VOLUME 47, NO. 2 – June 2021 Mennonite Historian
A PUBLICATION OF THE MENNONITE HERITAGE ARCHIVES and THE CENTRE FOR MB STUDIES IN CANADA
The Friedrichsthal village seal (bottom left) has survived primarily in Teilungs Kontrakt ledgers (estate settlement agreements) like this one. In the presence of the estate heirs, the surviving spouse, the guardians, the trustees, and the representatives of the village administration or sometimes the Waisenamt Vorsteher (director/administrator), the stipulations of the estate settlement agreement were read, witnessed, signed, and stamped with the village seal. MMG stands for Mariupoler Mennoniten Gemeinde, the regional name for the five villages in the Bergthal Colony in Ukraine. Siegel des Dorfs Amte Friedrichsthal means “Seal of the village office of Friedrichsthal.” The above text is the certification paragraph at the end of an estate agreement dated 17 October 1870 and signed by Dorfs-Schulz (mayor) Daniel Blatz, Beisitzer (assistant) Peter Friesen, and Beisitzer Heinrich Dyck. The story of Friedrichsthal, the last Bergthal Colony village, starts on page 2. Photo credit: Ernest N. Braun. Contents Friedrichsthal: Last Village of the Historical Commission Publishes Film and Book Reviews: Bergthal Colony: Part 1 of 2 ...... 2 College History ...... 7 Otto’s Passion ...... 15 Unehelich: Mennonite Genealogy and The Search for the Mennonite Once Removed ...... 16 Illegitimate Births: Part 1 of 3 ...... 3 Centennial Monument in MHA update ...... 6 Zaporozhzhia, Ukraine ...... 14 Friedrichsthal: Last Village of refugees have left their home countries, Mariupol[er] Mennonite Colony, but, in usually under duress, but the Bergthal Mennonite circles and later in hindsight, the Bergthal Colony: Part 1 of 2 Colony is still a singularly important it was referred to as the Bergthal Colony by Ernest N. Braun1 example of a voluntary emigration of a after its principal village, and its 1870s n 1973, on the centenary of the arrival complete people group in modern history. emigrants were known as Bergthalers. Iof the Mennonite delegates from the After years of research and futile Only later in Manitoba would the name Bergthal Colony in the newly created inquiries, in a final effort to locate the Bergthaler begin to mean something else, province of Manitoba, the late William village of his ancestors, William Schroeder notably on the West Reserve and then Schroeder published a book called The contacted the Library of Congress in in Saskatchewan where it referred to a Bergthal Colony.2 It is a measure of how Washington, DC. Fortunately, the Library particular Mennonite denomination. dim the memory of that settlement in did have maps of that Colony, which gave In 1848, a series of historical reports Ukraine was in 1973 to know that its very the names of the five villages in Russian. was compiled by the village Schulzen of geographic location had been lost. This Schroeder dates the maps to 1867, just all the Mennonite and German villages Colony is one of very few instances where nine years before the last Mennonites left of southern Russia. Many years later, the an entire Mennonite colony (five villages) the area. These maps had been seized by Odessaer Zeitung published the reports, emptied of all Mennonite presence within German agents after German forces had including the ones for the Bergthal a few years in the 1870s and, unlike occupied parts of the Soviet Union and Colony, and, in 1941, Margarete Woltner Chortitza or the Molotschna where were taken back to Germany. Then after republished them in a book, Die Gemeinde Mennonites lived at least until WWII, very the end of WWII, the American forces in Berichte von 1848 der Deutsche Siedlungen little was published about it in Mennonite turn captured a wide range of documents am Schwarzen Meer.7 While the reports circles until 100 years later. in Germany. Many of these, including cover the origins and circumstances of That same year, 1973, the last remaining the Bergthal maps, were taken back to these first four villages, they do not address Mennonite born in the Bergthal Colony, the United States and microfilmed for an obvious question: what happened to the Heinrich D. Penner (my second cousin deposition in libraries and archives, among remaining 1,952.5 desiatin (5,271 acres) several times removed), died at age 101. them the Library of Congress. Four of the still vacant?8 Hence, the subject of this The entire Bergthal Colony emigrated from maps were at some point stitched together article. Ukraine (then known as southern Russia) to form a composite picture of the Bergthal In fact, in 1852, a fifth village was en mass in the years 1874–1876 and settled Colony in 1867. These are the maps on finally established and oddly enough in America, principally Manitoba, but also which most Bergthal Colony maps are named Friedrichsthal. An explanation in parts of the USA. Of the more than 500 based. for the 13-year hiatus in settlement has not been provided to my knowledge, but Bergthal families that sold their properties, Geography and location it may be attributable to several factors. only 21 did not emigrate, each for different As Schroeder points out in his book, the 3 First, in 1847, the government body reasons. Since then, many large groups of land for this new colony in the Mariupol overseeing the foreign settlers in southern area west of the Sea of Azov had originally Mennonite Historian is published by the Russia, the Fürsorgekomitee (hereinafter Mennonite Heritage Archives (Mennonite been reserved in 1817 by the Russian Guardianship Committee9), opened Church Canada, Centre for Transnational government for a Jewish agricultural Mennonite Studies, and Canadian Mennonite settlement opportunities in the neighbouring colony, but not all the land was taken up. Jewish colonies for enterprising Chortitzer University) and the Centre for Mennonite Consequently, in 1833, the remaining land Brethren Studies (Canadian Conference of Mennonites to serve as “model” farmers was offered to the Chortitza Colony for its 10 Mennonite Brethren Churches). for the Jewish settlers. For a time, this landless population. The tract was about attracted a smattering of the landless, but Editors: Jon Isaak (CMBS) 25,800 acres (about 9,540 desiatin, various the initiative did not really ameliorate Conrad Stoesz (MHA) spellings) or about 40 sections, somewhat the landless problem. Second, several of All correspondence and manuscripts should be larger than a township in western Canada, the intervening years in the 1840s were 4 sent to the editorial offices at: which is about 23,040 acres (36 sections). difficult, with all the Mennonite colonies 1310 Taylor Ave. The assignment of land for a new colony experiencing drought, storms, livestock Winnipeg, MB R3M 3Z6 was a welcome and timely opportunity for disease, crop failures, and even a gopher 204.669.6575 the large, landless population of Chortitza, plague. An element not as directly [email protected] but a severe drought, cattle pests, and affecting Mennonites but preoccupying or disease that year (1833 was called the “black the authorities in 1848 was the threat of 500 Shaftesbury Blvd. 5 Winnipeg, MB R3P 2N2 year” ) postponed any new settlement revolution spilling over into Russia from 204.560.1998 until 1836, when the first village, Bergthal Europe where there was considerable [email protected] (2,080 des.), was founded. Three more unrest. Third, by this time, Johann Cornies’s www.mennonitehistorian.ca villages followed, one per year: Schönfeld restrictive policies, already in place in the in 1837 (1,625 des.), Schönthal in 1838 Molotschna regarding who qualified as a Subscription rates: $17.00 per year, $32.00 for two years, and $46.00 for three years. (2,015 des.), and Heuboden in 1839 (1,820 suitable candidate to take up a farm, began Individual subscriptions may be ordered from des.) taking up about 7,540 desiatin and to extend to the Chortitza and Bergthal these addresses. leaving over 1,950 desiatin undeveloped.6 Colonies. For example, with respect to ISSN: 07008066 The district was formally known as the (cont’d on p. 4) Page 2 June 2021 Mennonite Historian Unfortunately, these are not always cut- and-dry situations. Genealogy and Family History The third reason for a non-match in Y-DNA testing is that the male ancestor gives birth more than nine months after the Unehelich: Mennonite was simply illegitimate. There are two death of her husband. ways that one can investigate this situation. Genealogy and Illegitimate Illegitimate births have come to the 1) There may be documentation to back this Births: Part 1 of 3 forefront of genealogical research due to up. 2) Y-DNA testing of several supposedly by Glenn H. Penner
