The Influence of Neoclassicism in Selected Guitar Works by Joaquín Rodrigo: Implications for Performance

Alexandra Velasco-Svoboda

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Music Performance (by Research) April 2017 Melbourne Conservatorium of Music University of Melbourne This is to certify that

(i) the thesis comprises only my original work, except where indicated in the preface, (ii) due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used, (iii) the thesis is approximately 12,000 words in length, exclusive of tables, musical examples, and bibliographies.

Signature:

Name in full Alexandra Mari Velasco-Svoboda

Date: 23 April 2017

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My sincere thanks to Ken Murray for supervising me for this thesis and inspiring me to undertake research into Spanish music. Your help as an instrumental teacher and an academic supervisor has been invaluable throughout my tertiary education.

I am deeply grateful for the help Michael Christoforidis and Javier Suárez- Pajares have provided me throughout 2015 in my research for this thesis. Finally, I’d like to thank Michael Christoforidis and Linda Kouvaras for marking my thesis and providing me with suggestions to improve it. These suggestions have been invaluable and have allowed me to create this finalised edition.

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CONTENTS

Introduction 1

1. Neoclassicism and Spanish Music 8

Spanish music in the nineteenth century 8

Spanish musical nationalism 8

Beginnings of neoclassicism in France: late nineteenth and 10 early twentieth century context

Neoclassicism in Spanish music: Manuel de Falla and the 14 influence of Igor Stravinsky

2. Joaquín Rodrigo and the Early Modern Guitar in Spain 17

Joaquín Rodrigo: his early career and the growing 17 interest in the guitar

Spain’s Golden Age: historical allusions in significant 19 neoclassical works

Pioneers in the development of the classical guitar: 21 Barrios, Llobet, Segovia, Sainz de la Maza, and Pujol

3. Rodrigo’s Neoclassicism on the Guitar 23 Zarabanda Lejana (1926): Rodrigo’s first solo guitar piece 23 i) Discussion of stylistic elements with reference to 24 neoclassical trends ii) Analysis of selected passages and sections 26 iii) Implications for performance 31

Fantasía para un Gentilhombre (1954): The revival of 35 neoclassicism as a restorative movement after the Spanish Civil War i) Discussion of stylistic elements with reference to 36 neoromantic trends ii) Analysis of selected passages and sections 38 iii) Implications for performance 40

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Conclusion 43 Bibliography 45

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MUSICAL EXAMPLES

Example 1a. Maurice Ravel, ‘Forlane’ theme from Le Tombeau 13 de Couperin (1914-1917), m. 1-8 violins.

Example 1b. Ravel, ‘Menuet’ theme from Le Tombeau de 13 Couperin (1914-1917), m. 1-8 oboe.

Example 1c. Ravel, ‘Rigaudon’ theme from Le Tombeau de 13 Couperin (1914-1917), m. 1-8 two clarinets in B flat.

Example 2a. Joaquín Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 3-4 25

Example 2b. Manuel de Falla, ‘Lento’ theme mvt. II in Harpsichord 26 Concerto (1926).

Example 3a. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 51. 28

Example 3b. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 28. 28

Example 4a. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 50-59. 29

Example 4b. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 33-41. 30

Example 5a. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 26. 31

Example 5b. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 44. 31

Example 6a. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 28. 33

Example 6b. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 29-31. 33

Example 6c. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 58. 33

Example 6d. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana (1926), m. 72. 33

Example 7. Rodrigo, ‘Danza de las Hachas’ mvt. III in Fantasía 39

para un Gentilhombre (1954), no. 12.

Example 8. Rodrigo, ‘Españoleta y Fanfare de la Caballería de 39 Nápoles’ mvt. II in Fantasía para un Gentilhombre (1954), no. 9.

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Example 9. Rodrigo, ‘Canario’ mvt. IV in Fantasía para un 40 Gentilhombre (1954), no. 16.

Example 10. Rodrigo, ‘Villano y Ricercare’ mvt. I in Fantasía 40 para un Gentilhombre (1954).

Example 11. Rodrigo, ‘Españoleta y Fanfare de la Caballería de 41 Nápoles’ mvt. II in Fantasía para un Gentilhombre (1954), no. 10.

Example 12. Rodrigo, ‘Villano y Ricercare’ mvt. I in Fantasía 41 para un Gentilhombre (1954).

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Rodrigo, Zarabanda Lejana structure. 27-28

Figure 2. Rodrigo, Fantasía para un Gentilhombre comparison 37 of Gaspar Sanz source material

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INTRODUCTION

Throughout much of the nineteenth century, Spain was considered part of the exotic orient. Recognised for its influences by its Moorish past and the continual presence of its ostracised ethnic groups like the gypsies,1 Spain came to be the romanticised ideal that many Western writers, artists, and musicians both idolised and patronised.2 This was prevalent throughout the USA and greater Europe, but was particularly reflected in the relationship between the Spanish and French. The literature of Chateaubriand, Gautier, and Merimée, and the art of Gros, Gericault, and Delacroix attest to France’s fascination for their exotic neighbour.3 In music, this can be seen in compositions such as Symphonie Espagnole (1874) for violin and orchestra by Éduoard Lalo (1823-1892). By the time Georges Bizet’s Carmen was premiered in 1875, these romanticised constructs were a strong undercurrent in French and Spanish musical life. On an international level, Carmen came to represent authentic Spanish music.4

This instilled a desire in some Spanish composers to create music that would be elevated to the concert sphere and distanced from cliché. This desire was also influenced by the response to the domination of Germanic Romantic repertoire in European concert halls throughout much of the nineteenth century. French composers had already begun to seek the creation of a truly French art-music by looking to their rich, pre-Romantic traditions. This was largely in response to the Franco-Prussian war and growing political tensions with newly-formed Germany.

The culmination of works now understood as neoclassical had its foundations laid in the nationalistic movements of France that came to affect Spain. Manuel de Falla (1876-1946) was a key figure in developing Spanish neoclassicism, greatly influenced by French composers at the turn of the nineteenth century and the work of

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Gypsies in Spain were the most easily exoticised, but other ethnic minorities such as the Jews, Greeks, Ukrainians, and Cossacks resided in Spain and Europe. José F. Colmeiro, ‘Exorcising Exoticism: Carmen and the Construction of Oriental Spain,’ in Comparative Literature 54, no. 2 (2002): 127-144. 2 Colmeiro, ‘Exorcising Exoticism,’ 130. Edward Said defined Orientalism as “a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient.” Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978), 3. For more information on Orientalism, see Said, Orientalism. 3 Ken Murray, ‘Spanish Music and its Representations in London (1878-1930): From the Exotic to the Modern,’ (PhD diss., University of Melbourne, 2013), 6. 4 For more information on Carmen and Orientalism in Spanish music, see James Parikilas, ‘How Spain got a Soul,’ in Jonathan Bellman, ed. The Exotic in Western Music (Boston: Northeast University Press, 1998), 137-193.

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Igor Stravinsky (1882-1971). Falla’s work in the initial decades of the twentieth century impacted several generations of composers who sought to establish their own cultivated musical language.

This thesis will focus on Joaquín Rodrigo (1901-1999), a Spanish pianist and composer who belonged to the generation influenced by Falla’s neoclassicism. Rodrigo composed songs, orchestral works, solo works and chamber music, but his output is particularly numerous for the guitar; an instrument that saw a revival in the early decades of the twentieth century.5 The guitar came to represent the perfect neoclassical instrument with its linking of the folkloric and the cultivated. It was also desired for its ancestral connections to Spain’s Siglo do Oro (Golden Age). Rodrigo’s guitar works were commissioned and played by prominent guitarists such as Andrés Segovia, Regino Sainz de la Maza, and Emilio Pujol. Through their work, Rodrigo quickly established himself as a significant composer of the instrument in the decades after his first work, the Zarabanda Lejana of 1926.

The main period under examination in this thesis is from the late nineteenth century through to the mid twentieth century. For much of this period, Spanish composers sought to break away from the country’s image as part of the exotic Orient, and to write music to stand alongside that of other modern European nations. This desire aligned with the growing sentiments of the French artistic circles to break away from Germanic Romanticism in the same period at the end of the nineteenth century.

In this thesis I have examined the context in which Rodrigo composed for the guitar, focusing on two pieces: one from the beginning of his career, Zarabanda (1926), and the other a mid-period work, Fantasía para un Gentilhombre (1954). This context includes the establishment of the neoclassical movement in France at the turn of the nineteenth century, the influence of Igor Stravinsky and Manuel de Falla, and the rise of the modern guitar in Spain. The history of the modern guitar is a recurring theme, with links frequently being made to Rodrigo’s work.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 5 Rodrigo composed over forty guitar works (solo, orchestral, and chamber) during his career.

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Methodology

The methodology for this thesis is based predominantly on the examination and analysis of the chosen works composed by Rodrigo. I have evaluated a range of sources for these works, including various publications and arrangements. Principal sources for this dissertation have been scores and recordings. Secondary sources for this study such as historical texts (books, journal articles, and dissertations) and biographies have provided the contextual and background information for my research.

The primary sources I have surveyed reflect an interesting disparity in interpretations of Rodrigo’s music, and indeed music of other composers of the neoclassical period. Early recordings had greater use of rubato and tone colour and an overall freer interpretation when compared to the rhythmically straighter, more stringent recordings towards the end of the twentieth century. This highlights the influence of late-nineteenth-century Romantic performance traditions in the performance practice of many early-twentieth-century guitarists. I have consulted various publications and arrangements of the score for Zarabanda Lejana and found substantial differences between Rodrigo’s original manuscript of Zarabanda Lejana and the two later published editions.

The discussion of these recordings and scores has been largely informed by the historical texts regarding the neoclassical movement in the first few decades of the twentieth century. I have consulted texts that examine Manuel de Falla, the modern guitar and its ancestors, and the impact of the Spanish Civil War on Spanish composers such as Rodrigo. This thesis does not provide a detailed discussion of Orientalism or the impact of the Spanish Civil War on changes in Spanish musical aesthetics.

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Literature review

Research has largely neglected the context in which Rodrigo was composing in the mid-twentieth century, in contrast to the substantial amount of scholarly literature that has been devoted to neoclassicism, French musicians at the fin-de- siècle, and Spanish music and musicians in the same period.

For an understanding of the French engagement with Spanish music in the nineteenth century the article by Jose F. Colmeiro ‘Exorcising Exoticism: Carmen and the Construction of Oriental Spain’, published in Comparative Literature is particularly informative. This article provides a discussion of the discourse of orientalism and French relations with Spain in the nineteenth century. Looking at the cyclical influences between the two countries, this article cites the novella and opera Carmen as the case study. It proved to be helpful in my understanding of Spain’s musical and cultural life and the development of Spanish musical nationalism.

