CONTENTS E V Theme: Revival a N G

ERT cover 31-1 21/11/06 14:40 Page 1

CONTENTS E V Theme: Revival A N G

The Pyongyang Great Revival in Korea and E L I Spirit Baptism C A

BONJOUR BAY L R

page 4 E V I History of Indian Pentecostal Church of God in Andhra E W YABBEJU (JABEZ) RAPAKA O

page 17 F T

Prayer Revivals and the Third Great Awakening H E

WALTER HAMPEL O L

page 30 O G

Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, Y

in 1859 V O Articles and book reviews reflecting DAVID W. BEBBINGTON L U

page 43 M global evangelical theology for the purpose E

Two Australian Spiritual Awakenings: 3 of discerning the obedience of faith 1 ,

Moonta Mines 1875 and Loddon River 1883 N

STUART PIGGIN O 1

page 60 , J a

The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism and its n u a

Impact on The East African Revival r y

EMMANUEL HOOPER 2 0 0

page 71 7 Book Reviews page 90

Volume 31 No. 1 January 2007 Evangelical Review of Theology

EDITOR: DAVID PARKER

Volume 31 • Number 1 • January 2007 Articles and book reviews reflecting global evangelical theology for the purpose of discerning the obedience of faith

Published by

for WORLD EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE Theological Commission ISSN: 0144-8153 Volume 31 No. 1 January 2007

Editor David Parker

Committee The Executive Committee of the WEA Theological Commission Dr Rolf Hille, Executive Chair

Editorial Policy The articles in the Evangelical Review of Theology reflect the opinions of the authors and reviewers and do not necessarily represent those of the Editor or the Publisher.

Manuscripts, reports and communications should be addressed to the Editor and sent to Dr David Parker, 17 Disraeli St, Indooroopilly, 4068, Qld, Australia

The Editors welcome recommendations of original or published articles or book reviews that relate to forthcoming issues for inclusion in the Review. Please send clear copies of details to the above address.

Email enquiries welcome: [email protected] http://www.worldevangelicalalliance.com/commissions/theological.htm

Typeset by Toucan Design, 25 Southernhay East, Exeter EX1 1NS and Printed in Great Britain for Paternoster Periodicals, PO Box 300, Carlisle, Cumbria CA3 0QS by Polestar Wheatons Ltd., Exeter, Devon. ERT (2007) 31:1, 3 Editorial: Revival

THIS YEAR, 2007, marks the centenary in which media and technology of the ‘Great Pyongyang Revival’ of advanced the movement. Korea which is credited with shaping Detailed examination of particular the remarkable story of Korean Protes- examples of revival from this time are tantism, and giving that city the title, given in papers by two leading author- ‘The Jerusalem of the East’. This year, ities on the topic, David Bebbington our friends in Korea are joyfully cele- and Stuart Piggin. Bebbington brating this event and praying that it describes vividly the course of the might be a trigger for great develop- 1859 revival and its different streams ments in their now sadly divided penin- in the fishing communities of Ferryden, sula. So we present a series of articles Scotland. Piggin gives a similar analy- in this (and later issues), commencing sis of revivals in 1875 and 1883 with one by Bonjour Bay of Korea out- amongst strongly Methodist mining lining the history and spirituality of the and farming communities in Australia. Great Revival. Both these papers identify key princi- The early 1990s was a time of great ples from these examples for under- activity around the world—notably the standing revival. Welsh Revival of 1904-05, which will Finally, Emmanuel Hooper takes us be the focus of an article in our next to a later period, the 1930s, and the issue, and the Azusa Street revival of East African Revival. He examines the 1906 which gave rise to the Pente- contribution of ‘Trans-Atlantic Evan- costal movement. Yabbeju Rapaka gelicalism’ (including the Keswick gives some of the wider associations movement) to the nature and develop- and precursors of Azusa Street in his ment of this highly important and long- study of Indian Pentecostalism in lasting movement in aspects such as Andhra Pradesh. Bible study, confession, testimony and There was a rich history of renewal repentance. in the 19th century leading up to the Some of our book reviews also fea- 1900 revivals. Walter Hampel dis- ture the topic of revival, showing how cusses some of this in his article on difficult and controversial it is to grasp, ‘Prayer revivals and the Third Great yet underlining how crucial it is in Awakening’ of 1857, revealing devel- developing, shaping and energising our opments in different countries, and faith. showing some of the interesting ways David Parker, Editor ERT (2007) 31:1, 4-16 The Pyongyang Great Revival in Korea and Spirit Baptism