Page 4 June 2021 Mennonite Historian cases, the name described the topography, and later names sometimes commemorated previous owners, Russian offi cials or rulers. Friedrichsthal belongs to the latter type. A quick look at the contemporary situation might be helpful to explain the Friedrichsthal name. The Molotschna Mennonite community had for years experienced the autocratic policies of Johann Cornies, and, by the mid-1840s, his infl uence extended into the Chortitza and Bergthal Colonies as well, although not without stout resistance. Even upon his death in 1848, the Mennonite colonies continued to be further frustrated by Eugen von Hahn (1807–1874), a keen supporter of Cornies, his modernization plans, and strict enforcement of policies. Von Hahn served as deputy to the President of the Guardianship Committee from 1841 and as President from 1845 to 1849. At the end of that year, he was promoted to higher offi ce and a new President installed.18 The new President, Baron Fedor von Rosen, would become the face of the Guardianship Committee. Offi cially, his title was Baron Fedor (Fyodor) F. von Rosen and his name in Russian is Федор Фридрихович Розен (Fyodor Fridrikhovich Rosen), but, to all the German and Mennonite colonists, he was known as Friedrich v. Rosen as he was named in his obituary published in February 1854 in Unterhaltungsblatt. It appears that it was his role as President that prompted the new name of the settlement that took shape under his leadership, leadership which his obituary lavishly describes in most generous terms.19 Von Rosen fell sick some time in 1853 and died in February 1854 at the age of 45.20 When the village was sold to some wealthier neighbouring Ukrainians, the name reverted to the v. Rosen’s fi rst name, Fedorivka, which is still used today (Фёдоровка or Fedorovka in Russian). Figure 2: Friedrichsthal Land Parcel. provides for Anwohner (cottagers without The earliest list of settlers desiring to Origin of settlers 22 settle in the new colony appears to be dated The intent as mentioned in a document an allotment of land) and woodlots. from the Gebietsamt of Chortitz and Another provisional village plan for 18 June 1852 and lists 16 family heads (names Bergthal dated August 14, 1852, was to village lots was extrapolated from the transliterated into Russian), ten from the place 30 families in the new settlement, larger Colony plan (ca. 1852) and a name Chortitza Colony and six from the other which at that point was still unnamed.21 assigned, likely the fi rst document to do so. Bergthal villages, with subsequent lists Accordingly, Peter Friesen’s drawing, However, it is not dated. This ad hoc 18 lot adding one more to make 17 heads of 23 probably created after that memo, shows a plan may have been promotional or simply families as the founding settlers. William village plan with 30 farm lots. This plan was designed for the purpose of drawing lots Schroeder notes that there were 19 original likely a formal one incorporating Cornies’s for the fi rst 17 settlers that expressed an settlers, but there is no contemporary list vision for new settlements, since it also interest in moving. (cont’d on p. 8)
Mennonite Historian June 2021 Page 5 Foundation. With a digital camera mounted Voices from EMC & EMMC Mennonite on a stand, Sara takes pictures of each page of the newspaper. On the computer, she Heritage adjusts the contrast, crops, rotates, and combines the images into a complete issue Archives of the paper. Sara will also be putting her MHA Update German skills to use by testing a program by Conrad Stoesz that can be trained to recognize the German Gothic script print so the Steinbach Post he staff at the Mennonite Heritage will also be word searchable. Archives carry on with their work T Due to COVID restrictions, classes even as COVID-19 continues to exert could not visit the archives, but we did significant pressure on our communities. host classes virtually. I spoke via video Depending on local health orders, the conference to students at four schools: MHA has been open for researchers by appointment and, at other times, closed University of Winnipeg about archival In the early formative steps of the except for pick up and drop offs. We have research, University of Manitoba Rudnerweide Gemeinde, which later became the EMMC, one of the resolutions of this started two digitization projects during the regarding the origins of the Mennonite Archival Information Database, Canadian organization was to support the preaching pandemic. Selenna Wolfe began digitizing of the gospel in countries beyond Canada our collection of 5,000+ audio cassette Mennonite University about our medieval by means of prayer and financial support. tapes. Some are getting close to 50 years Catholic manuscript from Spain, and Young John Schellenberg (pictured above, old and at times need repairs. Digitizing Westgate Mennonite Collegiate about ca. 1940) felt called to become a missionary Canadian conscientious objectors in the to the “regions beyond,” as it was termed. them happens in “real time,” meaning that He completed his Bible school training, and if a tape is 60-minutes long, it takes 60 Second World War. in time, arrangements were made for him to minutes to digitize. This process preserves People continue to bring us historical work under Africa Inland Mission. On June the information on the tapes and makes the materials for preservation, and others 30, 1940, he was ordained as a missionary at contact us for information needed for Missionfest in Bergfeld, Manitoba, and left data easier to access. for Kenya in 1942. Schellenberg was the first The second project is the digitization of their various family or community of many missionaries to be sent out with the the Steinbach Post, the oldest Mennonite research projects. Staff continue to process prayers and financial support of the EMMC. weekly newspaper founded in Canada materials and create new finding aids for Text by Lil Goertzen and photo courtesy of (1913). Sara Dyck, a student at Canadian organizations and individual collections, Mary Falk Neufeld. Mennonite University, has been hired to including Westgate Mennonite Colligate, begin this project, which is made possible Marta Goertzen-Armin (1923–2009), and with funding from the D.F. Plett Research Heinrich Heinrichs (1899–1941).
Leona Reimer (pictured here pushing out a vehicle, ca. 1946) and her husband John K. were the first missionaries sent out by Steinbach EMC, and the first missionaries serving under Western Gospel Mission, EMC’s first formal mission endeavour. John K. and Leona began their ministry in Arabella, Saskatchewan, north of Yorkton, in 1946. Western Gospel Mission would only operate for fifteen years, but in that time would reach into the Saskatchewan communities of Arabella, Danbury, Canora, Kamsack, Weekes, and Wynyard. The work begun by John K. Reimer and Leona would culminate in a church — Arabella Fellowship Chapel officially joined the EMC in 1967, and was folded into Pelly Fellowship Chapel in 1987. Text by Ruth Block and photo credit: CMU student Sara Dyck takes pictures with an overhead camera. Photo credit: Conrad Stoesz. MAID EMC D1940-P-01804. Page 6 June 2021 Mennonite Historian Historical Commission year concerning the nature of the college. Now, fi ve years later, Dueck’s research has Publishes College History been published. by Jon Isaak The main sources for Dueck’s project he Mennonite Brethren Historical were the detailed reports and minutes TCommission’s most recent publication of the college boards or committees is Abe J. Dueck’s book, Mennonite Brethren (later Board of Higher Education), the Bible College: A History of Competing proceedings of the Canadian Conference Visions. The book—released by Kindred of Mennonite Brethren Churches, and the off erings. Often surfacing in this study is Productions in April 2021—documents administrative and faculty minutes and the tension confronting the college in fi ne- and assesses the Canadian Mennonite related documents. In addition to these, he tuning a music culture that would attract constituency approval. Dueck’s meticulous Brethren church’s education agenda from consulted other documentary sources, such study off ers not only a compelling narrative 1944 to 1992, a story of competing visions. as reports in denominational newspapers of MBBC but also a skillful analysis of the To purchase your copy, see https://www. and magazines, letters, college catalogues, issues that throughout most of its existence kindredproductions.com. yearbooks of convention proceedings, threatened the health of the college and biographies, and autobiographies. ultimately caused its demise (David MBBC was not the end of the story Giesbrecht, former librarian at Columbia of Mennonite Brethren higher education Bible College, Abbottsford, BC). in Canada. The institutions that followed (Concord College and Canadian Mennonite University) developed in ways that took into account and built on many of the experiences, characteristics, and strengths of the founding colleges, including MBBC. Dueck taught at MBBC for 23 years and served as academic dean for 15 years. In 1992, he became the director of the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies and later served as the executive secretary of the Mennonite Brethren Historical Commission for several years. He has published a number of