Isaac Albéniz and Enrique Granados, both of whom were important Spanish nationalist composers in the late nineteenth century, have extensive literature dedicated to them. Gilbert Chase’s The Music of Spain proved to be helpful in gaining some biographical insight on both of these composers.6 When placing these composers in a pre-Spanish neoclassical context, Otto Mayer-Serra’s article ‘Falla’s Musical Nationalism’ from The Musical Quarterly provided some interesting insight.7 Walter Aaron Clark’s writings are invaluable sources for any discussion of Spanish composers from this period,8 particularly his two books Isaac Albéniz: A Portrait of a Romantic and Enrique Granados: Poet of the Piano for readers who want to know more about Albéniz and Granados.9

Neoclassicism overall has a substantial amount of literature devoted to it. Relating to French composers, writers refer to neoclassicism as their move away from Germanic Romanticism. It is mostly in relation to aspects of their evolving compositional language, as seen in French Music since Berlioz compiled by Langham

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 6 Gilbert Chase, The Music of Spain (New York: Dover Publications 1959). 7 Otto Mayer-Serra, ‘Falla’s Musical Nationalism,’ in The Musical Quarterly 29, no. 1 (1943): 1-17. 8 Walter Aaron Clark, Federico Moreno Torroba: A Musical Life in Three Acts (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013). 9 For information on Albéniz see Walter Aaron Clark, Isaac Albéniz: A Portrait of a Romantic (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). For information on Granados, see Walter Aaron Clark, Enrique Granados: Poet of the Piano (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011).

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Smith and Potters and Myers’ Ravel.10 Scott Messing’s book Neoclassicism: The Stravinsky/Schoenberg Polemic remains a significant resource for the neoclassical movement, discussing its beginnings in France at length in the first chapter.11 While French neoclassicism is discussed in books on Debussy and Ravel, less is written about the important nexus between French and Spanish music.

There is a bulk of existing literature surrounding Manuel de Falla and neoclassicism in Spain. Significant scholarly resources include the work of Michael Christoforidis, Carol Hess, and Ken Murray. In this thesis, I used several of Christoforidis’ articles, such as ‘Manuel de Falla, Debussy and La vida breve’, from Musicology Australia, which proved to be extremely useful in helping me to gain an understanding of Falla’s neoclassical works.12 Carol Hess’ book Manuel de Falla and Modernism in Spain: 1898-1936 is cited substantially in relation to Spanish neoclassicism and Falla throughout this dissertation.13 Hess discusses each of Falla’s neoclassical works in the period, covering critical and public reception of his compositional evolution. She also cites Christoforidis substantially, pointing readers into the direction of his PhD dissertation ‘Aspects of the Creative Process in Manuel de Falla’s El Retablo Maese Pedro and Concerto’, which delves into the source material Falla used for his neoclassical works.14 This proved to be very helpful in making connections with Rodrigo’s neoclassical works and the source material he used. Ken Murray’s PhD dissertation ‘Spanish Music and its Representations in London’ also cites Christoforidis’ work and draws connections to neoclassicism in Spain, its reception in greater Europe, and the evolution of the modern guitar as a folk icon to a neoclassical instrument.15

Connected with this, James Tyler has covered the modern guitar and its ancestors in great depth in his book The Early Guitar: A History and Handbook. Tyler’s literature summarises the modern guitar’s ancestors in Spain, and assisted in

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 10 Richard Langham Smith and Caroline Potter, ed., French Music since Berlioz (Ashgate, 2006). See also: Rollo H. Myers, Ravel, Life and Works (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973). 11 Scott Messing, Neoclassicism in Music: From the Genesis of the Concept through the Schoenberg/Stravinsky Polemic (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1988). 12 Michael Christoforidis, ‘Manuel de Falla, Debussy and La vida breve,’ in Musicology Australia 18, no. 1 (1995): 3-12. 13 Carol Hess, Manuel de Falla and Modernism in Spain, 1898-1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001). 14 Michael Christoforidis, ‘Aspects of the Creative Process in Manuel de Falla’s El Retablo Maese Pedro and Concerto,’ (PhD diss., University of Melbourne, 1997). 15 Ken Murray, ‘Spanish Music and its Representations in London’.

! 5! developing the contextual information I discuss in chapter two of the dissertation.16 Christoforidis and Piquer’s article ‘Cubism, neoclassicism, and the revival of the Spanish guitar in the early 20th century’ from Roseta allowed me to link Tyler’s literature with Falla’s neoclassicism and was invaluable for my discussion of Rodrigo’s contemporaries and the guitarists active at the time.17 As mentioned above, Aaron Clark’s book Federico Moreno Torroba: A Musical Life in Three Acts also assisted in my discussion of Rodrigo’s contemporaries and the musical trends of the period.

I am not fluent in Spanish and therefore did not have access to much of the literature in Spanish dedicated to Rodrigo. In my research for this dissertation, I discovered that there is little written on Rodrigo in English, outside the world of guitar books and magazines. While a substantial amount has been written in English on Manuel de Falla and his contribution to Spanish music in the twentieth century and his relationship with Stravinsky’s neoclassicism, comparatively little has been written in English about Rodrigo and his importance to Spanish music. What largely exists are segments in chapters about Spanish music devoted to him, as seen in literature like Tomás Marco’s Spanish Music in the Twentieth Century, in which he discusses the importance of Rodrigo’s compositional style as a movement away from modernist neoclassicism to a restorative aesthetic following the devastating Spanish Civil War.18

The most prolific author writing on Rodrigo in English is the guitarist Graham Wade. He specialises in the modern Spanish guitar, Rodrigo, and Segovia, but he does little to discuss issues surrounding Rodrigo’s compositional evolution in his books Joaquin Rodrigo: a life in music: travelling to Aranjuez 1901-1939 and Joaquin Rodrigo and the Concierto de Aranjuez.19 Superficially delving into neoclassicism and the impact of Falla’s legacy on Rodrigo’s compositional development, Wade provides some information by discussing the material without delving into contextual

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 16 James Tyler, The Early Guitar: A History and Handbook (London: Music Dept., Oxford University Press, 1980). 17 Michael Christoforidis and Ruth Piquer Sanclemente, ‘Cubism, neoclassicism, and the Revival of the Spanish Guitar in the Early 20th Century,’ in Roseta: Revista de la Sociedad Española de la Guitarra 6, no. 6, (2011). 18 Tomás Marco, Spanish Music in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993). 19 Graham Wade, Joaquín Rodrigo: A life in Music: Travelling to Aranjuez (Leeds: GRM Publications, 2006). See also Graham Wade, Joaquín Rodrigo and the Concierto de Aranjuez (Leeds: Mayflower Enterprises, 1985).

! 6! information. Wade focuses solely on the solo guitar music of Rodrigo in his book Distant Sarabandes: The Solo Guitar Music of Joaquín Rodrigo.20

There is an important body of work in Spanish on Rodrigo by musicologist Javier Suárez-Pajares. While I have been unable to translate his work, I made contact with him during and after my trip to Spain in June 2015 regarding certain aspects of my thesis and sources to consult for further information. Suárez-Pajares provided me with the original manuscript of Rodrigo’s Zarabanda Lejana, which proved to be extremely helpful and will be discussed in my analysis. I was directed to consult a 90th anniversary book of Rodrigo’s life, which featured English translations of a selection of articles by prominent Spanish musicologists, guitarists, and composers. These articles discussed Rodrigo’s life, his contemporaries, and his neoclassical works prior to the Civil War.21

There is little scholarly research that exists in English in relation to Rodrigo’s life in Francoist Spain (1939-75) following the Spanish Civil War. Hess’ 1995 article Manuel de Falla’s The Three-Cornered Hat and the Right-Wing Press in Pre-Civil War Spain and Christoforidis’ 2001 article Igor Stravinsky, Spanish Catholicism, and Generalísimo Franco were invaluable resources for the discussion that takes place in the third chapter regarding Rodrigo’s Concierto de Aranjuez and Fantasía para un Gentilhombre.22 Both writers highlight the effect of the Spanish Civil War and the role neoclassicism played in the subsequent period. These works assisted me in developing my arguments regarding the discussion of Rodrigo’s stylistic choices and how they were affected by the political climate. I would like to further develop these arguments in future research to contribute to the limited information existing on the stylistic shift of many neoclassical composers under various right-wing governments in the mid-twentieth century.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 20 Graham Wade, Distant Sarabandes: The Solo Guitar Music of Joaquín Rodrigo (Leeds: GRM Publications, 1996). 21 Enrique Rubio, ed. Memoria del homenaje internacional a Joaquín Rodrigo realizado durante losaños 1991-1992: 90 Aniversario Joaquín Rodrigo (Madrid:SGAE, 1993). 22 Carol Hess, ‘Manuel de Falla’s Three-Cornered Hat and the Right-Wing Press in Pre-Civil War Spain’, in Journal of Musicological Research 15, no. 1-2 (1995): 55-84. See also: Michael Christoforidis, ‘Igor Stravinsky, Spanish Catholicism and Generalísimo Franco’ in Context 22 (2001).

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CHAPTER 1:

Neoclassicism and Spanish Music

Spanish music in the nineteenth century

Throughout the nineteenth century, international audiences turned to concepts established by non-Spanish composers such as Bizet, Debussy, Ravel, Chabrier, Lalo, Rimsky-Korsakov, and Glinka to gain an understanding of what Spanish music was.23 Much of Spain’s musical life throughout the nineteenth century was affected by a combination of the local response to these international perceptions, 24 the folkloric that eventually became popularised,25 and the work of composers looking to create an authentic Spanish art-music. These idealised Spanish idioms begun to be philosophically and aesthetically challenged by Spanish composers in the late nineteenth century.

Spanish musical nationalism

As the popularised and the appropriated flourished locally in the second half and towards the end of the nineteenth century, the need for Spanish composers to develop their own national aesthetic in cultivated art grew imperative.26 The uncertainty that existed in Spanish artistic circles gave Felipe Pedrell (1841-1922), musicologist and composer, the desire to create a Spanish musical art with a truly

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 23!Hess, Falla and Modernism, 1.! 24 For a detailed discussion on exoticism and Spanish music, see James Parakilas chapter, ‘How Spain Got a Soul,’ in, Bellman, ed. The Exotic in Western Music, 137-193. For a detailed discussion on England’s reception of Spanish music in the period discussed, see Murray, ‘Spanish Music and its Representations in London’. 25 Zarzuela, a Spanish operetta, dominated musical life in Madrid in the second half of the nineteenth century. The Spanish writers drew their plots from French romantic plays, and composers drew musical idioms from Italian opera. The popularity of zarzuela with Spain’s general population during this period in Spain was unprecedented; Ricardo de la Vega’s music in La cancion de la Lola (1880) found itself pouring out of barrel organs and bar pianos all over Madrid, with authorities considering banning it. This became the main avenue in which composers would have their music heard in a local context. Concurrent to the boom in popularity of zarzuela, the granting of citizenships to gypsies by Carlos the Third in 1783 meant that throughout the nineteenth century, they were able to engage and develop their cultural activities without fear of persecution. Their music, which largely consisted of songs about their hardships and dreams of a better life, became popular in local taverns. By 1860, cante flamenco became highly popular, and other folkloric genres from Andalusia became known as musica aflamencada. For a discussion of zarzuela in nineteenth century Spain see Christopher Webber, The Zarzuela Companion (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 2002), 3-5. For more information on flamenco see Israel J. Katz, ‘Flamenco,’ in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed August 20, 2015, www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/09780. 26 Hess, Falla and Modernism, 15.

