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The Comfort Women and State Prostitution

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The Comfort Women and State Prostitution Volume 16 | Issue 10 | Number 1 | Article ID 5143 | May 15, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The Comfort Women and State Prostitution Onozawa Akane with an introduction by Nishino Rumiko, Kim Puja, Onozawa Akane. Translation by Robert Ricketts INTRODUCTION The Kōno statement and its limitations (1993) Nishino Rumiko, Kim Puja, Onozawa Akane In August 1991, three South Korean former comfort women, one using her real name, went The article by Onozawa Akane below is adapted public with their wartime experiences, filing from Chapter 3 (Comfort Women and State civil charges against the Japanese state later Prostitution) in Denying the Comfort Women: that year for the abuses they had suffered. As The Japanese State’s Assault on Historical other victim-survivors stepped forward, 1 Truth (London: Routledge, 2018). Originally transnational support groups formed in South published in Japanese by Ōtsuki Shoten in Korea, Japan, and elsewhere to assist them in 2013, the volume was written by prominent the lawsuits they initiated in Japanese courts. Japanese and Korean scholars—several of them Teams of lawyers, researchers, and human contributors to The Asia-Pacific Journal—and rights activists helped compile survivor edited by Nishino Rumiko, Kim Puja, and testimonies in Korean, Chinese, Filipino, and Onozawa for the Violence Against Women in English and translate them into Japanese, while War Research Action Center (VAWW RAC) in scholars began scouring Japan's national Tokyo. To place Onozawa's essay in a broader archives for historical documents bearing on context, we introduce the book as a whole the comfort women issue. before commenting briefly on the significance of her contribution. In light of the revelations that ensued, the Japanese government conducted two internal investigations of its own. On August 4, 1993, Chief Cabinet Secretary Kōno Yōhei announced Denying the Comfort Women the government's conclusions, candidly Denying the Comfort Women was written to admitting that the Imperial armed forces had counter Japanese neonationalist government been "involved in the establishment and officials, politicians, opinion makers, and management of the comfort stations and the business leaders who, over the past two transfer of comfort women," and that "at times" decades, have loudly disavowed the paramount the military took part in the recruitment of role of the Japanese Imperial military, notably women "against their own will, through its use of coercion, in creating, managing, and coaxing, coercion, etc." The women, he noted, expanding the military comfort women system “lived in misery at comfort stations under a during the Asia-Pacific War (1931-45). Below is coercive atmosphere.” The so-called Kōno a short discussion of events leading up to the statement ended with a clear expression of book's publication in 2013. apology on behalf of the nation “to all those, irrespective of place of origin, who suffered immeasurable pain and incurable physical and 1 16 | 10 | 1 APJ | JF psychological wounds as comfort women” and Minister Abe Shinzō continues to defend—this pledged to "face squarely the historical facts."2 despite a 2015 memorandum of agreement between the Japanese and South Korean The Kōno pronouncement was a landmark foreign ministers purporting to have settled the event that could have begun a process of issue “finally and irreversibly” (a subject we decolonizing Japanese perceptions of their address in our epilogue—see Note 7 below). country's colonial and wartime past. As we show below, however, the statement failed to For the transnational redress movement, the fully recognize the preponderant role of the high point of the 1990s was the Women's Imperial military and its use of force in creating International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan's and maintaining the comfort women system. As Military Sexual Slavery, organized by world a result, a unified and sustained policyhuman rights groups and prominent jurists response for providing appropriate legal, with the attendance of many former comfort moral, and material relief to victims was never women. Convened in Tokyo in December 2000, implemented. the tribunal convicted Emperor Hirohito and nine high-ranking civil and military leaders of Nonetheless, energized by the state's belated institutionalizing rape and sexual slavery, admission of limited responsibility for the which it characterized as a crime against comfort women system, the advocacyhumanity. The verdict also ruled that movement joined forces with international international laws in force at the time those human rights groups and worked to apply crimes were committed now require the international humanitarian law