articles in books and academic journals and has edited Abe Dueck is academic dean emeritus of several books relating to Mennonite and Canadian Mennonite University in Winnipeg, Anabaptist history and theology. Manitoba. He was born in Coaldale, Alberta, and studied at various institutions, including MBBC, the University of British Columbia, Abe Dueck, one time faculty and and Goshen Seminary. In 1971, he received academic dean, deserves wide recognition his PhD in religion from Duke University in for his courage and candor. His study of In this thorough study of MBBC’s Durham, North Carolina. the Mennonite Brethren Bible College will 48-year history, Abe Dueck reveals the In 2016, Dueck was awarded one of be of interest to anyone familiar with the enthusiasm Mennonite Brethren had for the Historical Commission’s MB Studies once fl ag-ship denominational center. As education, alongside their almost constant Project Grants for his research project the title implies, throughout its history, disagreement about what kind of education on the history of the Mennonite Brethren the school struggled to fi nd an identity it should be. This is a story populated by Bible College. The focus of his research acceptable to its supporting constituency, dynamic and infl uential personalities, was the guiding vision of MBBC as it itself subject to a constantly shifting robust debate, debilitating tension, was conceived in the early 1940s and as cultural milieu. Baffl ing for administrators but also reminders of God’s gracious it evolved and became an issue of intense and faculty alike was fi nding a healthy blessing on the school and of its enormous disagreement and confl ict through the balance between theology and liberal arts contribution to the life of the Canadian MB years. MBBC was the main program or conceptualizing an acceptable divide Church (Dora Dueck, author and former supported by the Canadian Mennonite between undergraduate and graduate MB Herald editorial staff , Delta, BC). Brethren conference during the college’s existence (1944–1992), and, as such, its story is also in large measure the story of the conference as a whole. The theology, worship, and polity of the conference are refl ected in the discussions and the often heated debates that transpired from year to Mennonite Historian June 2021 Page 7 Friedrichsthal By November 20, 1852, a document resident in the village. They moved from (cont’d from p. 5) gives the name of the new settlement as both Chortitza (67%) and other Bergthal Friedrichsthal and lists 15 family heads Colony villages (33%), with some that confi rms this. A summary list for 1859 from Chortitza and six from other Bergthal individual families originally coming by A.A. Klaus does use 19 as number of villages.27 A year later, on December 2, from the Molotschna Colony. Most were Feuerstelle (village lots), and perhaps 1853, there were 25 family heads registered married couples in their 20s and 30s, the 24 that is the origin of the number. In to vote, including eight from various exceptions being Abraham Hamm, at 49 2009, an article by Tim Janzen mentions Bergthal villages (none from Heuboden).28 (b. 1803), and Friedrich Wall, the second that two more names, Anton Fischer and By that time, the name Franz Zacharias oldest at 44 (b. 1809). Adam Scheff el, were recently supplied by of Neu-Osterwick had been replaced by As had been the case for the earlier researcher Andrey Ivanov, but they do not Jacob Braun from Kronsthal.29 A summary Bergthal villages, the new settlers were appear in any Friedrichsthal list, Russian statement dated January 8, 1854, notes largely Kleinhäusler-familien, a fancy word 25 or German, or in any census data. It is that voters in Friedrichsthal elected Franz for families that did not own a Wirtschaft likely that neither of these non-Mennonite Harder, one of the settlers from Bergthal, (established farm) in the home village in families actually settled in Friedrichsthal, as Beisitzer (assistant) in the elections.30 Chortitza or other Bergthal villages. They although they appear to have settled nearby. One can identify 25 of those voters from lived in separate allotments on the periphery Evidence of that appears in the Chortitzer the various lists available in the Odessa of the older villages or maybe still with Mennonite Conference Waisenamt records fi les. their parents. As the rigorous restrictions where Anton Fischer is listed among The exact date of the physical move to regarding eligibility were mitigated by the Friedrichsthal buyers at various auctions Friedrichsthal for each family has not yet changes in the Guardianship Committee, in the Bergthal villages in the early 1870s been discovered and may be lost entirely. poorer and younger families could now as are other German colonists from the Suffi ce it to say that by some time in express interest in moving and the village surrounding villages.26 1853, there were at least 25 families began to fi ll up.
Figure 3: Friedrichsthal Village Plan. This plan was surveyed and drawn by Peter Friesen, Bergthal. Names and village lot numbers as given in 1858 Bergthal Colony Census for Friedrichsthal. Page 8 June 2021 Mennonite Historian A typical family settling in Friedrichsthal might not have met Levies mandated by the state: 1. Grundsteuer - state property tax: 1862 - 5 kopek per desiatin - 3.25R per full-holding Cornies’s rigorous standards, but reports show that they brought 3–4 horses, 4–5 Levies mandated by the Colony: cattle, some sheep, a wagon, a plow, and 2. Seelengeld - church head tithe: 1867 - 90 kopek per working person ages 14–60, both genders a harrow. On average, the Bergthaler 3. Auflage für Gov and Kreislasten - colony levy for government and district charges families owned three times as many sheep 4. Auflage für Zuchtvieh - colony levies to buy and maintain breeding stock 5. Auflage für Gebäude usw. - colony levies to build and maintain church buildings and as the Chortitzer. The latter, however, held institutions* over 200 rubles compared to only 150 for 6. Auflage für Brücke usw. - colony levies to build and maintain bridges, fences, roads the former.31 Whatever money the settlers 7. Beschaffung des Gemeinde Vorrathsgetreides - procurement of community supply/stock of were able to bring with them had likely grain been obtained from day-labour wages 8. Unterhaltung der Verwaltung - colony levy to support the colony head office per worker (m/f) 9. Unterhaltung für Arzt/Felscher/Hebamme/Pockenimpfer - colony levy for medical care or inheritance since they had no land to sell. With limited money, manpower, and Levies mandated by the village:** equipment, erecting a complete village 10. Gehalt des Dorfsältester - village levy 8–20 kopeks per person to support village office on the open steppe within two years was 11. Unterhaltungs des Dorflehrers - village levy for teacher salary per number of children a challenge but likely a welcome one, enrolled 12. Produkte en Natura und Beleuchtung/Beheizung der Schule - non-salary support of teacher and one that characterizes the Mennonite and school building (often carried by villagers only) migrations over the centuries. 13. Herdman/Pasture fees: a villager could field up to 25 head of cattle (in which 5 sheep or calves equal 1 head); cottagers could field between 2–4 but at a cost of up to 50 kopek per head Description of the village plan and lots 14. Baustelle Auflage - village levy for each cottager property of 30 kopek - 3 Ruble per site As noted, the village of Friedrichsthal was 15. Sämmtliche Naturalleistungen - all payments in kind - days on road maintenance, etc. laid out north of and parallel to the Vodina, bending slightly as it followed the course *Other items were the annual levy of grain for the village storehouse in event of future crop of the river. The street ran about 230 meters failure, and a fund for the future purchase of land for the next generation. In 1874, this fund was used to help the poor emigrate. north of the river, eventually crossing it to **Vollwirte (full), Halbwirte (half), Viertel (quarter) Wirte - fees in proportion of a full holding continue east to Schönthal (4 km) and then northwards to Bergthal (another 3.5 km) Figure 4: Levies based on A.A. Klaus, Unsere Kolonien [1869 in Russian], trans. J. Toews where the meetinghouse and the offices of (Odessa: Odessaer Zeitung, 1887), 233, 247. the Colony administration were located. established farmers married and took up or half-holder: owner of a village lot and Each plot backed onto the river, giving residence in the village. In fact, by 1869, half an allotment of land (32.5 des. or 88 everybody access to water for their cattle the Waisenamt records show about 55 acres); and c) Viertelwirt or quarter-holder: and gardens. households belonging to Friedrichsthal: owner of village lot and a quarter allotment A village plan on Peter Friesen’s undated 33 landowners and 22 cottagers.34 There of land (16.25 des. or 44 acres). sketch of the Friedrichsthal settlement continued to be only 30 full farms 2) Cottagers