the local level who know and small number of areas while It is also important to stress understand the people and the that the fund should be run and companies they are dealing with. other regions are neglected managed by professional inves- The search for new funding tors. There has to be no question mechanisms is not new. There are of returning to the failed model innumerable schemes – each with their own acronyms. The of ventures, such as the Greater London Enterprise Board, results have been very limited and to those who run small which were run and managed politically. Those mistakes and medium sized companies the main product has been gave past attempts by Labour to find investment vehicles confusion. Tens of thousands of smaller companies still say to help business such a bad name. A professional solution that they lack support or interest from the financial institu- is both possible and essential. tions they deal with. We regard such a fund as an example of the creative Labour should start from the problem and offer a practi- use of public policy and public money. We live in a mixed cal solution. We need a financial institution run on proper economy rather than in a world of raw capitalism. Business commercial lines and designed to make a profit for inves- and government are interdependent and inseparable. tors which has a wider horizon in terms of time scale and No government can fulfil its objectives unless business is location than anything which exists at the moment. thriving. At the same time, business cannot thrive if gov- The best approach would be a fund, managed privately ernment does play its part in ensuring that normal market but underpinned by public guarantees, which would work mechanisms are working effectively. At the moment too through a regional structure. The fund would not only few companies are being given the opportunity to thrive. provide finance to those who could present a good invest- They lack access to capital through no fault or failing of ment case. It would also provide the different aspects of their own, but simply because the banking sector is not support which are so often absent from current banking able to fulfil its proper function. This is an unhappy market relationships. New and growing companies need access to failure and is reducing Britain’s capacity to generate wealth low cost reliable help with planning, legal and regulatory and jobs. issues. Many small companies cannot afford to employ The fund we are proposing does of course carry echoes separate specialists to cover each of these areas. Too often of previous endeavours. After the second world war, the the burdens fall on the entrepreneurs themselves, adding Labour government created a fund called the Industrial to the pressures and increasing the risk of failure. and Commercial Finance Corporation (ICFC) – region- Most importantly a new fund would invest on the ally located, professionally managed and financed by the basis of timescales relevant to the enterprises themselves. banks. ICFC, which was later rebadged as 3i and is today a This would vary and would, of course, be performance- FTSE100 business was a success we can learn from. Above related. The aim is not to enable small and medium sized all it responded to the needs of the times, needs which businesses to get easy funding without clear commercial have clearly resurfaced again. The financial market is failing objectives. It is to enable them to get funding which allows small and growing businesses. A new government should them to fulfil their ambitions in a reasonable amount of act to correct the market’s failure. time. Loans and investments would not be permanent – in Nothing would demonstrate more clearly Labour’s com- common with other funds there would be a moment when mitment to business and enterprise than the development holdings should be sold on and profits taken. of practical solutions to practical problems. F

17 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 © Kenn Goodall / bykenn.com © Kenn Goodall / bykenn.com The overwhelming case for new

public housing Investment in public housing must be a central part of a new national political mission. John Healey and John Perry demonstrate how we can overcome the obstacles and build the homes we so desperately need

John Healey is a Labour MP John Perry is a researcher and a former housing and and writer on housing policy, treasury minister writing in a personal capacity

18 / Fabian Review Essay

e face a housing and cost of housing crisis rather than relieving the cost of housing crisis. Government greater than at any point since the aftermath capital investment in social rented housing was cut by Wof the second world war. Britain is not building two-thirds in 2010 and by shifting the remaining subsidy enough new homes, and the accommodation that is avail- to build only so-called ‘affordable rents’ – a perversion of able is increasingly unaffordable to millions of people. traditional social housing at up to 80 per cent of market It is a measure of a nation’s politicians whether they can rents – the provision of truly affordable social rented homes rise to the big challenges their country faces. Housing is has been choked off. now such a test. In the next parliament there must be a change, and that We need to build around 250,000 homes a year but are means putting the overwhelming case for social housing to currently managing less than half that. One in five homes politicians and the public. Here’s our summary of that case is classed as ‘non-decent’, rising to one in three in the – five reasons why we believe the case for social housing is private rented sector. Housing is the largest single cost so strong, and the three biggest challenges to tackle. for many households, and poorer families face the highest costs as a proportion of their income.1 More than a quarter Five reasons we need more social housing of a million households now face homelessness each year, and the figure is rising. 1. To build enough homes Meeting the challenge of this housing crisis means more There’s now a broad-based consensus that we must build is required of all who can make a contribution – commercial more homes. We need 250,000 extra homes a year, but housebuilders, housing associations and councils. Above under the coalition average build-rates have been only all, strong leadership and smart action from government 113,000 a year. Under 13 years of Labour government until is imperative. And investment to build new public hous- 2010, the average was 146,000 – higher, but still far too few. ing – council and housing association homes at a genuinely Absent from this housing debate is an honest admis- affordable rent – must be a central part of a new national sion that we have no chance of coming anywhere close to political mission. building 250,000 homes a year through the private market Almost everyone concedes there’s a serious problem, alone. Nor is this a route to reach the more modest annual across the political spectrum. Even David Cameron has target of 200,000 new homes by 2020. There has only been admitted many young people now watch the tv show one year since the end of high-volume council house- Location, Location, Location “not as a documentary, but building when we have managed to build 200,000 homes as a fantasy”. shout, the new campaign for social hous- in England, and that was at the height of the unsustainable ing was launched last year with backing from all political ‘Lawson boom’ in the late 1980s. Even then, councils were parties. And Conservative pressure group ‘The Good Right’ still building 15–20,000 homes a year. has recently advocated “a Harold Macmillan-sized, state- Social housing used to make up a large part of the new supported housebuilding programme”. overall housing supply each year. After big reductions in the But the government’s policies are falling far short. Having 1980s, the figures flat-lined for two decades until a small promised that ‘we will become a nation of homebuilders’ revival began, boosted after the global financial crisis by before 2010, two years on just 107,980 new homes were the reform of council housing finance begun by Labour in completed in England in 2012–13 – the lowest peacetime 2009/10 and completed by the coalition. If we are to build the total since the 1920s. Last year, 118,770 new homes were houses our country needs, the next government must ensure built. Current government policies are also intensifying many more council and housing association homes are built. >>