! 8! national identity.27 Pedrell was a thorough researcher who placed the details of the Spanish musical tradition within reach of living Spanish composers who held particular contempt towards the romantic zarzuela. While his work is not necessarily reflected in his compositional output (many of his music dramas were modelled after Wagnerian operas, particularly Tannhauser),28 it was his theories on the fusion between the cultivated and the popular that paved the way for future composers to develop his idea of an authentic, national musical identity he himself could not realise. 29 Isaac Albéniz (1860-1909) and Enrique Granados (1867-1916), both composition students of Pedrell, took the initial steps in the late nineteenth century to artistically realise his theories.30 It was through their efforts that these two composers produced a large body of works that placed modern Spanish instrumental music in the view of other European composers of high status.31

Albéniz, influenced by Pedrell to consider exploring a nationalist direction in his music, helped to bring Spanish Romanticism to the forefront by mixing his interests in French and German musical trends with Spanish folkloric elements.32 Albéniz was moved by the excitement of the flamenco cante jondo, evoked in such pieces as the Suite Española (1886) and the Tango (1890), both of which give impressions of the guitar’s plucked accompaniment, dissonances, and southern Spain’s folkloric melodies. However, his most well-known work, Iberia (1905-08), is a testament to his compositional interests and the influence of French harmonic colouring.33

Granados was also moved by Pedrell’s desire to compose in the nationalist vein. His Goyescas (1911) is a result of his attempt to musically express scenes and characters as sketched and painted by Spaniard Francisco Goya (1746-1828). Granados, although not remaining entirely apathetic to Andalusian folklorism, was profoundly Romantic, and gained inspiration from Madrid’s historical and folkloric traditions.34

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 27 Mayer-Serra, ‘Falla’s Musical Nationalism,’ 2. 28 J.B Trend, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1934), 4. 29 Mayer-Serra, ‘Falla’s Musical Nationalism,’ 2. 30 Ibid., 2-3. 31 Chase, The Music of Spain, 150. 32 José Antonio Donis, ‘The Musicologist Behind the Composer: The Impact of Historical Studies upon the Creative Life in Joaquín Rodrigo’s Guitar Compositions,’ (Masters diss., Florida State University, 2005), 39. 33 Chase, Music of Spain, 152-156. 34 Chase, Music of Spain, 161.

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Both composers strengthened the connection between the French and the Spanish, having placed cultivated nationalistic music onto the map of the Romantic movement. Their work served as a foundation for many of the innovative composers of the twentieth century, particularly Manuel de Falla.

Beginnings of neoclassicism: late-nineteenth-and early twentieth-century - French context

Throughout much of the nineteenth century, Germanic Romanticism was the dominant repertoire in European concert halls. As well as it being very difficult for Spanish composers to achieve success in their native country, French composers too were challenged locally.35 The belief instilled in many young composers in France was that dramatic, large-scale orchestral music was the true measure of one’s talent.36 Particularly influential at the time was Richard Wagner (1813-1883), whose innovation hugely influenced composers throughout greater Europe. Mahler, Strauss, and Schoenberg, and non-Germanic Composers such as Verdi and Liszt were utilising Wagner’s leitmotive and extended harmony in their compositions.37 Wagnerism was a dominant model for many French composers, including a younger Camille Saint- Saëns (1835-1921), Emmanuel Chabrier (1841-1894), Ernest Chausson (1855-1899), Paul Dukas (1865-1935), Vincent d’Indy (1851-1931), and Claude Debussy (1862- 1918).

It was only during the years prior to the twentieth century, or the fin de siècle, that the pessimism regarding their lack of what they believed to be a truly French musical identity overtook the predominant Wagnerism as a compositional model in French artistic circles. This, combined with their humiliating defeat in the Franco- Prussian war of 1871, proved to be fertile ground for the resurgence of French national pride.38 The term ‘neoclassicism’ was initially pejorative, attributed to Germanic composers whom the French believed lacked innovation in composition.39

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 35 Over half of the total performances in Paris concert halls were accounted to Beethoven, Mozart, Mendelssohn, Haydn and Weber in the years immediately preceding 1870. Langham Smith and Potter, ed., French Music Since Berlioz, 1. 36 Ibid. 37 Donis, ‘The Musicologist Behind the Composer,’10. 38 Scott Messing, ‘Polemic as History: the case of neoclassicism,’ in The Journal of Musicology, 9, no. 4 (1991), 482. 39 French composers and critics had begun to antagonistically critique Germanic composers, with Romain Rolland stating that Brahms’s neoclassicism is ravaged by a pedantry which has become “the

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During this time, various French schools of composition began to emerge. Claude Debussy (1862-1918) and Vincent d’Indy (1851-1931) became important figures in exploring the possibilities of a distinctly French sound. Debussy’s compositional language, which was initially influenced by Wagnerism, began to “(imply) a rejection of the recent musical past and a revolutionary desire to abandon the inherited forms and rules governing musical tradition”, as stated by Donnellon.40 This briefly posited Debussy as the alternative to d’Indy, who valued tradition and looking to pre-Romantic French sources for inspiration.

The pioneering work of d’Indy represented the aim of Schola Cantorum, an institution founded in 1894 to train young composers in the neglected areas of counterpoint, analysis, and music history.41 Although the practice of hosting music history classes were already established by 1871, the popularity of early music tuition did not become commonplace until after 1900. With d’Indy as the director of the Schola, its teachings led to the culmination of un nouveau classicisme (a new classicism). 42 This emphasised observing past musical traditions to explore what it meant to have an authentically French compositional language and valued aesthetic elements such as clarity, simplicity, austerity, sobriety, and precision.43

The first appearances of un nouveau classicisme surfaced in new compositions in the form of references to pre-nineteenth century traditions. French composers began incorporating titles in their musical works such as dans le style ancien (in the ancient style), which appeared after the Franco-Prussian war. Camille Saint-Saëns (1835-1921) was the first prolific composer to start alluding to dance idioms, metres, tempi, form and even melodic content as used by past composers.44 Institutions such as the Schola frequently held small performances with French composers of the pre- Romantic era being featured.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! plague of German art”, Vincent d’Indy attacking “the oppressive tonal clumsiness so frequent in the works of Brahms and the German neoclassicists”, and Jean Marnold making fun of the “lamentable agony [of contemporary German music as] rattling along in Brahmsian neoclassic chloroform”. See Messing, ‘Polemic as History,’ 483. 40 Langham Smith and Potter, French Music since Berlioz, 10. 41 Ibid., 9. 42 Messing, Neoclassicism in Music, 18-19. 43 Messing, ‘Polemic as History,’ 483. 44 Donis, ‘The Musicologist Behind the Composer,’ 15.

! 11!

Debussy, whose nationalist inclinations were heightened at the turn of the century, became deeply attracted to France’s rich musical tradition.45 There was a clear development in his compositional style during this period, evolving into one that was sympathetic towards the revival of interest in musicology. This can be seen in his admiration for Baroque composer Jean-Philipe Rameau (1683-1764) whose opera Les fêtes de Polymnie he edited and even dedicated one of his movements from Images (1905) to, entitled “Hommage à Rameau”.46 Debussy avidly attended concerts that the Schola held at the turn of the century.47 Maurice Ravel, ten years Debussy’s junior, was also a huge supporter of these concerts.48 Regarding Baroque composer François Couperin (1668-1733) highly, he composed the homage Le Tombeau de Couperin (1914-1917), which contained movements all modelled on Baroque dances, such as forlane, menuet, and rigaudon. All contain the phrase structures, metres, and rhythmic and harmonic elements typical of the Baroque forms.49

The following excerpts (EX. 1) from Le Tombeau de Couperin illustrates how the themes of each movement have a distinct connection to the dances.50

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 45 Messing, Neoclassicism in Music, 49. 46 Messing, Neoclassicism in Music, 44-45. 47Ibid., 41. 48 Ravel is often lumped into the ‘Impressionist’ category along with Debussy, although neither felt the term accurately described their music. Their similarities only extend as far as their desires to protect French music against what they felt were the dangers of Wagnerian influences at the turn of the century. As Rollo H. Meyers states, “the classicism of Ravel’s form alone was in marked contrast with Debussy’s much more fluid construction, and whereas the former made a point of stressing the clarity of his formal design, the latter was especially anxious that his music should sound like an improvisation.” Myers, Ravel, Life and Works, 97. 49 Ravel has stated that the homage implied is in fact to French music of the eighteenth century more than it is to Couperin. Messing, Neoclassicism in Music, 51 (Taken from Ravel’s ‘Esquisses Autobiographique’ La Revue Musicale, Dec 1938, 17). 50!For more information on the forlane see Meredith Ellis Little, ‘Forlana,’ in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed March 28, 2017, www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/09980. For more information on the minuet see Meredith Ellis Little, ‘Minuet,’ in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed March 28, 2017, www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/18751. For more information on the rigaudon see Meredith Ellis Little, ‘Rigaudon,’ in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed March 28, 2017, www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/23459. ! !!

! 12!

EX 1A – Forlane theme, m. 1-8 violins.51

EX 1B – Menuet theme, m. 1-8 oboe.52

EX 1C – Rigaudon theme m. 1 – 8, two clarinets in B flat.53

The growing political tensions between Germany and France at the turn of the century fuelled the nationalist feelings of many important French composers prior to World War I. A number of French composers, working in a variety of ways, explored the possibilities of an authentically French sound, which paralleled the work of Spaniards Pedrell, Albèniz, and Granados at the end of the nineteenth century. The aesthetics that came to be valued opposed the use of large-scale orchestras and the formlessness and dramaticism of Germanic Romanticism, and included clarity, simplicity, and precision. Behind these varied stylistic languages, the growing sentiment which idealised the pre-Romantic French history prevailed, with

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 51 Maurice Ravel. Le Tombeau de Couperin, mini score (Paris: Durand, 1919), 18. 52!Ibid., 35.! 53 Ibid., 46. !

! 13! distinguished composers such as Saint-Saëns and d’Indy, and later Debussy and Ravel, sharing this common ground aesthetically and philosophically.

Neoclassicism in Spanish music: Manuel de Falla and the influence of Stravinsky

As the traits of un nouveau classicisme became more valued by the French, the term ‘neoclassicism’ started to shift from its original pejorative meaning to one that was descriptive and consolidated itself after World War I.54 It was first used in the paradigmatic term that is understood today in 1923 by critic Boris de Schloezer and it was prescribed to Stravinsky’s Symphonies d’instruments à vent (1920), composed for woodwind and brass instruments, dedicated to the memory of Debussy.55 While Symphonies contained neoclassical elements, it is commonly believed that Stravinsky’s Octet (1923) was the first truly neoclassical piece in the term as understood at present. The Octet was famed for its unusual combination of instruments,56 dry sonorities, and adoption of Classical period forms. Stravinsky aligned his political and aesthetic sentiments with that of the French, lamenting the dominant form of Germanic Romanticism and seeking to develop an aesthetic removed from it.57 This aesthetic respected reduced orchestration, exploration of unconventional timbre combinations, objectivity, and simplicity.

Falla began his career in 1896 Madrid exploring the possibilities that existed in Spanish orchestral music and building on Granados and Albéniz’s work. Like Pedrell, he was deeply disappointed with the limitations of Spanish musical life, relying on zarzuela prior to studying in France to generate income during the early years of his career in Madrid.58 His two-act opera La Vida Breve (1904) and one-act ballet El Amor Brujo (1914) drew upon existing idioms such as evoking the Andalusian flamenco guitar and including popularised rhythms and harmonies.59 His exposure to the music of Debussy and other French composers during his years studying in Paris (1907-1914) was of the utmost importance to his compositional development. Debussy encouraged Falla in his work and brought works such as his !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 54 Messing, ‘Polemic as History,’ 489. 55 Hess, Manuel de Falla, 102. 56 Instruments used were flute, clarinet in B and A, two bassoons, trumpet in C and A, tenor and bass trombone. 57 Hess, Manuel de Falla, 170-171. 58 Ibid., 22-31. 59 Messing, ‘Polemic as History,’ 482. For a detailed discussion on La vida breve, see Christoforidis, ‘Manuel de Falla, Debussy, and La vida breve’. For a discussion on both La vida breve and El amor brujo, see Hess, Falla and Modernism, 45-78.