divide into three area shows 30 lots including provision for in the village; therefore, having 33 subgroups: a) Kleinwirt or owner of almost double that population by reserving owners signifies that several owners had cottager lot but no allotment of land or, land for about 30 Kleinhäusler (cottagers) subdivided their farms and sold either a after the reforms of 1866, owning between immediately north of the street. It also half farm or quarter farm to others in the 0.5 and 12 des. land (1.3 to 32.5 acres); includes a lot for the school on the north village as they were entitled to do after b) Anwohner or cottage owner making a side as well as two large parcels dedicated the reforms of 1866. A compilation of all living as tradesperson; and c) Freiwirt or to woodlots. As noted, the village plan the names entered in various lists in the special category of cottage owner, likely also shows the influence of Johann Waisenamt just prior to emigration totals at one exempt from certain levies. Cornies’s village template and his vision least 70 households, not including Erdman 3) Landless (Landlose) do not have for a two-tiered community: farmers and Buhr who lived on an estate nearby and is any property or land within the settlement tradespeople.32 This is a radical departure also associated with Schönthal. The size and also divide into three subgroups: a) from the earlier villages where only a of the village and woodlots together was landowners living on their own land (not population boom created a cottager section about 70 desiatin or about 190 acres. in the village) or leaseholders on leased or two at the periphery of the village as an Although historians have usually land; b) Handarbeiter (tradesperson), afterthought (see Figure 3: Friedrichsthal divided the households in Mennonite Gewerbetreibende (business owner), Village Plan). villages into two or three categories, A.A. and Kaufleute (merchant) who live in A second, more basic village plan Klaus gives three categories with several rented quarters, sometimes referred to as clearly extrapolated from the larger subgroupings of ownership for each in his Einwohner (renters); and c) Arbeiter or Bergthal Colony map shows only 18 lots 1869 book, Unsere Kolonien.35 labourers who live with their employer and a school lot north of the street. This 1) Villagers, i.e., owners with an and work for wages, often married sons is likely a plan used in the drawing of lots allotment of land, divide into three employed by their parents and still living for the first 17 families.33 As successive subgroups: a) Vollwirt or full-holder: with them. voters’ lists show, the population grew owner of a village lot and a full quota of A family with a house lot in the village rapidly, mostly from within as children of land (65 des. or 175.5 acres); b) Halbwirt and 175 acres was obligated to build a Mennonite Historian June 2021 Page 9 house and a barn according to regulations, over 100 feet in elevation both to the north Livelihood service a portion of the woodlot (Plantage), and south, although the latter lay outside The livelihood of the Friedrichsthal and plant regulated shelter belts bordering the boundaries of the Colony. villagers (landowners) resembled that of their village lot, as well as plant fruit As noted above, to qualify for new the other Black Sea-Mariupol Mennonite trees along the street. In addition, the land, settlers had to be deemed as villages of Bergthal and the Molotschna. head of the family would have to carry appropriately “diligent, energetic, peaceful The commercial sheep era had largely out responsibilities involved in running and thrifty,” to live “irreproachable lives,” ended by the late 1840s, when competition the school, the church, the communal fire and to possess “sufficient means … cash, from other countries and mechanization of insurance, and the village administration. livestock, and agricultural implements.” the industry forced Mennonites out of the These also included a long list of some 15 Then, the first task was to meet with the market, although sheep still constituted a levies owed to the state, the colony, and other selected family heads and elect substantial part of the farm economy for the village (see Figure 4: Levies). The village representatives.37 That done, they domestic use. There is no evidence that head of the family had the right to vote could cast lots in the presence of at least sheep were a significant part of the export picture in Friedrichsthal, although wool in in the elections of village administrators, one District official to determine which the Molotschna colony was still the second a right not accorded to landless families site they would receive. After that, some 36 most important export in 1851. until 1866. This resulted in the widening time in later 1852 and early 1853, the full- By the time Friedrichsthal was of the gap between the landowners and holders moved to the site to find their lot established, Mennonites in general had the landless as all power was vested with clearly delineated with a furrow on all four turned to grain growing, especially wheat, the owners, leaving the landless with little sides plowed at the behest of the District recourse. largely for export via the Black Sea and office and Landwirtschaftlicher Verein newly established Sea of Azov ports. The design of Friedrichsthal differed (Agricultural Union), which also engaged a significantly from that of the earlier Grain farming was rapidly becoming surveyor (in this case a Peter Friesen from mechanized even here in the somewhat villages founded in the Bergthal Colony. Bergthal) to separate the land itself into Although the full-holder lots remained the isolated Bergthal Colony with various streets, field roads, arable land, pasture, horse-drawn machinery increasingly used same, the village itself from the outset was hay land, and woodlots, all demarcated a two-tiered community. Each full-holder by all farmers. It is noteworthy that every with a plowed furrow. new Friedrichsthal settler had between owned the following: a lot measuring The integration of cottager village lots three and four horses. The innovations of 30 Faden (30 x 6.222 = 187 feet) by right from the start, as opposed to earlier Johann Cornies had by this time reached 120 Faden (747 feet) totaling about 3.2 villages where such lots were only added the Chortitza and Bergthal colonies, so acres, having been lengthened by Johann at the outskirts later, was an attempt to that the practice of agriculture was fairly Cornies from the original design of 80 accommodate the Handwerker (literally uniform. The prescribed pattern was the Faden (498 feet) for the earliest Bergthal hand worker but meaning tradespeople in four-year field rotation: plowed summer villages. All the lots on the south side of this instance) who were expected to be a fallow, barley, wheat, and finally rye/oats. the village street followed the same pattern part of the village from the start. These Climate was similar to that of Molotschna: (see Figure 5: Village Lot Plan). Each lots were only 20 Faden (124.5 feet) wide namely, a much longer frost-free season house also followed a pattern (see Figure and 60 Faden (373 feet) long, just over and milder winters than Manitoba. 6: House Plan). This floor plan is similar an acre in size.38 The house floor plan Machinery was also fairly consistent: to that of the housebarn at the Steinbach of the cottager was similar to that of the the most important being the single-bottom Mennonite Heritage Village. Beyond plow with mouldboard that required four that, the landowner had agricultural land landowners, but smaller and built more crudely, usually by the cottager himself, horses to pull since the hard soil of the consisting of some 160 acres left after the steppes, packed over millennia, was hard village was carved out and all woodlots using adobe and thatch instead of fired bricks and tile roofs. to break, or a similar two-wheeled machine were subtracted. However, there was (Haken) with a single share for deep tillage Cornies had pushed to have Mennonites inevitably land unsuitable for cultivation easily converted to multi-share cultivator rely less on agriculture and develop more or pasture (unbrauchbares Land or (Bugger/Bukker), the four-row harrow, cottage industries. The intent was that unusable land in the Colony totaled 167 and finally the roller/packer to break up instead of having Mennonites buy supplies desiatin or 451 acres spread over the five the clods and form a level seedbed. Every villages), so the actual acres that could be and services from beyond the colony, those Friedrichsthal settler owned a plow and farmed were less than that. Village hay were to be available locally, providing a harrow or two. Some more prosperous land and pastureland were held in common employment for landless and supporting a Mennonites also used a wider cultivator with a village herdsman taking care of more diversified local economy. However, with up to 13 shoes called a Rahmen.39 the dairy cows during the day. The