Figure 1. Housing completions since 1945

400,000 Local Authorities Housing Associations Private Enterprise 350,000

300,000

250,000

200,000

Housing completion s 150,000

100,000

50,000

0 1946 1948 1950 1952 1954 1956 1958 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012

Source: DCLG Live Table 244

19 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 Essay

>> 2. To make homes affordable The cost of housing crisis blights the lives of at least three groups of people. First, it is estimated that there are 1.3 million households in low- to middle-income groups who spend more than 35 per cent of their income on housing – an internationally recognised threshold of affordability. Second, there are those who cannot buy or rent at all. There are over 4.6 million ‘concealed’ households: single people or couples living with others, such as parents, relatives or friends. Today, official figures show 1.4 million fewer young households (under 44 years old) are buying their own homes compared with ten years ago. Third, there is rising homelessness. In 2013/14, some 280,000 households were assisted as homeless, 38 per cent more than in 2009/10. 3. To secure value-for-money from public spending So several million households are hit by the lack of af- Public spending on social homes pays for itself. Every £1 fordable housing, paying excessive costs, denied a home of invested in social housing pays back £1.18 into the public their own or actually homeless. purse over 30 years because of lower housing benefit More social homes would help all of these households. payments. But policy changes made by coalition ministers now mean Despite the deepest cuts to housing benefit ever in that what used to be affordable housing, is often no longer this parliament, spending on housing benefit has risen genuinely affordable. Up until 2011/12, the majority of af- by £2.5bn and is set to rise in real terms in every year of fordable housing was built to let at ‘social’ rents linked to the next parliament, in part because social rents have been local incomes as well as building costs, which on average hiked to ‘affordable rents’.3 Cutting back on investment in means 50 per cent of market rents. But current government social housing and raising rents is a false economy for the policy has aggressively increased ‘affordable’ rents to as taxpayer: savings made in one department only push up high as 80 per cent of open market prices. Starts on site to costs in another. The policy switch away from traditional build new social rented homes have fallen by 90 per cent – social rent to ‘affordable rent’ in this parliament alone will from 40,000 to 4,000 – since 2009/10 and on current plans add £5.4bn to the housing benefit bill over 30 years. will soon be close to zero. By contrast, an ambitious public housing programme They’ve also forced ‘conversion’ of existing homes at would save the exchequer money over the long term. social rent levels to the new affordable rents, and increased Recent modelling shows that working up to building right to buy discounts without replacing those social homes 100,000 new social rented homes a year by the end of the lost through sales. As a result, we’ve lost 63,000 more social next parliament would not only pay for itself in less than 30 rented homes than we’ve built in just two years.2 years but provide a net benefit to the public purse of £12bn The impact on affordability is severe. In some parts of through lower housing benefit costs.4 the country, hiking social rents to 80 per cent of market What’s more, public investment is a lever for private prices can mean that they are double average take-home investment. The record of this government has shown this pay, putting them completely out of reach for families relationship in reverse: alongside the cut in public housing on low incomes. In the London Borough of Camden for investment over the last four years, there was £1.4bn less example, raising rents to 80 per cent of the market would private housing investment in housing association homes necessitate an after-tax income of almost £50,000. last year than in 2010/11.5

Figure 2. Social rented homes provided in 4. To increase work incentives England, 1991–2014 Housing costs are a critical factor in making work pay. The steep taper on housing benefit withdrawal is a disincen- 60,000 tive to earn more, and higher rents mean that disincentive lasts for longer. This problem is built into and will continue 50,000 under universal credit. Lower, social rents can make it more worthwhile for people to work by increasing their take 40,000 home pay. For example, take a family with one child and two parents 30,000 who are both working part time at the national minimum wage when one of the parents is offered the chance to work 20,000 full time. If they are living in private rented accommoda- tion paying an average private rent, their net income will 10,000 increase by £1,400 per year as a result of the extra hours. But if they are living in social housing, paying an average social 0 rent they will take home an increase of £2,700. Two key coalition changes – universal credit and ‘afford-

1991–92 1992–93 1993–94 1994–95 1995–96 1996–97 1997–98 1998–99 1999–00 2000–01 2001–02 2002–03 2003–04 2004–05 2005–06 2006–07 2007–08 2008–09 2009–10 2010–11 2011–12 2012–13 2013–14 able rents’ – will combine to drag many more council and housing association tenants into benefit dependence: the Source: DCLG Live Table 1000 very opposite of stated government aims.