! 14!

Cuatro Piezas Españolas (1906-1909) to the attention of various publishers.60 Carol Hess argues that Debussy’s role in Falla’s composition process is hard to quantify, however, it is clear that he influenced Falla compositionally in works such as Trois Mélodies and Noches en los Jardines de España (1909-1915).61

Falla continued to evolve and his direction ultimately followed that of Stravinsky’s. Visiting Spain in 1916 due to the residency of the Ballet Russes for the season, Stravinsky held a private performance of the piano version of one-act chamber opera-ballet Renard (1916), and Falla was in attendance.62 Commending the piece for its reduced instrumentation, Falla expressed admiration that “each instrument (maintained) its own tonal and expressive value, and each string instrument is used as an autonomous timbre and never in mass…[creating] a web of pure melodic lines without demanding the support of other timbres.”63 His enthusiasm for this innovative aesthetic shows in his compositional explorations from the late 1910s onwards, and marks the departure from an Andalusian-inspired language seen in La Vida Breve and El Amor Brujo.

This compositional language begun to make its way in compositions such as the ballet El Corregidor y la Molinera (1919) which premiered on the 23rd of January, 1920.64 Many critics considered this piece to be ‘quintessentially Spanish’, with its synthesis of modernist stylization and Spanish tradition appealing to the general public and critics alike.65 El Corregidor today is Falla’s most popular work, with the influence of Stravinsky apparent. This neoclassical aesthetic was further developed in his El Retablo de Maese Pedro, commissioned in 1918 and completed in 1923. Fervently applauded by Spanish critics, El Retablo appealed to, as Gilbert Chase insists, “a sophisticated and exceptionally cultured audience”.66 El Retablo is a one- act puppet opera and was dedicated to Miguel de Cervantes, a Spanish playwright of the late sixteenth century. The allusions to Spain’s rich traditions are not only prevalent in the dedication, but in what Falla weaves into the opera. In addition to the protagonist being a character plucked from Cervantes’ book, Don Quixote, El Retablo

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 60 Hess, Manuel de Falla, 34.! 61 Hess, Manuel de Falla, 34-36 62 Ibid., 101. 63 Ibid. 64 Hess, Falla and Modernism, 130. 65 Ibid., 130-131. 66 Ibid., 206.

! 15! incorporates eighteenth-century musical conventions, features historical plucked instruments such as the harpsichord, and includes a broadened harmonic language typical of the twentieth century.67

The culmination of Falla’s neoclassicism took place in the Harpsichord Concerto of 1926, dedicated to Polish harpsichordist Wanda Landowska (1879-1959), and composed for harpsichord, flute, oboe, clarinet, violin and cello. Critics compared Falla’s Harpsichord Concerto with Stravinsky’s Octet for its dry sonorities, Classical forms, and unconventional combinations of instruments. This work was considered the epitome of European neoclassicism in its synthesis of existing material, unsupported timbres, and motives with limited intervallic range. Of the allusions to Spain’s musical tradition, Falla artfully weaves Extremaduran Renaissance composer Juan Vásquez’s material, prominently using the sixteenth-century song “De los Alamos vengo madre” as source material for the Concerto.68

As seen in this chapter, the end of the nineteenth century and the initial decades of the twentieth century saw a marked shift in attitudes toward the term neoclassicism. The work of prominent French composers, Stravinsky, and Falla ensured that neoclassicism developed from what was initially considered unoriginal to one of the leading modernist aesthetics. Both composers developed neoclassicism in such a way that it became the movement that influenced the next generation of Spanish composers, including groups such as the Generation of 1927 and Grupo de los Ocho in Madrid.69 Of particular importance, Falla’s neoclassicism had significant influence on Joaquín Rodrigo and the revived status of the modern guitar, which came to be the predominant symbolic instrument of Spanish neoclassicism.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 67 Falla saturated himself in the music of the Cervantes period, particularly by that of the plucked instruments. For a detailed discussion on this, see Christoforidis, ‘Aspects of the Creative Process,’ 102-112. 68 Ibid., 236. 69 The Generation of 1927 comprised of artists, writers, poets and musicians. Grupo de los Ocho was the group of musicians belonging to the Generation. Composers belonging to Grupo de los Ocho include: Salvador Bacarisse (1898-1963), Julián Bautista (1901-1961), Juan José Mantecón (1897- 1964), Gustavo Pittaluga (1906-1975), Fernando Remacha (1898-1984), Rosa García Ascot (1906- 2002), Rodolfo Halffter (1900-1987), Ernesto Halffter (1905-1989). Hess, Falla and Modernism, 270.

! 16!

CHAPTER 2:

Joaquín Rodrigo and the Early Modern Guitar in Spain

The development of a distinctly Spanish neoclassical style through the works of Manuel de Falla coincided with the rapid expansion of modern guitar repertoire. Evocations of folk and flamenco guitar appear rather prominently in Spanish keyboard literature, running from pre-Romantic composers such as Italian Domenico Scarlatti (1685-1757),70 through to Albéniz, Granados, and the earlier works of Falla. The twentieth century marks the first period of time in which non-guitarist composers like Rodrigo began to explore what the instrument had to offer in a concert setting.71 In addition to this, the modern Spanish guitar had resonances with early music and emerging neoclassical trends in art and music.

Joaquín Rodrigo: his early career and the growing interest in the guitar

Rodrigo was born in Sagunto, 1901, in the province of Valencia on Spain’s Eastern coast. He had five siblings and four half-siblings from his father’s previous marriage. Blinded by complications caused by diphtheria when he was three years old, Rodrigo developed an acute sensitivity to music through his exposure at an early age, studying the piano at the age of nine. His formal music instruction began at the Valencia Conservatoire at 16, where he studied harmony and composition with Francisco Antich until the age of 21.72

Rodrigo’s first compositions date from 1923. His Juglares, premiered in 1924 by the Orquesta Sinfonica de Valencia was very well-received and gave him the confidence to enter his Cinco Piezas Infantiles in a national composition competition in the following year. These pieces share similarities with the childlike simplicity of Stravinsky’s Trois pièces faciles (1917) and Cinq pièces faciles (1918).73

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 70 Scarlatti was an Italian Baroque composer and harpsichordist, who spent much of his life in the service of the Spanish and Portuguese royal families. He is most famous for having composed an extensive amount of keyboard sonatas. For more information on Scarlatti’s contribution to Spanish music, see Jane Clark, ‘Domenico Scarlatti and Spanish folk music,’ in Early Music 4, no. 1 (1976): 19-21. 71 Aaron Clark, Federico Moreno Torroba, 109. 72 For more details on Rodrigo’s early life, see the following text: Victoria Kamhi de Rodrigo, Hand in Hand with Joaquín Rodrigo: My Life at the Maestro’s Side, trans. Ellen Wilkerson (Pittsburgh: Latin American Literary Review Press, 1992). 73 Scott Messing states in his literature that ‘childlike simplicity’ is an element of Stravinsky’s neoclassical work of the 1920s. The elements Messing outlines in Stravinsky’s music between Le Sacre du Printemps (1913) and Octet (1923) are simplicity, which was how French composers at the

! 17!

The two pieces that brought him fame in the early stages of his career were Preludio al Gallo Mañanero (1926) for solo piano and Zarabanda Lejana (1926) for solo guitar (see Chapter 3). Praised to this day for their originality and modernity,74 Rodrigo moved to Paris upon their completion to study with Paul Dukas between 1927 and 1934.75 For Spanish composers to study in Paris was not uncommon; many before and during this time had made this move, including Albéniz, Granados, and Falla whom Rodrigo met in 1928. However, while it was a necessity for these composers to leave Spain in the early years of their career, for Rodrigo’s generation, comprised of composers born sometime between 1894 and 1908, it was not.76 At the turn of the century, Paris was a place where Spanish composers had to go in order to find their identity.77 These younger composers were able to choose to stay in Spain or go to France to study, building on the bourgeoning trends in cultivated music. They moved to Paris not to find themselves, but to, as Hess states, “discover music’s universal qualities”.78

One such trend was the use of the modern guitar in new compositions. The guitar, an icon of folk music, remains to this day the most popular instrument used across all styles of popular and cultivated art music. The instrument’s current model, which underwent major construction and design changes during the second half of the nineteenth century through the efforts of luthier Antonio Torres, proved itself to be an instrument that was adaptable in many performance contexts and a wide range of musical styles.79 Between 1890 and 1920, touring Estudiantinas,80 flamenco guitarists, and a plethora of ensemble and solo styles from North America carried the instrument across the globe. During this period, the guitar simultaneously established its role in the flourishing development of flamenco as well as in the modern school of

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! time were describing their music; youth in children’s pieces; objectivity; and cultural elitism by alluding to or quoting from pre-nineteenth century sources. For a more detailed discussion, see Messing, Neoclassicism in Music, 89-127. 74 Enrique Franco, ‘Joaquin Rodrigo and the Generation of 1927,’ in Memoria del Homenaje Internacional a Joaquín Rodrigo realizado durante losaños 1991-1992: 90 aniversario Joaquín Rodrigo. Edited by Enrique Rubio (Madrid: SGAE 1993), 69-78. 75 Kamhi, Hand in Hand, 61. 76 Franco, ed. Rubio, ‘Joaquín Rodrigo and the Generation of 1927,’ 69. 77 Hess, Falla and Modernism, 271-272. 78 Ibid. 79 Murray, ‘Spanish Music and its Representations in London,’ 218. 80 Estudiantinas were Spanish students who performed Spanish music featuring plucked string instruments. Murray, ‘Spanish Music and its Representations in London,’ 116.

! 18! classical guitar playing.81 The latter owes itself to the efforts of Francisco Tárrega (1852-1909) and his students, including Miguel Llobet (1878-1938), who was a well- known concert guitarist and arranger and one of the most highly paid touring guitarists in South America pre-World War I.82

The repertoire played by Tárrega and his circle comprised of nineteenth century works for the instrument, composed Romantic salon pieces, arrangements of Bach, nineteenth century piano music, and original works.83 Their work precipitated the rise of the guitar in a concert setting and was pivotal in how it came to be represented internationally. Building on their work, a surge of performers and advocators of the instrument emerged during the first half of the twentieth century.84 Particularly important was the revival of interest in the role of the guitar as a connection to Spain’s pre-Romantic past. With the neoclassical aesthetic becoming a leading trend in modernist music, guitarists and composers influenced by Falla began to explore Spain’s musical past, and in doing so, rediscovered the importance of the guitar’s role in current musical trends.