wide by the later 1860s, as manufacturers outside To grow the grain, each landowner village street (10 Faden wide = 62 feet) the colony produced ever cheaper goods, would have half a dozen small fields laid was lined with wild pear trees on both local Mennonites could not compete. Only out in long strips with narrow field roads sides, and mulberry hedges were planted their wagons, bricks, roof tiles, and basic between them. The grain fields were between each lot. The street was in the farm implements remained in demand scattered so that everybody would have river valley, hence the name, valley (Thal) locally and among wealthier Ukrainian equal portions of good and poor land, and of Friedrich, with the land rising quickly landowners. equal travel time. The crop was usually cut Page 10 June 2021 Mennonite Historian Figure 5: Friedrichsthal Village Lot Plan. This plan of a village lot in Friedrichsthal is dated June 22, 1852, and signed by Oberschulz Jacob Peters. It also shows the hand of Johann Cornies in its rigid template for new village lots in the settlement. Peters has left the name of the village blank, which indicates that in June 1852 the village had not yet been named. with a hand scythe equipped with a cradle, orchards, eventually with grafted stock, was no simple matter, since the barren tied into sheaves with strands of grain which produced fruit for domestic use but steppe packed down for millennia had to stalks, and set up in stooks to be gathered also provided income from sales outside be loosened over 20 inches deep, which later with Mennonite ladder wagons and the village. The climate was well suited required a special plow and many teams winnowed on the threshing fl oor with a to fruit trees, barring the incidence of hard of oxen. It is intriguing to note that online fl ail, although established colonies were frosts that some years diminished the crop. today the Friedrichsthal Mennonites are already using the threshing stone.40 Still, My great-great-grandmother lamented given credit for the nearby Fedorivka since by 1867 only 30% of agricultural the loss of her cherry trees, which were Forest.42 land was devoted to grain in the entire in season when they left Friedrichsthal in However, a few other enterprises were Bergthal Colony, it is reasonable to assume June 1875. Although already seated on the on the cusp: namely, the silkworm industry that Friedrichsthal as a new village likely wagon, she asked her youngest daughter to and even tobacco, which was already had even less than that. pick some quickly to eat on the way to the produced in Molotschna villages by this Next to fi eld crops, the second most train station.41 time, although no specifi cs are available important income source for Friedrichsthal One preoccupation of the colonies, for Friedrichsthal. was livestock, with horses, cattle and largely at the prodding of the Guardianship As the younger generation came of sheep being the main saleable products. Committee and Johann Cornies, was the age and no full farms were available, they The fact that in 1867 over half of all the planting of trees on the barren steppes. were forced to move onto the cottager agricultural land in the Colony was pasture Over a span of 50 years, this initiative lots and build houses, hoping to make a speaks to the primacy livestock and dairy would turn the entire area into a verdant, living by working as day labourers and/or still enjoyed here. An additional 16% of sheltered breadbasket of Europe, protected by developing trades like blacksmithing, the land was communal pastureland where from the strong desiccating east winds by carpentry, repair work, and maybe even the village herdsman would graze all the carefully prescribed shelter belts and from wagon manufacturing, or by leasing/ animals together for the entire village. To the perennial threat of drought by crop renting surrounding land. As a case in prepare feed for livestock, most Mennonite rotation and summer fallow. Each village point, north of the village on higher ground farmers owned a one-horse chaff cutter had a planned woodlot, usually amounting near the cemetery, Friedrichsthal had a (Häckselmaschien). The cattle manure was to over an acre per owner, and that was windmill, run by Peter Friesen (b. 1822), also useful; compressed and dried it served over and above the mandatory trees planted who owned only the mill and his house as fuel for the brick stove in the absence along all streets (usually wild pears) and lot. In a survey of Russian Mennonite of wood, which in Friedrichsthal had not between village lots (usually mulberry). occupations, Alexander Petzholdt lists 23 matured enough to serve that purpose. In Unfortunately, Friedrichsthal was sold trades employing 541 Mennonites in 1854, the older colonies, wood from the planted before the woodlots could become a source as well as 350 Mennonite enterprises, woodlots was already available. of income. including over 70 mills, 99 silk reel Another of the most important elements Although fi gures are not available establishments (much of this done by of village life was the garden, as can be for Friedrichsthal, the Agriculture Union women), machinery production valued at seen from an examination of the typical reported that, by 1851, the Molotschna 55,000 silver rubles in one year, and the village lot. Villagers had both a front and Colony had about fi ve million planted trees, production of almost 8 million bricks in a rear garden. A large part of the diet of not counting wild olive trees, caraganas, 1854.43 the settlers was produced at home where a and hawthorn hedges. The formal After the fi rst diffi cult years, an relatively new crop, potatoes, occupied an village plan of Friedrichsthal follows the established farm of 175 acres was more than especially important place. Part of the rear template, showing the area devoted to the enough to prosper. The original stipulation garden was devoted to the development of Gehölzplantage (woodlot). Planting trees that a farm could not be subdivided caused Mennonite Historian June 2021 Page 11 Figure 5: House Plan. This fl oor plan is similar to the one drawn up by Philip Wiebe in 1852, although some of the names are diff erent. For example, what is normally called the Somma-stow (h - relatively unheated summer room occupied by older sons or even young marrieds) is given here as Workroom. Room c given as Family room was usually the girls’ bedroom as well. Room e given as Pantry was usually smaller, and Passage to the attic f also had access to the cellar. See Roland Sawatzky, “The Control of Social Space in Mennonite Housebarns of Manitoba, 1874–1940” (PhD dissertation, Simon Fraser University, 2005), 82. Notably, neither plan uses the letter j in the key. This would have been the current template for full-holders in Friedrichsthal. a two-tiered society within one generation, gave up waiting for distribution of one meetinghouse, situated in Bergthal, because by Russian law only one child (in reserve land and exerted pressure on the but distances were not great, and all fi ve the case of Mennonites usually the oldest Guardianship Committee, pressure which villages attended there as per custom, i.e., son: primogenitor) inherited the entire resulted in signifi cant changes. By 1866, not necessarily every Sunday. In 1869, farm. The high birth rate of the Mennonites the landless could fi nally vote, “full farms” David Stoesz was ordained and shared the made it impossible to provide a full farm (65 desiatin) could legally be subdivided, leadership with Rev. Dyck. Communion for each male off spring even had land been and, in 1872, individuals received title to and baptisms were performed by Ältester available, and with land thus restricted, their land.45 Friedrichsthal debt records Jacob Braun of Bergthal until 1866, when most of the second generation were show farmers purchasing half of the land Ältester Gerhard Wiebe of Heuboden took landless. of an established farm and even one quarter over. The Mennonites in Chortitza and parcels of land by the early 1870s.46 This Not all schoolteachers are known, but it appears Peter Friesen (1828), later Molotschna had anticipated this and held was progress, but since even half a farm of Fürstenland, was one of the early reserve land for that purpose, land rented (88 acres) was very expensive (1,000– schoolteachers. David Stoesz taught there out in the meantime to entrepreneurs who 1,250R in 1871), this resulted in signifi cant for many years. Another teacher was unfortunately then with some collusion on debt loads for younger families. These Abraham Warkentin (m. Susanna Jacob the part of the colony administration did debts would become problematic in 1875, when Friedrichsthal emigrated en mass to Braun), probably only for a few years in not relinquish it. In the Bergthal Colony, the late 1860s into the early 1870s. He may Manitoba and some families were forced landlessness was inevitable, and, since have been the last teacher.48 He did not to carry the debt over to Manitoba where a house lot in the village sold for 1,000– emigrate, ending up in Ignatyevo later. it was combined later with the travel debt 1,250R and an entire farm with house lot The village administration and the Brotschuld debt of 1875–1876.47 sold for between 3,000 to 3,500R, yearly (Schulzenamt) consisted of the usual wages (100R for day labourers or 500R for Leadership mayor and two assistants. These roles skilled tradespeople) made land purchase Spiritual leadership was provided by rotated among several prosperous men of almost impossible.44 Rev. Franz Dyck, ordained November the colony: Daniel Blatz, Johann Abrams, In 1863, the landless in the Molotschna 1854. The Bergthal Colony only had Jacob Braun, Jacob Wiens, Heinrich Dyck Page 12 June 2021 Mennonite Historian (who seems to be the last Schulz before Endnotes 18. B. Fr. v. Rosen published his first official notice as “Vorsitzender des Comite der Fürsorge” in emigration), and others. 