20 / Fabian Review Essay

5. To boost jobs and the economy Right now it’s a particularly attractive investment for the The economy is still operating below capacity, and building public purse to make. With yields on 10-year gilts currently homes provides a direct boost. Every £1 spent on house below 1.5 per cent, UK government borrowing costs are building generates £2.84 in total economic activity and, just about the lowest they’ve ever been. according to government estimates, supports 12 year-long jobs for every £1m of building investment.6 If we built 2. Public support 100,000 homes a year, it has been estimated that we could There are good levels of public support for social housing. create 90,000 jobs. Polling by YouGov for the Fabian Society last year revealed When the financial crisis and downturn struck, and the that a majority of people (57 per cent) back more social private sector was unwilling or unable to build, the Labour housing being built, and more support than oppose social government switched spending to housing as a stimulus. A housing being built in their area (44 per cent vs 27 per big programme of social housing now would have a direct cent). That’s true across social class, gender, age and region. positive economic impact as well as helping provide jobs We also know how we can increase support for social and apprenticeships. housing: good design standards, and allowing local people to stay in their area by giving them greater access to social …and the three biggest challenges homes built in their neighbourhood can both help. Any government that is committed to build more genuinely But the wider challenge is to correct the marginalisation affordable public homes will face three big challenges: cost, of social housing. Fewer social homes means only those public support, and delivery. We’re convinced they can be with higher support needs can often get new social tenan- overcome – here’s how. cies which reinforces the perception amongst many people that council or housing association 1. Cost homes are not for them or their The extent to which further This investment creates a family and reduces public support austerity measures are needed to long-term asset and yields a for new social housing. reduce government borrowing financial return to the public Part of the answer lies in build- (currently just under 6 per cent ing to make more homes avail- of GDP in 2013/14) is subject to purse in rents and lower able but an important part is also political debate. Politics is always housing benefit payments ensuring that developments are about choices and proper fiscal mixed so communities are mixed. targets can be set and met in dif- This is why powers to require ferent ways. But whoever leads the next government will social housing to be built alongside open market housing first need to consider the cost of a significant social house through ‘planning gain’ are so important, not just to ease building programme. pressures on the public purse but because they are essential There are a range of policy changes which will increase in creating mixed-tenure developments. the number of social homes built at little or no cost to the public purse. Restoring the private contribution towards 3. Delivery public homes by tightening up developers’ obligations Building public homes on the scale required is a huge de- to include social housing in their projects could yield big livery challenge, for central government, local authorities, rewards without harming overall viability. As recently as housing associations and the private sector. 2007/08, ‘planning gain’ from private developers was worth To kick-start construction, the next government should almost £5bn and contributed to the provision of 48,000 new strike a national ‘new deal for housing’ – a national target for homes. By 2011/12 this had fallen by one third and today’s new social homes and a commitment from all the players figure is likely to be much lower still because of changed in the housing field that they will do their bit. Government government rules.7 Ending the giveaway of tax-payer needs to provide funding and land, developers must build investments through indefensible right-to-buy discounts and be mindful of the social obligation they have to cater by insisting that ‘one-for-one replacement’ of all homes for all who need a home and not just a few, and local au- sold really means one-for-one would safeguard thousands thorities and housing associations must focus on increasing of social homes. The Lyons Review on housing set out a the number of homes built while staying true to their social number of further ways in which we could increase the mission of providing genuinely affordable accommodation. supply of new homes within existing fiscal constraints. The case for social housing is overwhelming. We need Even with these changes, a bigger social house-building the political will and a government this May who is willing programme will require more capital spending. But this is to make it happen. F borrowing to invest, just like people take out a mortgage to buy a house. This investment creates a long-term asset Notes and yields a financial return to the public purse in rents 1. www.ons.gov.uk/ons/publications/re-reference-tables. and lower housing benefit payments – and savings in the html?edition=tcm%3A77-370146 2. Based on local authority and HCA statistical returns. latter, as set out above, would pay for the upfront cost of 3. Autumn Statement outturn figs investment over less than 30 years. Above all, such invest- 4. Modelling by John Healey MP ment provides new homes that that will last for decades, 5. UK Housing Review 2015. and each home built becomes an asset against which the 6. L.E.K. Consultants (2012) Construction in the UK: The benefits of invest- council or housing association can raise further funds to ment. London: UK Contractors Group (see www.ukcg.org.uk). 7. DCLG (2014) Section 106 Planning Obligations in England, 2011–12 build more new homes.

21 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 Lord of all he surveys Lord Ashcroft has made the successful transition from Tory treasurer to impartial pollster. In a rare audience, he shares his insights on everything from Blue Labour to Nigel Farage with Mary Riddell © Paul Grover/REX © Paul

Mary Riddell is a columnist for the Daily Telegraph

nce bitten, twice shy. Lord Ashcroft is a veteran respective leaders’ and parties’ faults and failings with grim of bruising encounters with some in the media impartiality. Smell the Coffee, his post mortem pamphlet on Oand the Labour party. That hostility, chronicled the 2005 election, concluded that the Tory “brand problem” in his memoir, Dirty Politics, Dirty Times, burned out long meant that its policies had no impact on voters “who mis- ago. Since then, Michael Ashcroft – one-time Conservative trust our motivation and doubt our ability to deliver.” party treasurer, deputy chairman and major party donor – Almost ten years on, he believes that party has not rem- has appeared to rise, phoenix-like, above the political fray. edied its central defect. “I think you would have to conclude In his latest incarnation as a master pollster and all-round that progress has been pretty limited, in that the feeling of éminence grise, he and his work are held in respect across Tories being out of touch with ordinary people is still there.” the political spectrum. Either by virtue of the drubbing that To say that modernisation has failed is, in his view, to his adversaries once tried to inflict on him, or because of the miss the point. “Being a modern party isn’t something you magisterial niche he now occupies, he is a wary interviewee. can just cross off the to-do list. Modernisation came to be More accurately, Lord Ashcroft is a non-interviewee. He symbolised by the husky trip, but that’s not what it’s all does not, any longer, do interviews as such. On the very about. It means continuously being in touch with people few occasions that he agrees to a dialogue, he stipulates and their priorities. Much easier said than done, of course.” a format of written questions and answers. None the less, Ed Miliband, he argues, has also failed to address his he rings me (repeatedly, because I am in the car and keep party’s weaknesses. “[Labour’s] brand was not as badly getting cut off) to propose a third way. As well as replying in broken in 2010 as the Conservative brand had been in 1997. writing to Fabian questioning, he and I will talk informally. People still thought the party’s heart was in the right place. This formula may be a rare if not unique concession, But Labour did have big problems, and one thing that has but it does not sound like Ashcroft Unplugged either. He surprised me about Ed Miliband is how little he has done is, however, franker on paper than I expect, assessing the to tackle them.”