Spain’s Golden Age: historical allusions in significant neoclassical works

The modern guitar, with its historical resonances and modern repertoire, was the perfect neoclassical instrument. In the first decades of the twentieth century its ancestors, particularly the vihuela de mano (or simply vihuela), the five-course Baroque guitar, the six-course Classical guitar, and the Romantic guitar attracted renewed attention. It is widely believed that the Spanish guitar’s earliest ancestor is the vihuela. Luis Milán (c1500-c1560), to whom Rodrigo pays tribute in his Zarabanda Lejana (1926), published the first book of vihuela music in 1536 entitled El Maestro. This was significant for the instrument as there was little existing literature dedicated to the vihuela prior to the book’s publication. In addition to providing repertoire collected for the vihuela, El Maestro included detailed instruction on the art of playing it.85

The five-course Baroque guitar evolved at the turn of the sixteenth century and became widely known throughout all of Europe as the Spanish guitar. Zaragoza !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 81 Christoforidis and Piquer Sanclemente, ‘Modernist Representations,’ 2. 82 Ken Murray, ‘Manuel de Falla’s Homenajes,’ (Honours diss., University of Melbourne, 1990), 12. 83 Christoforidis and Piquer Sanclemente, ‘Modernist Representations,’ 2. 84 Murray, ‘Spanish Music and its Representations in London,’ 138-139. 85 Tyler, The Early Guitar, 15-22.

! 19! priest Gaspar Sanz (1640-1710) published his Instrucción de Música Sobre la Guitarra Española in 1674; a comprehensive tutorial and repertoire book for the instrument. With its second edition published in 1675, and a third published later that year, this book was unique in that it contained huge amounts of information on tuning, forming chords, left and right hand technique, metre, and ornamentation.86 Michael Christoforidis’ work indicates that Falla saturated himself with the music of Gaspar Sanz and other Baroque guitarists for El Retablo, with Sanz’s works present in early sketches.87 Rodrigo also pays tribute to Sanz in his Fantasía para un Gentilhombre (1954), which will be discussed at length in Chapter 3.

The harpsichord was another plucked instrument that, along with the guitar, saw a revival in the early decades of the twentieth century. The harpsichord has a rich history in greater Europe and in Spain through the keyboard sonatas of Scarlatti. Wanda Landowska, for whom Falla’s El Retablo harpsichord part and the Harpsichord Concerto were composed, was an important figure in the revival of the harpsichord.88 Landowska was closely linked to the work of the French composers of the early twentieth century and the Schola Cantorum in Paris where she taught.89

In these early decades of the twentieth century, Spanish composers had begun to create connections between the modern guitar and the plucked instruments that were commonplace in pre-Romantic Spain. Much like Debussy with Rameau and Ravel with Couperin, younger Spanish composers like Rodrigo following in the footsteps of Falla were deeply attracted to pre-Romantic composers and instruments. These trends informed their development of a distinctly Spanish neoclassical aesthetic, and the guitar was at the forefront of this movement.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 86 James Tyler, The Guitar and its Music (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 148-153. 87 Hess, Falla and Modernism, 209. For a detailed discussion on the sources Falla used for El Retablo, see Christoforidis, ‘Aspects of the Creative Process’. 88 Mark Steinberg, ‘Review: Some Observations on the Harpsichord in Twentieth Century Music,’ Perspectives of New Music, 1, no. 2 (1963), 189. 89 For more information on Landowska’s relationship with Schola Cantorum, see Annegret Fauser, ‘Creating Madame Landowska,’ in Women and Music: A Journal of Gender and Culture 10 (2006): 1- 23.

! 20!

Pioneers in the development of the classical guitar: Llobet, Barrios, Segovia, Sainz de la Maza, and Pujol.

In addition to the modern guitar’s connections to Spain’s rich musical past, Pedrell’s theories on the fusion between the cultivated and the popular became influential in the guitar’s revived status. Falla’s early twentieth-century works such as La Vida Breve (1904), El Amor Brujo (1914), and Siete Canciones Populares Españoles (1914) are prime examples of the reconciliation of nationalism, with influences from folkloric and popular music, with modern music aesthetics.90

Falla was also closely connected to the Spanish guitar. His move to Granada in 1920 was facilitated by the Granadine guitarist and composer Angel Barrios (1882- 1964) with whom he spent numerous nights playing music in his home.91 It was during these meetings that Falla workshopped his only solo guitar work Homenaje Pour le Tombeau de Claude Debussy (1920) with Barrios, composed for Miguel Llobet. Always treating the guitar very seriously, Falla believed that it was an instrument of the past with a very rich tradition which was peculiarly suited to modern music due to its tuning in fourths, with a third in the middle.92 The guitar’s timbre resembled the purity and clarity of pre-Romantic instruments, such as the harpsichord and vihuela, and evoked the musical idioms prevalent of these periods. This cemented its role of bridging the cultivated and the popular, as well as the past and the present.93

The programs presented by guitarists in this period also reflected the trend of looking to the past in order to establish an identity in the present. Andrés Segovia (1893-1987), who included arrangements of Bach in his repertoire, began surpassing any previous guitarist in popularity. The international success of his performances coincided with the wake of Falla’s stylistic shift as seen in El retablo and The Harpsichord Concerto.94 A key figure in the dissemination of the guitar’s bourgeoning repertoire, Segovia’s commissions allowed the guitar to develop a position in a cultivated setting internationally through his frequent and popular tours. Segovia commissioned the first work composed by non-guitarist Federico Moreno

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 90Christoforidis and Piquer Sanclemente, ‘Modernist Representations,’ 4. 91 Trend, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music, 39. 92 Ibid. 93 Christoforidis and Piquer Sanclemente, ‘Modernist Representations,’ 4. 94 Ibid., 6.

! 21!

Torroba (1891-1982). Torroba’s Suite Castellana (1920), followed closely by Falla’s Homenaje for Llobet, was innovative in its evocation of folk and flamenco guitar on the instrument itself. This approach was adopted by other Spanish composers, most notably Joaquín Turina (1882-1949) and Rodrigo.95

Similarly, guitarists such as Regino Sainz de la Maza (1896-1981) had developed friendships with many young composers, including Rodrigo, of whom Zarabanda Lejana (and later his Concierto de Aranjuez of 1939) was dedicated. A key guitarist for members of the Generation of 1927 and Grupo de los Ocho, Sainz de la Maza was also the dedicatee of Julian Bautista’s Preludio y Danza (1928) and Gustavo Pittaluga’s Homenaje a Matteo Albeniz (1930). Rodrigo’s Zarabanda Lejana was edited and published by Emilio Pujol (1886-1980), whose work predominantly involved arranging and publishing vihuela and Baroque guitar works for the modern guitar.96

As discussed in this chapter, the beginnings of Rodrigo’s compositional career coincided with the flowering of Spanish neoclassicism, and a revival of interest in the guitar and other historical plucked instruments. The modern guitar, developed in the second half of the nineteenth century, came to represent a bridge between the cultivated and the popular, and the past and present. For many of the composers of Rodrigo’s generation, the guitar was an instrument that was quintessentially Spanish, and created links between the present and Spain’s rich musical past.

Falla led the way with his Homenaje, which inspired younger composers to explore the possibilities of writing for the guitar. Torroba, Turina, Bautista, Pittaluga, and Rodrigo all wrote significant solo compositions for the guitar during this period. These composers worked closely with guitarists such as Llobet, Segovia, Sainz de la Maza, and Pujol in order to gain a deeper understanding of the possibilities and the limitations of the instrument.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 95 Aaron Clark, Federico Moreno Torroba, 110-112. 96 For Pujol’s publications, see Bibliothèque de Musique Ancienne et Moderne pour Guitare by French publisher Max Eschig.

! 22!

CHAPTER 3:

Rodrigo’s Neoclassicism on the Guitar

Zarabanda Lejana: Rodrigo’s first solo guitar piece

Composed as a tribute to the Renaissance vihuelist Luis Milán, the aesthetics of Zarabanda Lejana (1926) combines modern musical elements with historical allusions. Although Milán composed no sarabandes, Rodrigo’s linking of the pre- Romantic dance, a Spanish composer from the Siglo do Oro, and on an instrument vastly considered to be a modern link to the past is a reflection on the neoclassical trends that preoccupied Spanish composers during the 1920s.

The trend of guitarists looking to expand the instrument’s repertoire directly affected Rodrigo’s compositional development. Zarabanda underwent a series of arrangements and revisions under various performers and for various instruments. It was composed initially for guitarist Regino Sainz de la Maza who premiered it on the guitar in 1928,97 but it wasn’t published for the guitar until years after its realisation. Its piano arrangement was the first to be published in 1930 with a premier performance in Paris on the piano by Joaquín Nin Culmell.98 It then underwent an orchestral arrangement that was published in 1932 with an additional piece attached to it, entitled Zarabanda Lejana y Villancico, with its first performance in March 1931, in Paris conducted by Jane Evrard.99 Zarabanda Lejana was finally edited and published for guitar under Pujol’s Bibliothèque de Musique Ancienne et Moderne pour Guitare by French publishing company Editions Max Eschig in 1934, with the French title Sarabande Lointaine.

Pujol met Rodrigo in the same year of the Zarabanda’s genesis.100 He was one of the first guitarists to have performed Falla’s Homenaje a Debussy composed for Miguel Llobet.101 His interest in Rodrigo’s guitar work is therefore unsurprising. As the resurrection of interest in Bach and pre-Romantic music was intimately linked to Falla’s neoclassicism of the 1920s, Pujol’s musicological efforts aligned with the

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 97 Yolanda Acker and Oscar Espla, ‘Ernesto Halffter: A Study of the Years 1905-46), Revista de Musicologia 17, no. 1 (1994), 106. 98 Ibid. 99 “Zarabanda Lejana y Villancico (1927-30),” accessed August 20, 2015, http://www.joaquin- rodrigo.com. 100 Murray, ‘Spanish Music and its Representations in London,’ 232. 101 Murray, ‘Manuel de Falla’s Homenajes,’ 14.

! 23! trends of the time. His work in uncovering, editing, and publishing these pre- Romantic works for the modern guitar allowed a range of pieces to be rediscovered and made accessible to guitarists. Pujol encouraged Rodrigo to write for the guitar and had significant influence on the later repertoire he wrote for the instrument.102

The work of Sainz de la Maza, Llobet and Pujol had implications for Segovia, whose career and reputation as the most prominent Spanish guitarist on the international stage was just beginning to take shape in the 1920s. Segovia met Rodrigo in Paris in 1929 and although Zarabanda was not composed for him, he was the first to record it in 1954.103 Sainz de la Maza, to whom the Zarabanda was dedicated, also became the dedicatee of Rodrigo’s famous Concierto de Aranjuez (1939). Fantasía (1954), the other work to be discussed, was a partial tribute to Segovia.104

i) Discussion of stylistic elements with reference to neoclassical trends

The process of re-arrangement that Zarabanda went through was common, especially for guitar works in this period. Falla’s Homenaje (1920) first appeared as the guitar piece seen in La Revue Musicale.105 It was published as a piano piece by Chester in 1921, and later published in 1926 for solo guitar by Chester, edited by Miguel Llobet. Homenaje was finally arranged and presented in the orchestral Homenajes suite, first performed in 1939 and published posthumously in 1953.106 This trend can also be seen in Bautista’s arrangement of Preludio y Danza, composed in 1928 for Regino Sainz de la Maza and published by Unión Musical Española in 1933. Its piano arrangement was published in 1935.107

Typical of neoclassical works of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Rodrigo incorporates pre-Romantic elements into Zarabanda Lejana. Regarding the choice of form and the title, earliest literary references to the sarabande originate from Latin America in 1539. Despite it now being associated with

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 102 Wade, Distant Sarabandes, 9-11. 103 Brunswick AXTL 1069. Wade, Distant Sarabandes, 11. 104 A survey of the literature indicates speculation that the dedication of Zarabanda Lejana and particularly the Concierto de Aranjuez to Sainz de la Maza displeased Segovia. This may be linked to Rodrigo’s decision to dedicate Fantasía para un Gentilhombre (1954) to him, with Segovia being the titular ‘gentilhombre’. Wade, Distant Sarabandes, 22-23. 105 Supplement 2, La Revue Musicale, Paris: 1920. 106 Murray, ‘Manuel de Falla’s Homenajes,’ 14. 107 ‘Preludio y Danza,’ accessed September 15, 2015, http://www.julianbautista.com.ar.