1. Special thanks to Conrad Stoesz (Mennonite Unterhaltungsblatt, Vol. 4, December 1849, p. 90. By the time the village dissolved in Historical Archives) and Brent Wiebe (Stettler, 19. Unterhaltungsblatt, Vol. 9, February 1854, p. 1875–1876, it consisted of at least 70 Alberta) for generous access to the Odessa State 1. Archives materials, to Tim Janzen for use of his 20. I am indebted to James Urry for drawing my families, of which only nine were original transcribed voters’ lists, to James Urry for his attention to him. settlers, despite the fact that most of them expertise, and to Rudi Engbrecht for editing. 21. MHA OSA, Fond 6, Inventory 3, File 14914, 2. The limited edition is out of print, but there is were young married couples in 1852–1853. p. 26. a revised edition: William Schroeder, The Bergthal 22. Ibid., p. 18. Of these 70, only Abram Warkentin and, Colony, rev. ed. (Winnipeg: CMBC, 1986). 23. MHA OSA, Fond 6, Inventory 3, File 14914, of course, Erdmann Buhr did not move to 3. John Dyck, “Origins and Destinations,” Settlers pp. 36–37 and 43–44. of the East Reserve (Winnipeg: Manitoba Mennonite 24. https://stihi.ru/2009/05/21/230. America after the villages were sold. Historical Society, 2009), 12. A total of 26 families 25. Tim Janzen, “Transfers to the Bergthal The motivation for the original stayed in Russia, but all the Buhrs listed lived on a Colony,” Preservings 29 (2009): 79. establishment of the Bergthal Colony had private estate outside the village itself. 26. CMC Waisenamt 8 Auctions, Box 1, Type 8, 4. A desiatin is equal to 2.7 acres. A.A. Klaus, File 1, image 3536. been to alleviate the landless problem Unsere Kolonien: Studien und Materialien zur 27. MHA OSA, Fond 6, Inventory 3, file 14602, in the Chortitza Colony. However, even Geschichte und Statistik der ausländischen p. 73. Kolonisation in Russland (Odessa: Odessaer 28. MHA OSA, “Guardianship Committee,” Fond in this new Bergthal Colony, the cycle Zeitung Verlag, 1887), 228, and N.J. Kroeker, 6, Inventory 3, File 15736, p. 27. repeated itself within a generation, and, Erste Mennonitendoerfer Russlands 1789–1943 29. MHA OSA, Fond 6, Inventory 3, File 14914, by 1876, the year the last Bergthal village (Vancouver: N.J. Kroeker, 1981), 128, both give the pp. 57–60. My great-great-grandfather. area as 9,492 desiatin. Elsewhere, Klaus gives a total 30. MHA OSA, “Guardianship Committee,” Fond was abandoned, what was to be home to of 9,617 desiatin, including 167 desiatin described as 6, Inventory 3, file 15736. 145 families held more than triple that unusable land (p. 232). Conrad Keller, The German 31. Depending on the exact year, rubles (R) were Colonies in South Russia 1804–1904 (Saskatoon: valued at $0.66 to $0.608 per ruble. As the 1870s number. This issue, as well as the new Western Producer, 1968), 33, gives a total of 9,656 migration progressed, the currency was downgraded policy of Russification initiated by the desiatin. from a return of $0.66 at the beginning to $0.62 a Russian government after the humiliating 5. Josef Malinowsky, Die Planerkolonien am year or two later. Waisenamt records show that all Azowischen Meere (Stuttgart: Ausland u. Heimat conversions to dollars by 1876 were at $0.6083 per loss of the Crimean War in 1856, and Verlag, 1928), 42. rubel. specific reforms arising from that policy, 6. Odessa State Archive, Fond 6, Inventory 3, 32. Cornies founded Neu-Halbstadt as a village prompted the unprecedented emigration. File 14914, p. 26; the memo of August 14, 1852, specifically devoted to tradespeople in the Molotschna gives exact size of the new settlement as 1,952 des. Colony in 1843. These reforms would, among other things, and 1,598 sazhen, which is just over 5,271 acres. 33. Plan der neuzugründenden Kolonie cost the Mennonites their exemption from Hereinafter Odessa State Archive: OSA. Friedrichsthal, MHA, Odessa Archive: Fond 6, 7. Margarete Woltner, Die Gemeinde Berichte von Inventory 3, File 14914, p. 12. military service offered by Catherine the 1848 der Deutsche Siedlungen am Schwarzen Meer 34. Waisenamt Schuldbuch 1869: Type 4, Box 1, Great, one of the primary elements of the (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1941). These original Berichte Type 4, Folder 2, image 0266. Privilegium negotiated with Potemkin and were mandated by E. v. Hahn in January 1848. See 35. A.A. Klaus, Unsere Kolonien (1869 in Dale Lee Wahl’s 1996 introduction to the village Russian), trans. J. Toews (Odessa: Odessaer Zeitung approved by Tsar Paul I in 1800. Added to history project at http://www.odessa3.org/collections/ Verlag, 1887), 230–233. this “push” was the “pull” of cheap land history/link/1848hist.txt. Woltner based her accounts 36. See James Urry, None But Saints (Winnipeg: on the Odessaer Zeitung version. Hyperion Press, 1989), 203. and a new start in America, at that time 8. MHA, OSA, Fond 6, Inventory 3, File 14914, 37. See Dick, Staples, and Epp, eds., still synonymous with promise. In the mass p. 26. Other sources differ but all agree to just under Transformation of the Southern Ukrainian Steppe, migration of 1874–1876, Friedrichsthal too 2,000 desiatin. 438–445. 9. The official name was Fürsorgekomitee 38. Erklärung supplement in Unterhaltungsblatt, was abandoned and later sold to wealthier der Ausländischen Ansiedler in Süd-Russland Vol. 7, October 1852, p. 80 ff. neighbouring Ukrainians. As a Mennonite (Guardianship Committee). 39. Unterhaltungsblatt, Vol. 7, July 1852, p. 56 community, it only endured for about 24 10. This endeavour is known as the Judenplan ff. See also Alexander Petzholdt, Reise im Westlichen settlement. und Südlichen Europäishen Russland im Jahre 1855 years, a factor which may explain why its 11. See Harvey Dick, John Staples, and Ingrid (Gera: C.B. Griesbach Verlag, 1860), 154–156. existence has largely been forgotten. Epp, eds., Transformation of the Southern Ukrainian 40. My father-in-law described to me how as a Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, Vol boy even in about 1910 he had learned to twist the The conclusion to this two-part article II, 1836–1842 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, wheat stems into a string and to tie a swatch of grain 2020), 567–572, for details of Cornies’s influence with a few deft twists of the wrist. on Friedrichsthal will appear in the over the Bergthal Colony. 41. Ernest N. Braun, ed., Braun: A Gnadenfeld September 2021 issue. Ernest explains 12. Unfortunately, the records of The Heritage (Steinbach: Braun Family Tree Committee, what became of the Friedrichsthalers that Guardianship Committee of Foreign Settlers in South 1999), 5. Russia, Odessa Archives, Fond 6, Inventory 1, for the 42. https://www.google.ca/maps/place/Fedorivka, immigrated to Canada and what remains relevant years (1850s) are not available to Mennonite +Donetsk+Oblast,+Ukraine,+87024/. of the village footprint today in Ukraine. archives yet. @47.2065592,37.1234416. 13. Jacob Epp noted in his diary in February 1851 43. Petzholdt, Europäishen Russland im Jahre Ernest N. Braun is a retired educator who that he had applied for land in the new settlement 1855, 185–186. (Harvey L. Dyck, ed., A Mennonite in Russia: The 44. Urry, None But Saints, 151. enjoys researching, mapping, and writing Diaries of Jacob D. Epp, 1851–1880 [Toronto: 45. Ibid., 203–208. on topics of Mennonite history. In 2014, Toronto University Press, 1991], 79). 46. Waisenamt Debt record: 4 Schuldbuch, Box 1, he received the Lieutenant Governor 14. See Rev. Heinrich Doerksen’s map in Type 4, File 2, Images, 0269, 0274, 0310, 0311, 0321. Preservings 11 (December 1997): 2. 