22 / Fabian Review Interview

Besides suggesting that Miliband be tougher on welfare “Most people will not have come across the phrase ‘one reform, he cites voters’ worry about whether the party can nation’ … That is even more true for ‘Blue Labour’. [But] be trusted with the economy. “I’m not sure opposing every if you read quite deeply about politics, you will find some single government cut is the best way to win back confi- interesting and even quite unexpected things being said by dence on that score. We have to assume Ed knows all this, Jon Cruddas and people like Stella Creasy on extending which must mean these positions are deliberate.” consumer protection to public services, or Liz Kendall being Ashcroft, who last year attended the Labour conference on the side of users rather than public sector producers.” So (a visit that might once have been deemed a perilous foray yes, it would seem that Ashcroft thinks there will be votes behind enemy lines), has not altered the view he expressed in the devolution of power championed by Cruddas and his then that “[Ed] evidently decided quite early on that in ilk and increasingly promoted by the leader. order to win he did not need to reach out any further, or Unsurprisingly, Ashcroft thinks more should be done on offer much more in the way of reassurance. With narrower welfare and immigration if voters are to be persuaded. “Do I poll leads since the Budget, I think that judgment is called think there are electoral possibilities for Labour in the ‘blue’ into question.” agenda? Potentially yes. Do I think Labour are embracing Of the three main party leaders, Nick Clegg attracts it? Not to the extent that most voters will have noticed.” what sounds the bleakest verdict. Asked how ‘sticky’ defec- At the time of our interview, one of the movement’s tions to Labour will prove from the Lib Dems, he says: “It most pivotal figures, Miliband’s community organising looks quite sticky so far, and I think there is a limit to what chief, Arnie Graf, remains in Baltimore to the dismay of Nick Clegg can do about it ...The problem is they always those who miss his influence on the ground. With those had an unsustainable coalition of voters.” close to Miliband adamant that a full programme of work As he points out, voters pleased they ended up in office awaits him here, the reasons for his absence have not been would look askance at any rupture in the coalition, while explained “[the Lib Dems] would be unlikely to win back many of Visa difficulties or marginalisation from forces within their former left-leaning supporters, who still blame them the party have both been cited as possible explanations. for putting the Tories in office. And they are not going to Ashcroft, who has previously appeared on a platform win back the ‘none of the above’ brigade because they no with Graf, is a big supporter of community organising in longer qualify as a protest party.” marginal seats, believing that it will play an important part Skewered indeed. But though Ashcroft is always frank, in election results. While he has no inside track on the Graf he is never personal. Or so I think until we speak. He story, experience (not least David Cameron’s dalliance with rings from a hotel room in New York, where he has set- the ‘big society’) has taught him that long-term projects tled down with a Starbucks latte. His secretary has passed get sacrificed to short-term expediency. Parties are always on my message asking him to call early, he says, and he prone, in his view, to jettison the transformative as too dif- has heeded that request. Courteous as he is, and much ficult or too costly. more willing than I had imagined to talk about himself, Friends say he chafes that the Tories, who should have a he is careful – where political strategy is concerned – not 20-year-plan to attract young voters and ethnic minorities, to exceed the boundaries he has set. As a pollster, he sees are incubating no plans to enlist either group. Similarly, his himself as expert in surveying the battlefield but unwilling warmth towards Cruddas and Graf’s methods will certainly ever to fight the war, lest he breach the divide between the reflect what the voters are telling him. Indeed, a pollster’s objective pollster and the subjective strategist. Nor does he business, in his view, is purely to read the voter’s mind. The deem it proper to tell the Tories what they should be doing. verdicts he articulates are theirs, not his. That may come as news to successive Tory leaders. He fiercely rejects, for example, erroneous suggestions John Major had to pay back a £3 million loan at Ashcroft’s that he is against gay marriage – the issue that provoked request, Michael Howard received a stinging post-election him to withdraw funding from Cameron. The merits of verdict and Ashcroft has been labelled David Cameron’s the case are immaterial. What matters is the effect at the “most damaging critic.” William Hague, his great friend and ballot box and what drives the voter. Since gay marriage is patron and the keynote speaker at Ashcroft’s 60th birthday perceived as a metropolitan crusade antipathetic to many party (a black tie dinner for 700 guests at a Park Lane hotel) grassroots Tories, Cameron – in Ashcroft’s view – should described him as “one of the worst people in the world to have dumped the policy. have as your enemy ... and the best person in the world to This brand of applied morality begs the question of have as your friend.” whether polling is useful armour for a famously private Ashcroft might subscribe to that verdict, acknowledging man. While Ashcroft and his numbers are hardly to be that some who do not know him regard him very arrogant compared with Moses and the tablets of stone, he is also but pointing out that those who meet him end up feeling handing down someone else’s verdicts. In a democracy more kindly disposed. Of desire or of necessity, he has where the voter is king, the power of the pollster is assured. mellowed, well aware that a pollster’s lot is to reach beyond But relaying the views of others also bestows a patina of the Tory cocoon and talk to people from across the political anonymity that might, I guess, appeal to someone who has spectrum. often seemed an outsider. On the Labour front, his polling has suggested some The child of a humble background (his parents met at optimism for ‘Blue Labour’ voices within the party, reflect- the Blackpool Winter Gardens where his father was con- ing voters’ concern with immigration and support for a valescing after being wounded on D-Day), he was a lonely more contributory welfare system. Does Blue Labour hold schoolboy and a college failure who does not quite seem to electoral possibilities for Ed Miliband? fit the old Etonian template of the modern Tory party. Late >>