Bonjour Bay

KEYWORDS: Revival Wales, India, the centennial anniversary of the Great prayer, repentance, Bible study, evan- Revival 1907 occurring this year, it gelism, assurance, forgiveness, moral seems be natural that Korean churches renewal will be excited with the hope of true revival. This paper will briefly introduce the 1. Introduction Pyongyang Great Revival with its 2 Many church leaders and theologians background and process, and examine say that the 21st century is the period what spiritual power caused such a of spirituality for Christianity. great revival. It will discuss especially Although most believers know the the subject of ‘Spirit Baptism’ which necessity and urgency of being empow- was the terminology frequently used ered by the Spirit, they do not seem to find what they are searching for or arrive where they aim. While there are Revival. The Revival was so strongly marked in Pyongyang, now the capital of North Korea, many sermons and Bible studies on (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea), spirituality, people are still seeking to that by the 1920s it was the fastest growing experience and live out evangelical centre Christianity in East Asia, and set the spirituality. pattern for Korean Protestantism thereafter; Many early missionaries to Korea hence it was often known as ‘the Jerusalem of reported that the Pyongyang Great the East’. For more understanding of the Pyongyang Revival in 1907 was the most powerful 2 Great Revival, refer to YongGyu Park, Pye- manifestation of the Holy Spirit since gYang DaiBuGungUnDong (PyongYang Great the era of the Acts of Apostles.1 With Revival) (Seoul: Life-Book Press, 2000), and also MyengSoo Park, ‘SeingGyelUnDongGwa HanGukKyoHoeEi ChoGi DaeBuHung’ (‘Holi- 1 The Korea Mission Field (KMF) offers a lot of ness Movement and Early Korean Great fundamental resources on the early Korean Revival’), HanGuk GiDokGyoWa YekSa Christianity. In these reports, many mission- (Korean Christianity and History), No. 14 aries testified to the priceless value of the (2001), pp. 47-77.

Dr. Bonjour Bay is Professor of Church History and Head of the Theology Institute at SungKyul University, AnYang City, Korea. A researcher in spiritual movements, he holds a PhD from Seoul Theological University, and has published many articles on spirituality, renewal and pneumatology, including SungLyungSeLei (The Korean Church and the Spirit Baptism) (Sungkyul University Press, 2004) and GaiSinGyo SungLyungLonWi YergSa (A History of Protestant Pneumatology) (SungKyul University Press, 2003). The Pyongyang Great Revival and Spirit Baptism 5 by missionaries and Korean church The revival fire from Wales and leaders during the revival period. If India thus stimulated Korean Spirit Baptism really existed then, and churches. SeinJu Kil, who afterward if the power of the Spirit could truly became a representative revivalist of awaken and raise the Korean Church Korean churches, was also so much then, there must be real hope for the impressed with the report that he felt suffering churches even today. the urgency for church revival, and that he had a burning fire for souls in his heart.4 After he experienced the 2. Background of the awakening, Mr. Kil began to lead the Pyongyang Revival revival movement which focused on repentance and Bible study, centring Revival in Wales and in India around the JangDaiHyen Church. Revivals in Wales and in India were closely related to the Korean Revival of The National Reality 1907. When Dr. Howard Agnew John- Japan began to expand her influence son visited Wales for the purpose of throughout all regions of Korea, and seeing revival meetings, he met Evan began to exert her military and diplo- Roberts who was the contemporary matic control over the country. In representative revivalist there; he 1905, Japan imposed her political influ- questioned him in detail about the ence through the Protectorate Treaty. secret of the revival. After that, Dr. Economically, Japan demanded the Johnson went to India and witnessed right of cultivation on the waste land of the revival of the Kasia region which Korea so in June 1904 they plundered arose under the influence of the revival many parts of the country, although in Wales. this measure was withdrawn when it Afterward, Dr. Johnson travelled to met with the opposition of the Korean various places in China, sharing about people. But, in 1907, the Japanese ful- the revivals in Wales and in Kasia, filled their ambition by enacting the India. He arrived in Seoul in September Law of Utilization of Non-Reclaimed 1906, which was at the time of the Government Land under the supervi- Presbyterian assembly meeting, where sion of the Residency.5 Then, in 1910, he gave testimony about the revivals the country was annexed under the he had witnessed. Many missionaries Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty. The were greatly impressed with his mes- dark situation inside and outside the sage, and as a result, they began to country provided the motive for the aspire to see revival among the Korean Korean Church to prepare a movement churches.3 for the renewal of faith. The Church