47. Brotschuld (bread debt) refers to the debt of Manitoba’s award for Historical 15. The term Chumak Way more recently refers incurred by the Manitoba Mennonites in 1875 as a Preservation and Promotion. The Historical to a cross Canada/US cycling trail 10,000 km long, result of the grasshopper plague and the loss of the Atlas of the East Reserve (Winnipeg: established as a cycle for peace event in support of year’s harvest. The money was borrowed from the those suffering from war in eastern Ukraine. Canadian government using collateral offered by Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society, 16. MHA OSA, Fond 6, Inventory 3, File 14914, Ontario Mennonites, who extended a large private 2015), which he co-edited with Glen R. p. 20. loan as well. 17. Ernest N. Braun, “Friedrichsthal: Lost and 48. Delbert Plett, Pioneers and Pilgrims Klassen, is in its fourth printing. He lives Found,” Settlers of the East Reserve (Winnipeg: (Steinbach: D.F.P. Publications, 1990), 187. Last on an acreage near Niverville, Manitoba. MMHS, 2009), 143–176. mentioned in Waisenamt records in 1872. Mennonite Historian June 2021 Page 13 The Search for the Mennonite published in the Mennonitische Rundshau: “To commemorate Centennial Monument in the 100-year anniversary of the Zaporozhzhia, Ukraine establishment of the Chortitza by Werner Toews, Winnipeg Mennonite colony, the Mennonites in the government district of n March 16, 2021, I learned through Jekaterinoslav will be erecting a Oa Facebook post that a large piece granite monument in the village of the destroyed Mennonite Centennial of Chortitza. The estimated cost of Monument was found in an area now the monument will be between 4–5 called Upper Chortitza, a suburb of thousand rubles. The monument Zaporozhzhia, Ukraine. will be funded by donations from The piece, thought to be the base Mennonites.”2 of the monument, was found by Max After the construction of the Shtatsky, a senior research scientist at the monument was completed, it was Khortitsa National Reserve, located on placed at the intersection of three Chortitza Island. Max has been involved in streets in the village of Chortitza.3 Photo of the Centennial Monument in Chortitza, researching the history of the Mennonites The monument was constructed with Ukraine, taken sometime after 1890, but before 1938. from the village of Chortitza and the 12 grey granite stones and featured Photo credit: MAID CA MHC PP-4-044-194.0. surrounding area for many years. an impressive towering obelisk. the monument consisted of 12 stones, On October 1, 1889, the Chortitza Information on the stone mason who which were removed and buried in the Mennonites celebrated the 100th carved the stones was provided by Joan courtyard of the Wallman residence. Epp anniversary (1789–1889) of the first Kirk in an article published in the Mennonite also provided a sketch of the monument to Historian. Based on family stories she Mennonite settlement in Ukraine with two the editors of the Mennonite Historian.5 heard from her mother, it is believed that church services. The first was at 9:00 am In a 1996 Mennonite Historian article, Joan’s great-grandfather, Heinrich Hamm, in the Chortitza church, and the second Peter J. Klassen supplied a photo given to carved the centennial monument stones. was an outdoor service at 2:00 pm because him by Karl Stumpp that was described Hamm was a stone mason who lived in the of the large number of attendees. Local village of Chortitza and carved many of the as the base of the monument. The photo dignitaries were invited, and two choirs gravestones in the Chortitza cemetery. In the was taken circa 1942, when Stumpp was performed as part of the celebrations. article, Joan recounts a story of her mother in Chortitza during the German occupation Messages of congratulations were sent by 6 who, as a child, watched Hamm carve the of Ukraine in WWII. It was reported various government officials, including the monument stones while playing at his feet. that all the stones were located during 1 Governor of Jekaterinoslav. A little mystery and intrigue were the occupation, and the monument was In 1890, to commemorate the 100th created in the story when Joan revealed reassembled. It is believed that after the anniversary and as a symbol for future the following piece of information: “While Mennonites of Chortitza left with the generations, the Chortitza Mennonites he was carving the Centennial Monument retreating German army in 1943, the decided to have a monument built and have (Denkmal), Grandpa swore her to secrecy monument was again taken down by local it placed in a prominent area of the village. as to anything she saw while he was authorities and possibly destroyed. The following announcement was working on this monument. It seems that From that time onward, there was the base of this monument little interest in discovering the fate of was hollowed out and the the monument until 2011. That was when documents from the volost Max Shtatsky started exploring its origins 4 (district) were sealed in it.” and seeking clues in the area where the During the ensuing years, monument had been located. A search for the monument sat at its information from local and state archives location relatively unscathed was met with negative results. The only until 1938. In 1995, Johann piece of information located by Max was Epp, the last Oberschulz a hand written note in a book he found at (Mayor) of the Chortitza settlement, who was then a local library. The self-published book living in Germany, provided exploring the history of Upper Chortitza his recollection of events was written by a local historian. The note surrounding the disappearance indicated that the monument was destroyed of the monument. “It was not in 1950. Time passed with no leads or soldiers who destroyed the further information, but the fate of the monument; it was a group monument stones remained on Max’s mind. of workmen directed by the The search was reignited this year, A piece of the Centennial Monument recently uncovered in a NKVD (KGB) in 1938.” when Max and a group of local citizens suburb of Zaporozhzhia, Ukraine. Photo credit: Max Shtatsky. Epp went on to say that were inspired by a photo taken in 2004. Page 14 June 2021 Mennonite Historian The photograph of what was believed to of the monument had been analyzed in Film and Book Reviews be the monument base was taken by Mrs. this fashion, and it was concluded that the Ella Federau, who was in Ukraine acting monument was five meters high. as an interpreter for a Mennonite mission However, a book by the late Arthur group from Canada. The photograph was Kroeger, provided to me by Lawrence later published in Building on the Past Klippenstein also on March 23, contained by Rudy Friesen.7 In the black and white information and a sketch of the monument. photo, the base was clearly visible above The book contained a hand drawn sketch ground and appeared to be situated in a with a caption that stated the size differently, wooded area. This part of the monument “The main monument consisted of 12 stones closely resembled the same one that was in light gray granite; it was 30 feet high.”10 photographed in 1942. I also discovered that the book On March 11, after a search of an area contained the inscriptions located on the approximately 90 meters from its original four sides of the monument. The first 1890 location, Max located the base of the words of one inscription started with Zum monument. It was buried in a wooded area Andenken, which were observed on the and had most likely been moved from the piece discovered by Max. 2004 location. After the dirt was removed Later that day, while discussing this new from the base, it was measured and found information with Max, we realized that the to be 1.3 m x 1.3 m square and 45 cm high. newly discovered stone was not the base The granite base was estimated to weigh but part of the die. After a revaluation of approximately 1.8 tons. Two inscriptions the old photograph, we determined that the were visible on the base and were identified newly discovered piece was the upper most as Zum Andenken (in memory) and первые part of the 3-piece section of the die. It was 8 поселенцы (first settlers). also confirmed that the original height of Otto’s Passion. Documentary film directed A few days later, a truck with a crane the monument was 9 meters. Based on the and produced by Andrew Wall, Refuge 31 was hired and the base was transported to 9-meter height and the size of the located Films. 45 min. the Khortitsa National Reserve property on piece, it was estimated that the original base Chortitza Island. Film review by Glen Klassen, Steinbach would have been 2.4 x 2.4 meters square. The plot to this story took a twist on well-done biographical film is one of This brings a new perspective on the March 23 with the discovery of a sketch the best ways to learn about a person size of the Centennial monument and an A that added new information to the story. from the past. This is true especially when appreciation of the engineering required to It was already known that the piece the actors portraying the “biographee” construct such an impressive structure. The discovered by Max and the pieces in the two do a good job of interpreting his or her search for the balance of the stones continues. photographs from 1942 and 2004 were one personality and character in the film. In this and the same. This was determined by the Endnotes regard, Daniel Kovacs does not disappoint. Russian inscriptions observed on the stone 1. “Hundert Jähriges Jubiläum der Chortitzer He does an especially believable job in and the inscriptions in the two photographs. Mennoniten Kolonie,” Odessaer Zeitung No. 292 (30 Otto’s Passion, portraying the middle-aged Dec 1888 / 11 Jan 1889), pp 2–3. From 1996 until now, this piece was 2. Mennontische Rundschau (11 Jun 1890), p 2. Otto Klassen (1927–2018). described as the base of the monument. 