23 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 Interview

>> in life, he appears to have found his chosen metier. Polling, and found him to be good company and humorous. He his passion and hobby, has so enthralled him that he would privately predicted that Farage would walk away with a much rather spend his political budget on research than debating victory against Nick Clegg and is said to consider give it to the Conservative party. While he keeps open the UKIP a threat to all three main parties, not least the Lib possibility of future donations, he has other outlets for the Dems. colossal fortune he acquired as a self-made businessman. In a 20,000 sample Europe poll, Ashcroft found “more A signatory to the Warren Buffett Giving Pledge, requir- voters switching to UKIP from the Lib Dems than from ing billionaires to donate generously and bequeath the Labour.” Though the Tories have most to lose, no leader bulk of their wealth to charity, his most conspicuous mate- can afford to be sanguine. Ashcroft thinks “Ukip are here to rial outlay has been the collection of Victoria Crosses – a stay – or at least that is their intention. If they were really homage to his war veteran father and to bravery in general all about withdrawing from the EU, they would support the – that he gave to the Imperial War Museum. only election outcome that could give them the referendum Although he is wary of labels such as “Compassionate” they want, namely a Tory government. The better they do “Little Guy” he has some sympathy for the ideas promoted next year, the less likely that is to happen, which suggests by modernising Tories chasing their objective is to become the blue collar vote. “Some of a permanent fixture on the the ideas that have emerged “It has to be clear, authentic, political scene.” under that heading are believable and ideally about Ashcroft is also thinking definitely worth pursuing.” He beyond the next election. His warns, however, against pop- people and the country and what forthcoming book on Cameron, ulism and piecemeal policies. you are going to do for them … scheduled for publication after “You can’t concentrate on May 2015, has raised questions the micro stuff at the expense not about why your opponents about whether he is planning of the macro: you have to be are evil incarnate” an obituary. His explanation able to talk about both. It mat- is that he has published a ters to people that big decisions pamphlet after successive Tory are being made about managing the economy. I think this election defeats but has never before been in the position is actually the key to the election ... People are much more to chronicle the life of a serving prime minister. Questions likely to think the economy is recovering than they are to about whether he will be investigating issues such as al- feel any benefit themselves. The Conservatives need to ... legations of drug-taking in the past are always parried by explain how the ‘long term economic plan’ is connected to the reply that this will be a full biography. people’s personal fortunes. Quake as Cameron might, Ashcroft also has some “I think Labour have the reverse of this problem. I sus- words of reassurance. Asked about who might be the next pect the ‘cost of living crisis’ will start to have diminishing leader of the Tories, he says; “the only polling I’ve done ... returns for Miliband. Complaining about how expensive was on the Boris factor. And it was quite clear that for all things are isn’t really a programme for government. his qualities, the idea that he would boost Tory fortunes at a Promising to freeze energy prices is an unashamedly stroke is somewhat misplaced. Cameron is still the party’s populist policy, but it leaves people wondering if it could biggest asset.” work and whether Labour can be trusted with the bigger As for potential Miliband successors, “the internal decisions. workings of the party are a mystery to most of the people The holy grail of a 45 per cent election vote share, to in it, let alone outsiders.” An outsider he may be, but which only Thatcher and Blair got close, becomes ever polling has given Ashcroft unparalleled access to the harder. As he says “there isn’t a sort of optimal manifesto voters’ minds. that would suddenly bring people together in a spirit of Although he hates being asked to predict surprises, national unity and unlock an unassailable majority. But his watch list includes “seeing how Ukipers and Lib Dem it is obviously about building a broad coalition of voters.” defectors start to make their minds up in the marginals; Drumbeat messaging and the endless repetition of slogans the state of coalition relations as the election gets closer; such as ‘one nation’ and ‘cost of living crisis’ may repel vot- whether the Tories overreact to the result of the European ers who “increasingly react against mantras”. elections and how long the Ukip bounce takes to recede; That, however, is nothing compared with their antipathy the consumer confidence index; how people react to further to party leaders. Recent Ashcroft polling found that women spending cuts; and whether England win the World Cup.” see Ed Miliband as slimy and boring, Nick Clegg as spine- Into that melting pot, he would throw Cameron’s “ad- less and wet and David Cameron as posh, out of touch and vantage” over Miliband as a plausible PM and – in Labour’s rich. Suffice to say that none has yet projected the image favour - the “tribal” nature of the party’s voters. Beyond or found the language that voters understand. “It has to be such truisms lie the point where every wise oracle keeps clear, authentic, believable and ideally about people and his options open. Lord Ashcroft does not deviate from that the country and what you are going to do for them … not rule. about why your opponents are evil incarnate.” “Since the coalition was formed it has looked hard for Nigel Farage is perhaps the only party leader who the Tories to win, but if I were Ed Miliband, I would want to could claim to meet those criteria. Ashcroft – who has met be a lot further ahead with a year to go. I said at the Labour Miliband only once, in the nave at the Thatcher funeral – conference that this could be the closest election in forty once spent a weekend on the Queen Elizabeth with Farage years, and nothing has happened to change my mind.” F

24 / Fabian Review Books

Stand and deliver The pioneer of the delivery unit, Michael Barber, offers timely lessons for a future government, writes Jen Gold

Jen Gold is a Researcher at the Institute for Government and has authored a number of reports on policy implementation and delivery units, including Data-driven Delivery and International Delivery

The skills needed to win elections are very different from This model is now a global phenomenon, with similar those required to govern effectively. In his new book Sir units on six continents. Michael Barber makes a compelling case for governments With the general election and subsequent spending to pay far more attention to the science of delivery – the review very much on the horizon, this book offers “set of processes that enables governments to deliver a number of timely lessons for a future government. ambitious goals by learning effectively as they go, and For one, it recommends establishing a central delivery refining as necessary.” function at the outset. It took the Blair administration Barber uses the problems that recently beset US until its second term – after four years of slow progress healthcare reforms as a cautionary tale. Few would deny on key reforms – to establish this capacity in the form that Barack Obama is one of the most skilled political of the PMDU. The coalition government was also slow campaigners of his generation. But the technical problems How to Run on the uptake; the PMDU was abolished in 2010 but just that plagued the roll out of the HealthCare.gov website a Government, a year later, frustrated by the lack of a means to monitor were hugely damaging – and entirely avoidable. As Barber so that citizens and drive key priorities, it reappeared under the guise of persuasively argues, from the moment the Affordable benefit and the Implementation Unit. Care Act passed into law in 2010, the White House and taxpayers don’t Equally, Barber notes that leadership continuity really Department of Health and Human Services should have does matter. Reshuffles and constant ministerial churn can go crazy trackeded progress, identified problems, and stress-tested seriously undermine delivery. Barber offers a memorable solutions. Instead, the full scale of the website’s problems Michael Barber anecdote in this regard: came to light only in the autumn of 2013. This flagship (Penguin, March reform had simply been left to flounder under a lack of 2015) “Kim Howells MP held six different roles during Blair’s proactive management. ten-year premiership. I saw a good deal of him when, at Over the course of its eight chapters, How to Run a Transport, we were enjoying collaborating on the brave Government offers a blueprint for avoiding such blunders effort to ensure that the trains ran on time. We were just and successfully delivering campaign commitments. In getting some traction when, for no reason I ever under- particular, Barber highlights the importance of leaders stood, he was gone again, this time to the Foreign Office establishing clear priorities and ensuring the govern- to deal with the Middle East.” ment machine has the capacity to deliver, aided by central delivery units; emphasises the need to build resilience Finally, Barber points to a range of trends – from open into government by establishing monitoring routines data and transparency to continued outsourcing, digi- and developing strategies for rapid problem solving; and tal services, and privacy concerns – that will shape the considers the potential for linking performance to budget trajectory of delivery reforms over the coming decade. He decisions. highlights the multiple innovations of other jurisdictions To this end, Barber lays out 57 “rules”. Above all else, he from which the UK can learn: Maryland’s commitment to sees delivery units as the engines keeping administrations transparency in performance data, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s relentlessly focused on effective implementation. These use of virtual ‘dashboards’ to monitor its school system in small units, operating at the centre of either departments real-time, and Malaysia’s use of cross-sector innovation or entire governments, gather and scrutinize performance labs to formulate delivery action plans – to name but a few. data, regularly brief leaders, and intervene when necessary. Ultimately, Barber isn’t advocating a static approach. Barber’s recommendations are based on decades of The science of delivery, he tells us, “is not a complete sci- direct experience working for and advising governments, ence and never will be.” But whatever the result in May, both here and overseas. Between 2001 and 2005, He set the need to restore fiscal balance means the next govern- up and ran the Prime Minister’s Delivery Unit (PDMU). ment can ill afford to ignore Barber’s advice.