! 24! characteristics of solemnity, and processional seriousness,108 it was banned in Spain in 1583 for its crudeness.109 The dance was often accompanied with the guitar, castanets, and potentially a range of other percussive instruments, as well as by a text with a refrain. The characterization of an intense, serious affect, set in a slow triple meter, had begun to appear in the mid to late Baroque period in France and Germany and became characteristic features of the sarabande in this period. Spanish Baroque guitarists Gaspar Sanz and Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz wrote zarabandas for the guitar.110

At this early point in his compositional career, Rodrigo had limited understanding of the technical limitations and possibilities of the guitar. This can be seen in the amount of revisions in Pujol’s publication of Zarabanda and the difficulties guitarists still face in performing this edition of the piece. Introduced with a single melody on A, the onset emphasises the rhythmic movement of the stately Baroque sarabande, followed by an instantly recognisable tonality as the melody enters on appoggiaturas atop a D major chord, seen in example 2A, measures 3 and 4. Much like the limited melodic range in the second movement of Falla’s Harpsichord Concerto, the melody centres on few notes and is repeated throughout the piece (see ex. 2B, measure 1 of section 1).111

EX. 2A: m. 3-4 (Pujol’s edition) of Zarabanda Lejana112

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 108 Louis Horst, Pre-Classic Dance Forms (New York: Kamin Dance Publishers, 1960), 45-48. 109 Richard Hudson and Meredith Ellis Little, ‘Sarabande,’ Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed August 28, 2015. www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/24574. 110 Ibid. 111 One motive of the Lento movement is intervallically related to Pange lingua, canonically used in octaves throughout the movement. Another motive is intervallically related to plainchant, seen in its stepwise motion. Carol Hess, Sacred Passions: The Life and Music of Manuel de Falla (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 160-161. 112!Joaquín Rodrigo, ed. Emilio Pujol. Zarabanda Lejana, Guitar score (Paris: M. Eschig, 1934), 1.!

! 25!

EX. 2B: mvt. II, s. 1 of Harpsichord Concerto – simplified motif.113

This is also comparable to the limited melodic range in some styles of Spanish folk music such as cante hondo, in which there is often repetition of the same note accompanied by an appoggiatura from above or below, the range rarely exceeding the compass of a sixth.114 Additionally, Rodrigo evokes distance while maintaining its unique and modern impression, seen by the modern harmonies composed over the rhythmic framework of a sarabande. There is limited use of functional harmony and each major or minor chord contains added notes and semi-tone clashes, as do many dominant 7 chords scattered throughout.

Translated into English as ‘distant sarabande’, this short piece immediately evokes a dignified Baroque dance as well as distance in both the historical allusions and in use of dynamics. This links with Stravinsky’s characterization of the instrument as one that “does not sound little: it sounds from afar”.115

ii) Analysis of selected passages or sections

A Baroque sarabande generally begins on the downbeat and has an emphasis on the second beat of the bar. It usually ends on the second beat and is often divided into two parts of eight and twelve measures.116 Rodrigo’s Zarabanda’s overall form is in two even parts consisting of the D major (49 measures) and D minor (44 measures) sections. The phrases within these sections can be cleanly divided into two varying ones: the first of ten bars after the opening rhythm on A and the second of eight which contains a slight two-bar modulation to the subdominant (G major) at its beginning. The D minor section can also be divided into two varying phrases, the first consisting of ten measures and the second of seven as seen in the table below:

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 113 Manuel de Falla. Concerto per clavicembalo, flauto, oboe, clarinetto, violino e violoncello, mini score (Paris: M. Eschig, c1928), 17. 114 Trend, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music, 23-24. 115 Wade, Distant Sarabandes, 11. 116 Louis Horst, Pre-Classic Dance Forms, 45-48.

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Figure 1.

Section Measures Phrase

D major 1 – 3 Opening rhythm on A

D major 4 – 13 (10 bars) Phrase One: Rit. at end

D major 14 – 23 (10 bars) Phrase One: slight variation of Phrase One by use of harmonics. Minor difference in bar 17 – 18 compared to bar 7 and 8. Rit. at end. Tempo at start.

D major (modulation to G 24 – 31 (8 bars) Phrase Two: slight major) modulation into subdominant (G major) before plagal cadence reinforcement between bars 29 – 31). Tempo at start.

D major 32 – 41 (10 bars) Phrase One: Rit. at end, NO Tempo at start.

D major 42 – 49 (8 bars) Phrase Two exact replica

D minor 50 – 59 (10 bars) Phrase Three: Rall. at end

D minor 60 – 69 (10 bars) Phrase Three exact replica

D minor 70 – 76 (7 bars) Phrase Four

D minor 77 – 86 (10 bars) Phrase Three exact replica

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D minor 87 – 93 (7 bars) Phrase Four slight variation; addition of Rall. towards end of phrase and a harmonic before end of the cadence in bar 92.

As the structure and the phrases of the piece is simple with little variation, much of the focus is directed towards the simplicity of the melody and the weight of the harmony. Performers need to be wary of the symmetry and simplicity of the structure. Trying to force or manipulate phrasing with excessive rubato may lead to a distortion of the composer’s intentions.

A comparison of Rodrigo’s original manuscript and Pujol’s edition indicates that extensive editing was necessary in order for Zarabanda to be realised on the guitar. Rodrigo was a pianist and much of his writing for guitar, particularly in his early years of writing for the instrument, needed to be adapted in consultation with a performer. Some of the editing had implications for Rodrigo’s intended harmonies. Voicings were often changed or thinned out for the guitar, however, in some cases Pujol added to Rodrigo’s harmony (see ex. 3A where a D major chord that is changed in Bar 51 to a Dadd9). In some cases, Pujol had to omit notes from Rodrigo’s harmonies in order to make them playable for the guitarist. This can be seen in measure 28, in which Pujol removes an F♯ from the original chord (see ex. 3B).

EX. 3A: m. 51 (Pujol’s edition). EX. 3B: m. 28 (Pujol’s edition).

Pujol117 Rodrigo118 Pujol119 Rodrigo120

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 117 Rodrigo, ed. Pujol. Zarabanda Lejana, 2.

! 28!

Some of the editing maintains the harmony but changes the voicings. Pujol spreads out the voices and includes wider intervals so as to include as much of the guitar’s natural resonance as possible. In some cases, Rodrigo originally wrote impossible voicings and stretches for the guitarist, for example during the D minor modulation at the halfway point of the piece, measure 50 (see example 4A). The original manuscript shows that most chords have to be played as barre chords, as seen in measure 33 of ex. 4B. Pujol has edited his edition to allow the guitarist to play a repetitive C minor chord in a more idiomatic way.121

EX. 4A: Pujol’s edition of Zarabanda Lejana, m. 50-59.122

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 118 Joaquín Rodrigo’s original manuscript was provided to me through email by Rodrigo musicologist Javier Suárez-Pajares on September 17, 2015. 119 Rodrigo, ed. Pujol. Zarabanda Lejana, 2. 120 Rodrigo’s original manuscript provided by Suárez-Pajares on September 17, 2015. 121 Although Pujol’s version indicates that you do have to hold barre chords, the way he fingered the chord structures allows guitarists to remove the barre chords. Perhaps he was simply indicating the position in which to play the chord, and this was an editorial error. 122 Rodrigo, ed. Pujol. Zarabanda Lejana, 2-3.

! 29!

EX. 4B: Rodrigo’s original manuscript of Zarabanda Lejana, m. 33-41.123

Pujol’s removal of notes in Rodrigo’s harmonies involves the repositioning of certain notes an octave lower or substituting some notes for others in order to have as many open strings as possible. This, in addition to making the piece easier for the guitarist, also allows the instrument’s natural resonances to be exploited. While Rodrigo’s original manuscript includes the switching of a 3/8 metre to 3/4 and back between measures 50-59, the 5/8 rallentando measure in 58 was an addition in Pujol’s edition. This change subtly affects the phrasing of this passage.

Two commonly used editions of this piece exist; one edited by Pujol (1934) and the other by guitarist Pepe Romero (1993). Pepe Romero and his family were close friends and collaborators with Rodrigo.124 Both editions are quite similar, with only a few exceptions. Some of these changes Romero has made in digitation appear to be a publishing mistake as they are rather arbitrary. In measures 25 and 43,

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 123 Rodrigo’s original manuscript provided by Suárez-Pajares on September 17, 2015. 124 Clark is currently completing the manuscript of a new book, Los Romero: The Saga of an Andalusian Family of Guitarists. See ‘Walter Aaron Clark’, accessed November 24, 2015, https://music.ucr.edu/faculty/.

! 30!

Romero’s version includes some disparity with these measures that are exact replicas. Measure 43 includes the use of the second finger instead of keeping it barred down as it appears in measure 25. In measures 26 and 44, Romero’s version again contains disparity; both are exactly the same, yet measure 44 has the same fingering as in Pujol’s version, with the second finger on the C♯ instead of the third in measure 26 (see excerpt 5A and 5B). These latter measures (25, 26, 43, and 44) could potentially be a publishing mistake, and it is recommended that the performer maintains consistency by using one set of fingerings as in Pujol’s edition.

EX. 5A: Romero’s edition, m. 26.125 EX. 5B: Romero’s edition, m. 44.126

Other changes in digitation that Romero has made address some of the difficult stretches and shifts. In measures 9, 19 and 37, Pujol’s edition includes a fourth finger on the A♯ on the 4th string, whereas in Romero’s version the stretch is from the first finger on the A♯ on the 3rd string. In measures 71 and 87 Romero’s version uses the second, third and fourth fingers to play F, D, and B on strings 2, 3, and 4. Pujol’s edition uses the second, fourth, and an open B instead of a 4th string B, ustilising more of the natural resonance of the guitar.

iii) Implications for performance

One of the main challenges for the guitarist in this piece is maintaining a legato line when there are so many chords and position changes. This makes it difficult to convey the intimacy and subtlety of expression inherent in the piece. Challenging areas in which maintaining legato and resonance and navigating difficult chordal spreads in both the left and right hands would be in the 5/8 bars in measures 58, 68, and 85 (see excerpts 2A and 2B). This irregular metre, combined with the largest chordal spread in the right hand throughout the piece, a cadance, and a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 125 Joaquín Rodrigo, ed. Pepe Romero. Zarabanda Lejana, guitar score (Madrid : Ediciones Joaquín Rodrigo, 1993), 2. 126 Ibid., 3.

! 31! rallentando means that performers will need to take careful consideration of Rodrigo’s intention. Specifically labelled 5/8, performers need to ensure that they do not unintentionally transform the bar into a 6/8 metre with a hemiola rhythm due to the placement of the rallentando. In order to effectively execute this combination of the modern (irregular time meter) and the traditional (ensuring the maintenance of a stately cadence), performers will need to carefully consider the melodic reinforcement of the F note, which appears twice before the cadence, and finally sees that the section rests there.