in the search Japanese government to provide survivors with for a fair and durable solution to this injustice. legal reparations, including a "full and frank In 1998, Gay J. McDougall in her report to the apology" and "compensation through the U.N. Sub-Commission on the Prevention of government … in amounts adequate to redress Discrimination and Protection of Minorities the harm [done] and deter its future 4 noted that the so-called comfort women were occurrence." This judgment was fully in line sexual slaves, pure and simple, andwith the formal recommendations of U.N. characterized the "enslavement and rape of human rights mechanisms. women in 'comfort stations' during the Second World War" as a crime against humanity. She urged the Japanese government to provide The Asian Women's Fund (1995-2007) surviving victims with state compensation and identify and punish Japanese civil and military During the 1990s, the government, for its part, officials responsible for "wartime military could not ignore the Kōnō statement. Beginning sexual slavery."3 with the administration of Prime Minister Murayama Tomiichi (1994-96), it arranged for McDougall's findings on sexual slavery have privately subscribed “atonement" payments to become part of the definition used by world selected survivors in South Korea, Taiwan, and human rights organizations in discussing the the Philippines and issued individual apologies military comfort women problem, one that signed by four prime ministers through an continues to provide us with a basic point of ostensibly non-governmental body, known as reference. Although Japanese officialsthe Asian Women’s Fund.5 State officials acknowledge the existence of this wartime extolled the AWF as proof that Japan was system, they have rejected the U.N. designation working to resolve the comfort women issue, of "sexual slavery" based on the use of military using the fund to deflect criticisms from foreign force, a stance the administration of Prime governments and international human rights 2 16 | 10 | 1 APJ | JF organizations. government officials and opinion leaders led textbook publishers to remove even these Created in 1995, the Asian Women's Fund limited references to the comfort women. operated until 2007. The government insisted that the fund was a strictly humanitarian measure, vigorously denied that its payouts constituted official state redress, and presented "Recolonizing" the national consciousness? the fund to the public as a quasi-private Beginning in 1996, ultranationalist political, venture—"atonement" gratuities, it insisted, business, and intellectual elites began to were subscribed only from private donations, publicly target textbook revision, denying the although considerable state funding also was facts of military wartime sexual servitude and actually involved. Thus, the state dodged its castigating the "masochistic" view of Japan's obligations under international law to legislate modern history. Abe Shinzō and other a formal apology and provide surviving victims revisionist politicians rode this wave of with legally mandated compensation.6 discontent to power, displacing more moderate factions inside the ruling Liberal Democratic To survivors, attempts to make amends through Party. Abe's first term as prime minister the semi-private Asian Women’s Fund seemed (2006-07) epitomized this reverse course, arbitrary and inconsistent, prompting many to which we view as an attempt to re" colonize" reject its overtures, with their taint of charity, Japan's perceptions of history by reinstating as insincere and even humiliating. Ultimately, discredited prewar ultranationalist ideas. In the fund only created more confusion about the June 2007, a powerful revisionist coalition, real intentions of the state. Worse, instead of including leading LDP Diet members, posted a healing wounds, the AWF's premises and full-page advertisement in The Washington Post procedures created fierce internal dissonance to refute charges of sexual slavery by alleging among victims and their supporters over that comfort women were not victims but whether to accept the solatia. That led to "volunteers" or paid professionals—hence no divisions within the redress movement that military coercion involved and thus a false intensified the isolation and psychological issue. distress of many survivors. Several years after the AWF closed its doors in 2007, former One month later, in July 2007, the U.S. House managing director Wada Haruki concluded of Representatives adopted a resolution urging frankly that the 12-year endeavor had failed to Tokyo to live up to its responsibilities under achieve reconciliation with either South Korea international law and legislate a formal apology or Taiwan accompanied by official restitution. This was followed in short order by similar resolutions A glint of hope for supporters
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