25 / Volume 126—No.­ 1 the fabian society section

Quiz – 7. How did newly elected Tory MP 14. Which television programme did Ed Rory Stewart refer to parts of his new Balls admit moved him to tears in Five years in politics constituency in 2010? 2011? a. “Pretty picturesque” a. Downton Abbey As the general election b. “Pretty awful” b. Antiques Roadshow campaign begins in earnest, find c. “Pretty primitive” c. Doctor Who out how closely you’ve been paying d. “Pretty dire” d. Cash in the Attic

attention since 2010 8. How many Tory MPs rebelled against 15. Which of these parties DID NOT equal marriage in 2013? increase its share of the vote in the a. 31 2014 European elections? Who? b. 53 a. UKIP 1. There have been 21 by-elections in this c. 91 b. Labour parliament, but who was the winner in d. 134 c. Green Party the first? d. SNP a. Dan Jarvis 9. How many years has retiring Father of b. Debbie Abrahams the House Sir Peter Tapsell served in c. George Galloway the House of Commons? Where? d. Lucy Powell a. 23 16. Where were the results of the b. 39 2010 Labour leadership election 2. Who was the socialist Spitzenkandidat c. 49 announced? (EU Commission Presidential candi- d. 58 a. Manchester date) in the 2014 European elections? b. Brighton a. Helle Thorning-Schmidt 10. How many times did Ed Miliband c. Liverpool b. Matteo Renzi utter the phrase ‘One Nation’ in his d. Birmingham c. Poul Nyrup Rasmussen 2012 Conference speech? d. Martin Schulz a. 18 17. This parliament saw the first police b. 38 and crime commissioner elections. 3. Who described George Osborne and c. 48 Where didn’t Labour win? David Cameron as ‘posh boys who d. 71 a. Northumbria don’t know the price of milk? b. West Yorkshire a. Louise Mensch c. Cumbria b. Ed Balls Which? d. Derbyshire c. Nadine Dorries 11.  Which TV programme served as the d. Douglas Carswell source for the term ‘omnishambles’ 18. UKIP gained its first elected MPs in used to describe George Osborne’s this parliament but where did its first 4. Who are the only MPs to have oc- 2012 budget? MP represent? cupied the same shadow cabinet brief a. Yes, Minister a. Haltemprice and Howden for the duration of Ed Miliband’s b. The Thick of It b. Chatham and Aylesford leadership of the Labour party? c. House of Cards c. Romford a. Rosie Winterton & Sadiq Khan d. The West Wing d. Castle Point b. Hilary Benn & Douglas Alexander c. Harriet Harman & Chuka Umunna 12. Which political party were described 19. Where did David Cameron attract d. Ed Balls & Yvette Cooper as ‘like cockroaches after a nuclear controversy for not tipping a waitress war, just a bit less smelly’? on holiday? 5. Who got involved in a televised scrap a. BNP a. Cornwall with Stuart the dog in 2013? b. Labour b. Italy a. Jeremy Paxman c. UKIP c. Spain b. Boris Johnson d. Liberal Democrats d. Skye c. Iain Dale d. Michael Crick 13. Which of his favourite bands was 20. Where did the pro-AV campaign David Cameron told to stop listening secure the highest share of the vote to by a band member in 2010? in 2011? How? a. Rage Against the Machine a. Oxford 6. How many more people voted b. Radiohead b. Cambridge ‘No’ than ‘Yes’ in the 2014 Scottish c. The Smiths c. Hackney Independence Referendum? d. Bananarama d. Liverpool a. 167,298

b. 383,937 c. 723,394 20c 19b 18d 17c 16a 15c 14b 13c 12d 11b 10c 9c 8d 7c 6b 5c 4a 3c 2d 1b Answers: d. 1,012,463

26 / Fabian Review Fabian Society

10 things we learned from Fabian research this parliament

1. Focus on the long-term vision 7. Building better business The Fabian Commission on Future Spend- 67% believe that “The ways in which ing Choices was the lynchpin of the Fabian’s government, banks and major companies programme since 2010 and showed govern- operate will have to change radically before ment could spend more after 2015 than prosperity is likely to return to British George Osborne plans to, without prejudic- families” according to polling for All of Our ing public finances. It recommended taking Business. To meet this aspiration, Labour a long-view of public finances, restoring a needs business as an ally, not an enemy and regular cycle of spending reviews and en- should enter into a new charter with busi- couraging ministers to set a ‘ten-year test’ on ness to achieve its vision of a more ‘respon- public spending decisions to consider their sible capitalism’. long-term effects. read: All of Our Business (bit.ly/1MMQJkj); read: 2030 Vision (bit.ly/1GcJaS6) In It Together (bit.ly/190AtPn)