It is in the phrase markings on the score of both Pujol and later Romero’s version that the Baroque sarabande affect is highlighted – the importance of the long phrases is indicated by a slowing of tempo towards the ends of each phrase as marked in the table above. It is in the chord voicings where Rodrigo’s lack of experience in writing for the instrument and its limitations is revealed. The delicate nature of these phrases built on simple melodies and coloured by modern harmonies is clearly marked throughout the score by various indications: ‘ritardando’, ‘tenuto’, ‘rallentando’, and the return to ‘tempo’ which displays itself at the ends and beginnings of most phrases. It is not easy to obtain these subtleties of line and dynamic on the guitar and the performer must ensure that Rodrigo’s markings are observed and the chord changes are achieved with maximum possible legato. Creating sensible fingerings may help in achieving this aim. For example, the performer might utilise the third finger on the F♮ (instead of second as recommended by Pujol and Romero), fourth finger on the third string D, and an open B in order to maintain as balanced a hand as possible. This use of an open second string not only allows performers to take breaks between difficult stretches, but also explores the natural resonance and sonority of the guitar that was admired so greatly by Falla and so carefully considered in his Homenaje.127 It is important for performers to find moments like this as frequently as possible in Zarabanda Lejana.

Both of these editions show that some editing needs to be undertaken; while each note and its place on the guitar is attainable by the guitarist, many of these chords are made up of five or more notes that cannot be played unless the guitarist

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 127 Michael Christoforidis, ‘Manuel de Falla’s Homage to Debussy and the Guitar,’ in Journal of Music Research 3 (1992): 3.

! 32! rolls the chord, employs chicito (fifth finger) or leaves out notes. Examples of this can be seen in the following measures:

EX. 6A:128 EX. 6B:129 m. 28 containing a Bb add 6 add raised m. 29-31 containing five-note

4 and a five-note A dominant 7: D major tonic chord:

EX. 6C:130 EX. 6D:131 m. 58 containing an Eb Major m. 72 containing an E dominant 6 chord resolving to F major 7 add 6 chord:

Careful consideration must be given to how to play these chords as the Zarabanda relies on rich harmony that may be disguised if all of these chords are rolled or strummed. Key ways to achieve this would be, as the digitation of Pepe Romero’s edition suggests, to play the two lowest notes of these chords with the pulgar (thumb) to give the illusion of it being played all at once. An alternative to this would be to employ the use of the chicito, but this would mean that many of the melody notes typically played by the annular (ring finger) may lose depth and fullness if the guitarist is not accustomed to using this finger. My preference is of the former !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 128 Rodrigo, ed. Pujol. Zarabanda Lejana, 2. 129 Ibid., 2. 130 Ibid., 2. 131 Ibid., 3.

! 33! option, but players will have to ensure that the heaviness that could come with this technique is monitored at all times.

Another consideration is the spread of the chords in the right hand. While easily transferable to the piano, these dense harmonies are limited in its positioning on the guitar; guitarists will find that they will have to spread the fingers quite unnaturally in order to ensure that these notes provide an ample foundation upon which the melodies sit. Examples of this can be seen quite consistently throughout the entire piece. It therefore might be required of the performer to move some notes down or up an octave in order to maintain musical fluidity that might be hindered by non- idiosyncratic compositional elements.

Many recordings of instrumentalists performing prominently in the early decades of the twentieth century, such as violinist Fritz Kreisler (1875-1962), violinist Jascha Heiftez (1901-1987), and Spanish cellist Pablo Casals (1876-1973), demonstrate the influence of nineteenth century performance approaches. A more modern approach was taken by other instrumentalists such as renowned Spanish pianist Ricardo Viñes (1875-1943), who adopted a style based on close attention to details of rhythm and nuance in the score.132 Segovia’s 1954 recording of Zarabanda Lejana is in line with the more expressive romantic tradition of interpretation. Later recordings of Zarabanda Lejana, particularly by Manuel Barrueco’s version in 1997,133 utilise far less freedom and tonal contrast. Use of ponticello (playing close to the bridge of the guitar for a bright sound) and sul tasto (playing over the fretboard for a warm sound) is used rather extensively in Segovia’s recording in comparison with more recent recordings such as Barrueco’s. Current performers should consider these

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 132 Ricardo Viñes was a Catalan pianist who was a leader in premiering new music between 1900 and 1930. He is considered a key proponent of piano works of his French, Spanish, Russian and South American contemporaries. An ardent advocator of contemporary music, Viñes played works that many of his contemporaries did not attempt. He premiered Debussy’s Estampes in 1904 and Ravel’s first piano works, including the Menuet antique, Pavane pour une infante défunte. (With the pavane a dance popular in the courts of Spain during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, links can be made in this piece to Milan and Spain’s siglo do oro.) Ernesto Halffter composed Llanto por Ricardo Viñes for him and pianist Joaquín Nin Culmell, who gave the first performance of the piano arrangement of Zarabanda Lejana in 1931, was his student. Other composers Viñes premiered works for in Paris include Albéniz, Balakirev, Borodin, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Chausson, Debussy, Dukas, Falla, Fauré, Glazunov, Granados, Lalo, Mussorgsky, Poulenc, Ravel, Rimsky-Korsakov, Rodrigo, Satie, Tailleferre, and Turina. David Korevaar and Laurie J. Sampsel, ‘The Ricardo Viñes Piano Music Collection at the University of Colorado at Boulder’ in Notes 61, no. 2 (2004): 361-364. 133 Warner Classics, 56175, 1997.

! 34! different approaches and decide what approach they would like to adopt when performing Zarabanda Lejana.

Fantasía para un Gentilhombre: The revival of neoclassicism as a restorative movement after the Spanish Civil War

With a twelve-year gap between Zarabanda Lejana (1926) and Rodrigo’s next solo guitar piece En Los Trigales (1938), it is apparent that his writing style and knowledge of the guitar’s capabilities had evolved. Although his 1939 composition Concierto de Aranjuez catapulted Rodrigo to huge critical acclaim and remains one of the most played concerti of the twentieth century, Rodrigo then took a fifteen-year gap before composing another concerto for the solo guitar. In the interim he focused on solo guitar pieces and wrote Tiento Antiguo (1942), Tres Villancicos (1952), and Bajando de la Meseta (1953); as well as composing concertos for other instruments such as the Concierto Heroico for piano and orchestra (1942), Concierto de Estío for violin and orchestra (1943), Concierto in Modo Elegante for violoncello and orchestra (1949), and Concierto Serenata for harp and orchestra (1952).

The political and cultural climate in 1954 was still recovering from the devastating Spanish Civil War that took place in the 1930s, with Francoist Spain well established by this point. During this period, much of Europe was operating under right-wing political systems. Neoclassicism had begun to assume the role of a dehumanised and archaic aesthetic, which was seen to be a direct opposition to the country’s Fascist and religious state.134 Falla and Stravinsky, renowned for their religion, were in the state’s favour; the Right-wing press highlighting the intense religious affect of their compositions of the 1920s despite the initial association with the archaic.135 Rodrigo came to be one of the few leading figures in composition after the Spanish Civil war. There was a clear shift in aesthetics in his works; one that

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 134 Many of the younger composers belonging to the Generation of 1927 and Grupo de Ocho were involved in the cultural programs of the Left-wing governments of the Second Republic of the 1930s. These composers were either exiled from the country or left and never returned. Eva Moreda- Rodríguez, ‘Early Music in Francoist Spain: Higini Anglès and the Exiles,’ in Music and Letters 96, no. 2 (2015): 209-227. 135 By the mid-1930s, Stravinsky had explicitly linked his aesthetics and political views to his religious beliefs. His anti-Communist remarks meant that critics writing in the Right-wing press emphasised the intense genuineness of his objective Religious expression. Christoforidis, ‘Igor Stravinsky, Spanish Catholicism and Generalísimo Franco,’ 63-64.

! 35! moved from a modernist neoclassicism to the neoromanticism which influenced many successful composers immediately following the Civil War.136

i) Stylistic elements with reference to neoromantic trends

The Fantasía para un Gentilhombre (1954) is a work composed for Andrés Segovia and is suggestive of neoclassicism, alluding once again to pre-Romantic music, Baroque guitar works, dance styles, and composers. While Rodrigo’s Zarabanda Lejana (1926) was a tribute to vihuelist Luis Milán, in Fantasía Rodrigo chose to tribute Baroque guitarist Gaspar Sanz. Rodrigo’s use of Sanz’s material is in stark contrast to the way he referenced Milán, and indeed in the way Falla used Sanz’s material. Rather than making allusions to Sanz, Rodrigo heavily relies on his material and develops his melodies and harmonic movements in a way that remains quite true to the source. In many ways, this use of material removes the piece from neoclassicism and is reminiscent of neoromantic trends. This is seen in the stylistic shift in the music of composers who combined elements of neoclassicism with a more romantic approach to orchestration and harmony such as Italian composers Ottorino Respighi (1879-1936) and Ildebrando Pizzetti (1880-1968).137 In Spain there was a gradual decline of interest in the modern neoclassical aesthetic after the Spanish Civil War and Rodrigo’s Fantasía is evocative of restorative sentiments that may have been influenced by the constrictions of Francoist Spain.138

The work consists of four movements that are based on six of Sanz’s works, taken from his three-volume Instrucción de música sobre la guitarra Española (1674, 1675, 1697). The six compositions of Sanz Rodrigo draws on are Villanos, Fuga 1 por primer tono al ayre Espanola Espanoleta, La Cavallería de Nápoles con dos Clarines, Danza de las Hachas, and Canarios. The following table indicates where Sanz’s material placed in each movement of the Fantasía:

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 136 Eva Moreda-Rodriguez, ‘A Catholic, a Patriot, a Good Modernist: Manuel de Falla and the Francoist Musical Press,’ in Hispanic Research Journal 14, no. 3 (June 2013), 224. 137 Respighi’s music was free of nineteenth century mannerisms; sensitive to objective music. Towards the middle of the twentieth century, a number of significant composers including Respighi, Pizzetti, and Riccardo Zandonai (1883-1944) were forced to modify their creative position due to political pressure. These composers signed a document which proclaimed opposition towards objective music. Günter Berghaus, ed. Fascism and Theatre: Comparative Studies on the Aesthetics and Politics of Performance in Europe, 1925-1945 (Providence: Berghahn Books, 1996), 271. 138 Moreda-Rodriguez, ‘A Catholic, a Patriot, a Good Modernist,’ 221.

! 36!

Figure 2.