3 W. D. Roynolds, ‘YengGuk Wales, InDo, Chosen SeGosUi BuHung YenGyel’ (‘Connect- 4 Roynolds, Connection, p. 8. ing the Revivals among three places; Wales, 5 JaHyek Gu and others, HanGukSa (The His- India and Chosen’) SinHagJiNam (March, tory of Korea) (Seoul: HyungSul Pub. 1935), p. 12. Co.,1984), p. 233. 6 Bonjour Bay began to experience the Great Revival who came from China in 1903. in the agony and fears such as the Methodist, Baptist and Presbyterian racial crisis, the murder of the missionaries participated in the prayer Empress Myeongseong (1895), the meeting which was held from August China-Japan War (1894-5), and the 24th to 30th at WonSan, on the north- abdication of Emperor KoJong (1907). east coast. Before the Great Revival of 1907 In the meeting, a Canadian occurred, Korean Christianity had a Methodist medical missionary Robert strange consciousness of confronta- A. Hardie7 confessed that his sinful- tion. ‘The Korean Church before the ness caused his failures and frustra- Great Revival in 1907 was in serious tion as a missionary in Korea.8 He con- conflict between two major streams; fessed publicly his superiority as a the nationalistic movement and the white man, his arrogance as a doctor, faith movement.’6 While Korean Chris- and the prejudice that he had towards tians attempted to recover the national Koreans. When the missionaries heard rights of the Church, many foreign mis- the confession, they also felt a sense of sionaries regarded the anti-Japan polit- deep guilt in their hearts. All of them ical movement of the Church as a dan- began to repent of their sins, and gerous activity. Since the missionaries finally they realized that they were tried to separate the Korean Church spiritually awakened and filled with under their control from political activ- the Holy Spirit.9 ity, many of the Korean Church leaders After being filled with the Holy wanted to fulfil their national hope by Spirit, Hardie at once shared his expe- the faith movement not by the initial rience with Korean believers. When, in nationalistic movement. shame, he repented of his arrogance, stubbornness, unfaithfulness and all its results, the believers began to real- 3. The Process of the Great Revival

7 Mr. Hardie was born in Canada in 1865 and Prayer Meeting at WonSan and became a missionary of YMCA, at Toronto Uni- Pyongyang versity. He entered Korea in 1890, and joined the Southern Methodist Mission of US in 1898. The Great Revival in 1907 did not take He continued to work for Korea, and became place instantaneously. Its origin was the representative of the WonSan Revival in the week-long prayer meeting which 1903. He was the second principal of the was held by the missionary M. C. White Methodist HyepSeing Seminary, and first published SinHagSeGei (Theology World) in 1916. 8 William Scott, Canadians in Korea (Toronto: 1970), 1:55. Quoted from TaigBu Jein, HaGuk- 6 KunHwan Kang, ‘HanGug Protestant GyoHoe BalJeinSa (History of the Korean Church SeinGyoJeingChaigEi KiChin Nevius Plan Ei Development) (Seoul: GiDogGyoSeiHoi, 1987), YeingHyang’, (Nevius Plan’s effect on the Mis- p. 157. sion Policy of the Korean Protestantism), Sin- 9 George Thompson Brown, Mission to Korea HagKwa SeinGyo (Theology and Mission) (Seoul: The Presbyterian Church of Korea, (1974), p. 99. 1962), pp. 58-9. The Pyongyang Great Revival and Spirit Baptism 7 ize the necessity of a strong sense of Great Revival all over the country. conviction and repentance. Hardie told Expecting the Great Revival in 1907, them they could receive the gift of the missionary J. R. Moose wrote in Janu- Holy Spirit by simple faith that ary 1906: 10 believed in God’s promise. The Lord’s way was for the disci- This became a pattern for the prayer ples to first tarry and be filled, then meetings held by many missionaries at 11 they were to be witnesses for WonSan in January, 1904. In these Christ. It is all right to have study meetings, a Canadian Presbyterian classes, I have not a word to say missionary, A. F. Robb, and other per- against them. But I do believe that sons, so experienced the new spiritual what the Church needs just now grace from God that they prayed with more than anything else is a weeping for many days. Many Koreans, Revival. Let every worker in Korea such as GeiUn Jein and ChunSu Jeing, repented and prayed all night without pray as never before that the com- sleeping; afterwards many went out to ing Korean New Year may be the evangelise. So the main reason for the time when this revival shall come growth of the Korean church was faith and this be the real beginning of 12 renewal through the spiritual awaken- Korea’s Pentecost. ing movement. The work of Holy Spirit starting at After the missionaries experienced WonSan spread over Pyongyang. the new power of Holy Spirit, they also About twenty missionaries who held a similar prayer meeting the next worked at Pyongyang decided to start year. There the same experience a prayer and Bible meeting just as in occurred. Finally, the inspired Dr. WonSan; in August 1906, they invited Hardie and other missionaries deter- Dr. Hardie to their meeting. They mined to perform a nation-wide min- began by studying the First Epistle of istry. John.13 They joined together for a week The Pyongyang Great Revival in and tried to gain the experience of January, 1907 thus did not come acci- deepening their spiritual lives. Exhort- dentally and unexpectedly. As they ing each other, they were praying that met at the new year of 1906, the mis- God would give revival to Pyongyang sionaries were praying with great just as he did for India. However, after expectation that they would greet the one week, they thought that they could New Year January, 1907 as the year of not experience God’s grace to the level of their expectation. Finally, they determined to pray until they received