2. We’re all localisers now… 8. UKIP isn’t just a problem Jon Wilson’s 2012 pamphlet Letting Go led for the Tories the way for a new generation of Labour lo- Revolt on the Left, by Marcus Roberts re- calisers, proposing radical decentralisation of vealed the scale of Labour’s UKIP problem, power to local government and to individual identifying five Labour seats under direct communities. Long caricatured as a bastion threat from Farage’s party – Great Grimsby, of statism, the Fabian Society explored this Dudley North, Plymouth Moor View, Rother new devolutionary dimension with a slew of Valley, Rotherham – and highlighting a pamphlets on how politicians can ‘let go’. getting people who care about their local further sixteen seats which might flip to the read: Letting Go (bit.ly/1EpDtQB); environment to caring about climate change Conservatives as a result of the UKIP surge. Within Reach (bit.ly/19r0gkV) will be a key challenge in the next five years. read: Revolt on the Left (bit.ly/1AY312V) read: Pride of Place (bit.ly/1BLvfTa); 3. …But the state endures Places to Be (bit.ly/1ClhThe) 9. We’re losing the war with the That being said, increased localism must junk food giants go hand in hand with a reform of how the 5. Politics needs to change Obesity for the poorest children is now state works at top and bottom. The 2014 According to polling for the Fabian Review worse than it was ten years ago – before report Going Public set out a clear roadmap 57 per cent of people think politicians sel- Jamie Oliver’s healthy school meals cam- for reconciling Labour’s divergent trends dom give straight answers to straight ques- paign. And the interim report of the Fabian into a coherent set of principle for public tions on radio and TV and 36 per cent think Commission on Food and Poverty also services, which prioritise ‘public character’. politicians are more interested in scoring reveals that the government budgets for 62 per cent think that public services should political points than doing the right thing. healthy eating campaigns are being over- be delivered mainly or entirely by the state, Politics needs to change to reflect people’s powered by ad spend from junk food giants rather than by charities or businesses as aspirations for a politics grounded in the like McDonalds, KFC and Mars. highlighted by For the Public Good. everyday realities of life, rather than its own read: A Recipe for Inequality read: For the Public Good (bit.ly/1xrzmyw); internal rules. (bit.ly/1EvkCnv) No Right Turn (bit.ly/1MFfDT3); read: On Another Planet (bit.ly/1x8ylku); Going Public (bit.ly/19r5QUs) Back to Earth (bit.ly/1xsckaQ) 10. Poverty and inequality will define the next parliament 4. Take pride in place 6. What we measure matters If Britain keeps its current course, based on 2015 will be a crucial year for climate change The UK’s post-crash public discourse has the government’s policies there will be 1.2 activists with the international climate been dominated by Britain’s GDP growth million more children in poverty and 1.3 mil- change conference in Paris. But Fabian with every quarterly growth estimate pored lion more households below the poverty line research in Pride of Place and Places to Be over by party spinners. But are we measur- by 2030. Inequality 2030 by Andrew Harrop highlighted the importance of politicians ing the right things? Measure for Measure by and Howard Reed painted a stark picture of placing an emphasis on the local environ- Andrew Harrop and Rob Tinker proposed the future for poverty and inequality but of- ment as well as the global – green spaces as median household income as a new, key fered hope that plausible and affordable gov- well as greenhouse gases. 26 per cent said economic indicator to gain a better in- ernment intervention can make a massive they regarded climate change as an impor- sight into the success or otherwise of our difference to the living standards of typical tant environmental issue – the same as dog economy. households and to future levels of poverty. fouling and litter. Finding a pathway from read: Measure for Measure (bit.ly/18wZy4v) read: Inequality 2030 (bit.ly/1Gdczvo)