Movement Rodrigo’s Fantasía para un Gaspar Sanz’s works Gentilhombre

1 Villano Villanos, Book 2, page 6

1 Ricercare Fuga 1 por primer tonoal ayre Espanola, Book 1, page 16

2 Españoleta Españoleta, Book 2, page 5

2 Fanfare de la Caballería de Nápoles La Cavallería de Nápoles con dos Clarines, Book 2, page 12

3 Danza de las Hachas Danza de las Hachas, Book 2, page 3

4 Canario Canarios, Book 1, page 8

‘La Cavallería de Nápoles con dos clarines’ translates to “the cavalry of Naples with two trumpets”, referring to a fanfare. ‘Danza de Las Hachas’ represents an aristocratic dance performed at monarchical events and theatrical presentations. The ‘hacha’ (torch) was passed around from person to person so that everyone was able to share dance partners equally.139 ‘Canarios’ is an instrumental composition that is danced by performing with powerful and snappy movements of the feet. It is in four-measure phrases, and is set to an improvisatory and varied feel, with performers freely repeating and contrasting phrases on the spot.140 Rodrigo did not place the material from Sanz’s six pieces in the same key, as in a Baroque suite.141 Instead he kept true to Sanz’s tonalities, combining contrasting dances in each movement.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 139 Frank Koonce, The Baroque Guitar in Spain and the New World (Mel Bay Publications: Frank Koonce Series, 2006), 29. 140 Ibid. 141 David Fuller, ‘Suite.’ in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, accessed November 27, 2015, www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/27091.

! 37!

ii) Analysis of selected passages or sections

Fantasía para un Gentilhombre’s first movement Villano y Ricercar begins in the key of A major (like that of Sanz’s Villanos), yet moves consistently throughout the piece in a D major tonality, as indicated by the numerous G♮ indications. As the movement progresses to the Ricercare, it takes on an A minor tonality before modulating to D minor and enjoying a harmonic movement from the new tonic to the subdominant, before finally cadencing on the tonic major. The second movement, Españoleta y Fanfare de la Caballería de Nápoles begins in A minor, just like Sanz’s Españoletas. Likewise, the second part of the second movement, built on Sanz’s La Cavallería de Nápoles con dos clarines, is also established in a D major tonality; the third movement, Danza de Las Hachas, is in F major; and the fourth movement, Canario, is in D Major. It can be seen here that Rodrigo use of the source material in his concerto remains strictly connected Sanz, which provides Rodrigo with an established harmonic and melodic framework to vary, contrast, and build upon.

The version edited by Andrés Segovia is the only available published edition.142 Receiving outstanding acclaim worldwide, initially the Fantasía was seen to be on par with the Concierto de Aranjuez, and requests were made for the piece to be arranged for different instruments.143 The edition is far more guitaristic and easily realisable on the guitar when compared to Zarabanda Lejana of thirty years earlier, and even more idiomatic than Concierto de Aranjuez. The guitarist would find that the concerto sits very easily under their fingers, with frequent use of open strings, and the dialogue between the orchestral and virtuosic passages allowing the guitarist to rest.

The opening, with the guitarist gently strumming the chords, sits on very familiar chords to a folk guitarist. While there is use of barre chords interspersed throughout the concerto, they are all tonal in nature, and act as the harmonic backbone of the orchestral melody. Rather than having to reach for some difficult stretches as seen in Zarabanda, chords like F major, C major, D minor etc. are frequently used (see ex. 7).

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 142 Joaquín Rodrigo, ed. Andrés Segovia. Fantasía para un Gentilhombre, reduction for piano and guitar score (London: Schott, 1964). 143 Donis, ‘The Musicologist behind the Composer’, 75. There is a flute and orchestra arrangement performed by James Galway in 1978.

! 38!

EX. 7: Opening chord progression in Danza de las Hachas, mvt. III, no. 12.144

Of particular note would be the virtuosic, scale-like passages. The second movement, Españoleta y Fanfare de la Caballería de Nápoles, contains a section in which the movement’s initial theme is varied. In this section, the guitarist is moving through many passing notes based on the Españoleta’s melodic structure, yet Segovia’s edition explores the instrument’s natural resonances with the inclusion of many open notes and string crossings; a technique that is unique to the guitar and seen in many modern guitar transcriptions of Baroque guitar music, as in example 8.

EX. 8: Españoleta y Fanfare de la Caballería de Nápoles, mvt. II, no. 9 with included left hand fingerings.145

The most difficult scale passages are in the final movement, in which the guitarist spans three octaves in a five-measure semiquaver run, seen in excerpt 9. However, the key and the possibility of using some open strings make the passage playable with practice.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 144 Joaquín Rodrigo, ed. Andrés Segovia. Fantasía para un Gentilhombre, reduction for piano and guitar score (London: Schott, 1964), 6. 145 Ibid., 4.

! 39!

EX. 9: Canario, mvt. IV, no.16.146

iii) Implications for performance

Melodically and harmonically, Rodrigo remains very faithful to Sanz’s original transcriptions. The melody alternates between the soloist and the orchestra. When the orchestra plays the melody, the guitarist can play the chords in one of three ways: to pluck, strum as a percussive rasgueado using x a m and i,147 or to strum using a sweeping motion with the thumb (p)/roll the chord using p i m and a. The markings in Segovia’s edition indicates appropriate places to strum, but does not designate when to use a sweeping motion and when to use rasgueado.

In Villano y Ricercar, guitarists would opt to use the sweeping strum motion with the thumb in order to create a full and present tone. As the movement is rather slow to moderate in tempo, guitarists want to aim to create as resonant a sound as possible, and a percussive rasgueado can be used. One such place could be between measures 26-28:

EX. 10: Villano y Ricercar, mvt. I, m. 26-28.148

This slow strumming is contrasted with the second movement’s Fanfare de la Cabellería de Nápoles, in which the lively nature of the piece, marked by ‘sul ponticello’, forte, and ‘molto ritmico’, indicates a brighter tone imitating that of a brass section in a fanfare. Many of the chords are marked with sforzando and an

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 146 Ibid., 9. 147 Rasgueado refers to a finger strumming technique commonly used in flamenco guitar music. There are several ways to execute this technique, with many different finger patterns. It is rhythmically precise and rapid. 148 Ibid., 1.

! 40! accent, so guitarists would be wise to use a rasgueado technique in order to match this percussive notation. In passages like the one shown below, guitarists will need to be wary to not let the percussive effects completely drown the melody. For this reason, it is recommended that the index finger is the one that follows through, allowing the m or a finger to play any passing melodic notes.

EX. 11: Españoleta y Fanfare de la Cabellería de Nápoles, mvt II, no. 10.149

The third movement, Danza de las Hachas, is of similar nature to Fanfare. With a fortissimo opening, guitarists would want to aim for a percussive affect, and consider to roll the chords during the melodic parts as seen in Ex. 4.

Ornamentation is written in for Fantasía. True to the stylistic use of ornamentation in Baroque music, Rodrigo includes these flourishes in his score, with the ornaments and rhythm strictly notated. This gives the piece an improvisatory feel without having the freedom this might imply.

EX. 12: Villano y Ricercare, mvt. I. Demi-semiquavers as ornamentation.150

In light of the political climate of Spain in the mid-1950s, the nature of neoclassicism and how it was viewed had changed. No longer linked to avant-garde !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 149 Ibid., 5. 150 Ibid., 1.

! 41! modernism, Fantasía departs from modern neoclassicism and into a style that is perhaps closer to neoromanticism. This has implications for performers and casts Segovia’s 1958 recording in a new light. The use of rubato and extensive contrasts in tone colour featured in his performance style may be heard as faithful to the neoromantic aesthetic implied in Rodrigo’s works.

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CONCLUSION

In response to what many Spanish composers considered a lack in a cultivated musical language, a surge of nationalism took place at the end of nineteenth-century Spain. Researcher and composer Felipe Pedrell lamented the lack of an authentic Spanish musical language and developed theories based on his research that would allow Spain to be placed on Europe’s map in cultivated art-music. His followers, most notably Granados, Albéniz and Falla, took the initial steps in realising these theories. Concurrently, a rise in musical nationalism took place in France, which was partially a result of growing political tensions with Germany. Different schools of composition began to emerge with the aim of creating a musical language independent of Germanic Romanticism. Pre-Romantic music served as models for many composers in the burgeoning neoclassical movement and Stravinsky consolidated and expanded aspects of this style in his works, turning the aesthetic into one of the leading modernist styles following World War I.

Manuel de Falla, a follower of Debussy, was heavily influenced by Stravinsky’s neoclassical aesthetic in the 1920s. Falla developed neoclassicism in Spain in such a way that laid the foundations for innovation for many Spanish composers after him. Falla’s work challenged the powerful representations of what was perceived as “authentic” Spanish music that had come to exist throughout the nineteenth century. Joaquín Rodrigo and other Spanish composers of the next generation followed Falla’s path and sought to develop style of distinctly Spanish neoclassicism further. His career coincided with the revival of the Spanish guitar; an instrument that throughout the 1920s became to be considered the perfect neoclassical instrument. The guitar became iconic as a synthesis of the past and the present, the popular and the cultivated. Following the work of Falla, younger composers such as Rodrigo had begun to compose for the guitar, including those belonging to the Generation of 27, and Grupo de los Ocho. This was enabled by the strong support of guitarists such as Llobet, Barrios, Sainz de la Maza, Segovia, and Pujol.

In this thesis, I have explored how the neoclassical movement prior to and following the Spanish Civil war affects current guitarist’s interpretation of two of Rodrigo’s solo guitar works: Zarabanda Lejana and Fantasía para un Gentilhombre. Zarabanda Lejana is Rodrigo’s first solo guitar work and one of the earliest works of

! 43! his career, and is deeply connected with the modernist neoclassicism that revived Spain musical life in the early decades of the twentieth century. In the thesis, I discuss implications for guitarists who intend to perform this piece through a discussion of musical aesthetics relevant to the conception of the work and a comparison of recordings. I also conduct an analysis of the different editions of Rodrigo’s score including Rodrigo’s original manuscript, Pujol’s edition published in 1934, and Romero’s edition published in 1993. Many notable performers working in the early decades of the twentieth century, including Segovia, applied a romantic performance aesthetic to neoclassical works. In my thesis, I argue that performers need to be informed about these choices and consider details of rhythm, phrasing, tone colour and legato with care. There is also much to be learnt from studying the various versions of this piece including the original manuscript and arrangements for piano and orchestra. As Rodrigo was unfamiliar with the guitar at the time of writing Zarabanda Lejana, the piece requires some editing to make it work on the guitar. I argue that guitarists consider deviating from some recommendations in digitation in existing editions like Pujol’s and Romero’s and revoice chords where necessary and embrace the use of open strings for resonance.

I also discuss Rodrigo’s development from modernist neoclassicism to post- Civil War neoromanticism. Fantasía para un Gentilhombre, composed for Segovia in 1954, is representative of a different aesthetic and is indicative of Rodrigo’s developed understanding of the guitar. Heavily using and developing works from Baroque guitarist Gaspar Sanz, Fantasía is different to earlier modernist neoclassical works such as Preludio al Gallo Mañanero (1926) for solo piano and Zarabanda Lejana (1926) for solo guitar. Many composers operating under right-wing political parties in Europe moved away from an objective, dehumanised neoclassicism toward a trend of composing in a neoromantic style. As Rodrigo was one of the most high profile composers active in Francoist Spain following the Civil War, this is particularly potent in Fantasía. This is an area ripe for further research, examining the aesthetic changes in Spanish music from neoclassicism to neoromanticism and the influence of politics on the work of Spanish composers such as Rodrigo in the post- World War II era.

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Minerva Access is the Institutional Repository of The University of Melbourne

Author/s: Velasco-Svoboda, Alexandra

Title: The influence of neoclassicism in selected guitar works by Joaquín Rodrigo: implications for performance

Date: 2017

Persistent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/11343/129685

File Description: The Influence of Neoclassicism in Selected Guitar Works by Joaquín Rodrigo: Implications for Performance

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