3. https://chort.square7.ch/Chortiza/chortiza.html In the film, viewers are introduced to 4. Research on the family of Joan Kirk indicates However, after further analysis of the that her mother was not born at the time the monument Otto, a driven man, living for the celluloid stone, using information regarding the was created by H. Hamm. Perhaps the story of Hamm that adorned his cluttered basement standard structure of monuments, it seemed carving the stones was witnessed by a relative who later workroom. One must remember that, shared that story with other members of the family. unlikely that the base would be engraved 5. “The Chortitza Centennial Monument— while he was toiling at his filmmaking, he with any inscriptions. The engraved pieces Further Comments,” Mennonite Historian 21/3 was also a very successful bricklayer and are usually located on the upper part of a (Sep 1995), p 9, https://www.mennonitehistorian. businessman. ca/21.3.MHSep95.pdf monument. Typically, the “die” component 6. Peter J. Klassen, “The Chortitza 100th Andrew Wall’s approach to his of the monument contains decorative Anniversary Monument—Again,” Mennonite documentary films is to mix many elements Historian 22/1 (Mar 1996), p 10, https://www. carving and inscriptions. The die is mennonitehistorian.ca/22.1.MHMar96.pdf into the presentation: narration, old footage usually located on top of the base with the 7. Rudy P. Friesen, Building on the Past: (it is not always clear whether they are inscriptions situated closer to eye level.9 Mennonite Architecture, Landscape and Settlements Otto’s or not), interviews with historians, in Russia/Ukraine (Winnipeg: Raduga Publications, The size of the monument also came into 2004), 114. interviews with people who knew Otto play when determining whether the newly 8. https://www.061.ua/news/3051236/v-zaporoze- well, and live action. Never a dull moment. discovered piece was, in fact, the base. nasli-postament-memoriala-stoletia-cto-o-nem- Otto started to learn his filmmaking izvestno-i-kak-on-vygladit-foto?fbclid=IwAR0h Initially, the Centennial monument was FOfR-pKIf7qRwQ2gMTxnF87ASh24sVNuarWedB avocation as a young lad drawn into thought to be five meters high, based on the zUgt7njCTYPp7q-KA Hitler’s propaganda machine. At the end of measurements of the located piece and using 9. https://www.babcocksmithhouse.org/GraniteIndu the war, he and his mother escaped from stry/Anatomy/Anatomy%20of%20a%20monument.pdf technology that is capable of measuring 10. Arthur Kroeger, Biography of Johann Bartsch the Soviet zone of partitioned Germany objects in photographs. An old photograph the deputy (Winnipeg, 2002), 27a. and made it to Paraguay with many other Mennonite Historian June 2021 Page 15 Mennonite refugees on the Volendam, a company. The future of “Mennonite” The Daily Bonnet, the Mennonite satirical Dutch ocean vessel. Eventually, they were filmography is indeed bright. news website—I was immediately brought able to immigrate to Canada and begin Copies of Otto’s Passion can be back to the small Mennonite town I grew a whole new life. He made his home in purchased at Mennonite Heritage Archives. up in. Winnipeg and lived until 2018, making Glen Klassen is a retired microbiology Ghostwriting does not pay the bills, so more than 50 documentary films in German professor, having taught at the University Timothy controversially also works for the and in English over the span of his life. He of Manitoba and Canadian Mennonite mayor’s Parks and “Wreck” department. was not entirely self-taught; he worked University. He is also the editor of The job on its own is not controversial; together with David Dueck (And When Heritage Posting, the news magazine of the however, it is Timothy’s position on the They Shall Ask, 1983, 2010) and then also Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society. Preservation Society that puts him at took advantage of mentors at the CBC. odds with his passions. While on the job, In Otto’s Passion, old film clips are Timothy tears down century-old trees and interspersed with an impressive line-up buildings that in his free time with the of talking heads, including historians Preservation Society he is trying to save. (John J. Friesen, Royden Loewen, Conrad As Timothy tries to navigate between his Stoesz, and Gerhard Ens), Otto’s children, work obligations and what he wants, we his close friend Henry Dahl (who steals learn more about the history of Edenfeld the show!), as well as Jenny Gates, his and the Mennonites. biographer. They speak of an extraordinary If you are an avid Mennonite history man, forever working for his family and for buff (which is a strong possibility because his beloved avocation: making films about you are currently reading the Mennonite the Mennonite people on three continents. Historian), Once Removed may not be He richly deserved the honorary doctorate your typical book of choice. First, it is a awarded to him by the University of novel, and, second, it is based in the present Winnipeg in 2007. day. However, Timothy’s experience as a What a life! Losing a father in Ukraine, researcher and Mennonite history writer is living through the ghastly events in war- very relatable. For example, when Timothy time Europe, starting from nothing in the is working on Mr. Harder’s family history jungles of Paraguay, and finally building book, he uses other history books and issues two very successful careers in Winnipeg. of Preservings as source materials (p. 16). All of this is faithfully captured in Otto’s Then when Timothy is working on writing Passion. a history book of Edenfeld, members of Andrew Wall is the producer, writer, the Preservation Society provide Timothy director, and editor of the film. He has with valuable primary sources. Timothy been in the business since 2006 in all these received “a shoebox full of old letters that [Mrs. Friesen] translated from German capacities, making mostly documentary Andrew Unger, Once Removed (Winnipeg: and Mr. Wiebe found all these amazing shorts, TV episodes, and longer Turnstone Press, 2020), 271 pp. black-and-white photos of early-twentieth- documentaries. Mennonite-themed films Reviewed by Selenna Wolfe, Winnipeg are an important subset of his projects, but century Edenfeld’s Main Street taken from loved Once Removed. As my dad likes to by no means his only interest. the top of the feed mill” (p. 104). Timothy say, “I laughed, I cried, it became a part Otto’s Passion is almost purely I even visits an archives! of me!” Or maybe it feels like this because biography, sensitively developed by a Here is the best part: even if you are not in some ways the story already was a part producer who is equally passionate about a history buff, you will love this hilarious of me. The book’s protagonist, Timothy his subjects and his craft. It is a fine and thoughtful book! The characters are Heppner, lives and works as a ghostwriter forced to think about progress and what that tribute to a fellow filmmaker. After the in the small fictitious Mennonite town of passing of David Dueck (2019) and Otto means for them and their town. Progress Edenfeld, Manitoba. In the first few pages is something we deal with in everyday Klassen (2018), we are fortunate to have a of the novel, Timothy meets with one of filmmaker like Andrew Wall in our midst life. Who knows, maybe for some, Once his clients in their small-town diner, where Removed will be the perfect introduction with such a breadth of interests and skills. customers drink their coffee and watch Wall takes us into Mennonite history and to kickstarting their passion for family everyone in town go about their business. history? I believe this is possible because then out of it into contemporary themes, Before engaging with the server, Timothy everyone has inside of them what Once using technology that was not available to thinks, “The urge to make small talk with Removed has within its pages: humor, love, his predecessors. I believe that he also has strangers is something I have to suppress history, and curiosity. the advantage of producing films full-time; and, thankfully, at my age I still can, but for Dueck and Klassen, it was something I’m sure in twenty or thirty years I’ll be Selenna Wolfe is the Administrative they did after work, in their spare time. the guy chatting up the server” (p.13). Assistant at Mennonite Heritage Archives. Wall is already encouraging even younger Through this scene and author Andrew Some of her many tasks include printing filmmakers through his Refuge 31 Films Unger’s great whit—Unger also produces and mailing the Mennonite Historian.
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