27 / Volume 125—No.­ 4 Listings

BEXLEY DERBY MANCHESTER SOUTH TYNESIDE Regular meetings. Contact Alan Details for meetings from Alan Jones on Society reforming. Details from Rosie 17 April: Annual Dinner with speaker Scutt on 0208 304 0413 or alan.scutt@ 01283 217140 or alan.mandh@ btinternet. Clayton on [email protected] www. Emma Lowell-Buck MP. Contact phonecoop. Coop com facebook.com/ManchesterFabians Paul Freeman on 0191 5367 633 or at Twitter: @MCR_Fab [email protected] for BIRMINGHAM DONCASTER AND DISTRICT tickets and information For details and information, New Society forming, for details and The MARCHES please contact Andrew Coulson at information contact Kevin Rodgers on Society re-forming. If you are interested, SUFFOLK Andrew@ CoulsonBirmingham.co.uk 07962 019168 email k.t.rodgers@gmail. please contact Jeevan Jones at 21 October: Dr Jenny Morris on com [email protected] ‘Rethinking Disability Policy’ 27 BOURNEMOUTH & DISTRICT November. Lord Roger Liddle on ‘The 27 March: Douglas Lock. Chair of EAST LOTHIAN MERSEYSIDE Europe Dilemma’ 7.30 at Ipswich Library Christchurch CLP. ‘The UK Economy: Details of all meetings from Noel Foy Please contact Hetty Wood at Lectur4e Hall Details from John Cook – What are the prospects for the next 5 on 01620 824386 email noelfoy@lewisk3. [email protected] [email protected], www.twitter. Years?’ plus.com cdom/suffolkfabians 29 May: Post General Election Any MIDDLESBOROUGH Questions Evening’ with Local EDINBURGH Please contact Andrew Maloney on SURREY Candidates. Regular Brain Cell meetings. Details 07757 952784 or email andrewmaloney@ 26 April: AGM 2.30 followed at 3.00 by 26 June: Lord Roger Liddle from Daniel Johnson at daniel@ hotmail.co.uk for details Danialle Spencer of CARE International Meetings at the Friends Meeting scottishfabians.org.uk on ‘The Syrian Refugee Situation. House, Wharncliffe Rd, Boscombe, NORTHUMBRIA AREA Meetings at Guildford Cathedral Bournemouth at 7.30. Contact Ian EPSOM & EWELL Please contact Pat Hobson: Education Centre at 3.00pm. Details from Taylor on 01202 396634 for details or New Society forming. If you are [email protected] Robert Park on 01483 422253 or robert. [email protected] interested, please contact Carl Dawson at [email protected] [email protected] NORTHAMPTON AREA BRIGHTON & HOVE Please contact Dave Brede on TONBRIDGE & TUNBRIDGE WELLS 27 March: Purna Sen, PPC Brighton FINCHLEY [email protected] 17 April: Sandy Siemansky from Pavilion and Warren Morgan, Leader of Enquiries to Mike Walsh on 07980 602122 the Open University on ‘Critical the Labour Group, Brighton and Hove [email protected] NORTH STAFFORDSHIRE Evaluation of Social Policy’ City Council on ‘Labour’s Policies, Local Please contact Richard Gorton on 15 May: Discussion on the Outcome of and National’ GLASGOW [email protected] the General Election 24 April: Professor Richard Vogler on Now holding regular meetings. Contact Meetings at 8.00 at 71a London Rd. ‘Crime, Justice and the City of London’ Martin Hutchinson on [email protected] NOTTINGHAMSHIRE Contact John Champneys on 01892 Details of all meetings from Ralph Details from Lee Garland: 523429 Bayley: [email protected] GLOUCESTER [email protected], Regular meetings at TGWU, 1 Pullman www.nottsfabians. org.uk, TYNEMOUTH BRISTOL Court, Great Western Rd, Gloucester. Twitter: @NottsFabians Monthly supper meetings, details from Regular meetings. Contact Ges Details from Malcolm Perry at Brian Flood on 0191 258 3949 Rosenberg for details on grosenberg@ [email protected] OXFORD churchside.me.uk or Arthur Massey Please contact Michael Weatherburn at WARWICKSHIRE 0117 9573330 GRIMSBY [email protected] All meetings 7.30 at the Friends Meeting Regular meetings. Details from Pat House, 28 Regent Place, Rugby. CAMBRIDGE Holland – [email protected] PETERBOROUGH Details from Ben Ferrett on Contact Cambridge Fabians at Meetings at 8.00 at the Ramada Hotel, ben_ferrett@hotmail. com or [email protected] HARROW Thorpe Meadows, Peterborough. Details warwickshirefabians.blogspot.com www.cambridgefabians.org.uk Details from Marilyn Devine on from Brian Keegan on 01733 265769, www.facebook.com/groups/ 0208 424 9034. Fabians from other areas email [email protected] WEST DURHAM cambridgefabiansociety where there are no local Fabian Societies Welcomes new members from all areas are very welcome to join us. PORTSMOUTH of the North East not served by other CENTRAL LONDON 18 March: Portsmouth’sPPCs John Fabian Societies. Regular meeting Details from Giles Wright on 0207 227 HASTINGS & RYE Ferrett and Sue Castillon on ‘Why we normally on the last Saturday of 4904 or [email protected] Meetings held on last Friday of each Need a Labour Government’. 7.30 at the alternate months at the Joiners Arms, month. Please contact Jean Webb c/o the Havelock Community Centre, Fawcett Hunwick between 12.15 and 2.00pm – CHATHAM & AYLESFORD Fabian Society, 61 Petty France Rd, Southsea. Details from Dave Wardle light lunch £2.00 Contact the Secretary New Society forming. Please contact at david. [email protected] or Cllr Professor Alan Townsend, 62A Low Sean Henry on 07545 296800 or HAVERING 02392 812012 Willington, Crook, Durham DL15 OBG, [email protected] 24 March: David Marshall on tel, 01388 746479 email Alan.Townsend@ ‘Falklands. 250 Years and Beyond’. 8.00 READING & DISTRICT dur.ac.uk CHISWICK & WEST LONDON in Billet Studio, Fairkyte Arts Centre, Please contact Tony Skuse on 26 March: Dr Brian Fisher on ‘Labour’s Hornchurch. Details of all meetings from 0118 978 5829 email [email protected] WIMBLEDON Policy on the NHS’ .8.00 in the David Marshall email david.c.marshall@ Please contact Andy Ray on 07944 545161 Committee Room, Chiswick Town Hall, talk21.com tel. 01708 441189 For SHEFFIELD or [email protected] Heathfield Terrace, Chiswick. Details latest information, see the website Regular meetings on the 3rd Thursday from Dr Alison Baker a.m.baker@ haveringfabians.org.uk of the month at The Quaker Meeting YORK blueyonder.co.uk House, 10 St James St, Sheffield, Regular meetings on 3rd or 4th Fridays IPSWICH S1 2EW. Details and information from at 7.45 at Jacob’s Well, Off Micklegate, COLCHESTER Details of all meetings from John Cook: Rob Murray on 0114 255 8341or email York. 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For details Regular meetings at 8.00 in Dartford Details of all meetings from John Bracken of all meetings, contact Eliot Horn at Working Men’s Club, Essex Rd, Dartford. at [email protected] [email protected] Details from Deborah Stoate on 0207 227 4904 email [email protected]

28 / Fabian Review Feature Fabian News

FABIAN QUIZ Noticeboard how to run a government, so Date for your diary that citizens benefit and Annual House of Lords Meeting taxpayers don't and Tea go crazy Tuesday 14 July at 2pm Michael Barber Tickets £20 from Deborah Stoate: [email protected] The secrets of successful government from Michael Barber, one of the world's experts on carrying out lasting improvements in public Fabian Fortune Fund life. winner: Billions of citizens around the world are Richard Pennell £100 frustrated with their governments. Political Half the income from the Fabian leaders struggle to honour their promises Fortune Fund goes to support and officials find it near impossible to our research programme. Further translate ideas into action. The result? High information from Giles Wright, giles. taxes, but poor outcomes. Cynicism not [email protected] just with government but with the political process. Why is this? How could this vicious spiral be reversed? In this book Michael Barber draws on his wealth of experience of working for and with government leaders the world over to present a blueprint for how to run a SAVE THE DATE government. Using contemporary cases from every continent and classic examples from history, he makes a case for a new approach. Fabian Summer Conference, From Downing Street to Punjab, Charles I to Churchill, this book shows that the solution Saturday 6 June 2015 is less about ideology and more about clear priorities and meticulous planning. We are excited to announce that this year’s Fabian Summer Penguin has kindly given us five Conference will take place just one copies to give away. To win one, send month after the general election, us your predictions for the following: on 6 June 2015, at a Central What is the number of seats the Labour party will win at this year’s general London venue (TBA). election? We will announce our speaker lease email your answer and your address line-up and timings following the to [email protected] and we will select the five closest guesses. election, but in the meantime Or send a postcard to: Fabian Society, Fabian you can book your place – with Quiz, 61 Petty France, London, SW1H 9EU a special discounted rate for Fabian members, at www.fabians. org.uk/events/fabian-summer- conference-2015/ ANSWERS MUST BE SUBMITTED BEFORE THURSDAY 7 MAY TO BE CONSIDERED

29 / Volume 126125—No.­ 14