10 NagJun Baik, HanGukGaiSinGyoSa: 1832- 1910 (A History of the Korean Protestant Church) (Seoul: YenSeDaiHagGyo Pub. co., 1985), pp. 384-5. 12 J. R. Moose, ‘A Great Awakening’, KMF, 11 TaigBu Jein, HanGukGyoHoi BalJeinSa (A 2-3 (1906.1), p. 52. History of the Korean Church Development) 13 JongHo Byen, HanGukGiDokGyoSa (A His- (Seoul: DaiHanGiDokGyoChulSa, 1987), p. tory of the Korean Christianity) (Seoul: Sim- 157. WooWon, 1959), pp. 56-7. 8 Bonjour Bay grace and so they continued to pray for all her sins obviously.15 more than four months; Mr. Blair was thus convinced that Most of the missionaries deter- the great revival was needed by the mined to pray continuously, believing Korean Church, above all, for repen- that God would give them revival just tance of sins and for experiencing the as he did for the area of Kasia, India. Holy Spirit. Missionaries decided to They all agreed not to shorten but pray that God would give abundant extend the prayer time. In order to do blessing to the men’s winter Bible con- so, they altered their appointed prayer ference which was expected to be held time to 4 p.m. Then there was a time at Pyongyang in 1907. for free private prayer until dinner. In September, 1906, after the mis- They focused on prayer only; some- sionaries’ monthly meeting was ended, times when a person needed to speak the American missionary, Rev. Howard to others for encouragement, his utter- Agnew Johnston, visited Pyongyang ance was assimilated into praying. and preached a sermon at JangDae- They continued to pray for four Hyen Church. When he delivered the months. Not caring about their differ- message about the Welsh revival, most ent denominational background, such of the missionaries and believers gath- as Methodist or Presbyterian, they ered in that place were very much thought only of being one in the Lord impressed with his sermon. In his ser- Jesus Christ. It was really a union of mon, Johnston asked them; ‘Who will the churches. Such a union could come receive the Holy Spirit fully and lead only from persistent enduring prayer, the Korean Church? If there is any vol- and this kind of prayer could only glo- unteer, raise your hand and come for- 14 rify the Most High God. ward.’16 Then SeinJu Kil, a theology William Newton Blair, a Northern student and elder of the church, raised Presbyterian missionary and the pro- his hand and went forward. Dr. John- fessor of Pyongyang Presbyterian ston prayed for him and promised that Seminary, wrote, a great revival would take place in the In the prayer meeting at August, Korean Church some day. we realized that the transcendental power of Spirit Baptism could enable us and the Korean brothers to overcome the future tribulation. We felt that the Korean Church should repent not just only her sins of conflict and dissolution but also 15 William Newton Blair, Gold in Korea, SokHi YeiSu MiDuSiGiLeil BaRaNaEiDa (I Hope You Shall Believe in Jesus Soon), translated by SeingTai Kim, (Seoul: Tyrannus, 1995), p. 98; see also Blair, The Korean Pente- 14 Jonathan Goforth, 1907 Nein HanKugUl cost and Other Experiences on the Mission Field HwibSein SeingLyeingEi BulGil (Holy Spirit (New York, 1908). Fire swept over Korea in 1907), tr. by YongLyein 16 JinKyeng Kil, YoungGye Kil SeinJu (Seoul: Kim (Seoul: Life Line, 1977), p. 13. JongLoSeiJeik, 1980), p. 182. The Pyongyang Great Revival and Spirit Baptism 9

In the Fall of 1906, J. L. Gerdine,17 a Spirit…. The influence of this missionary of the Southern Methodist meeting will be felt far and wide in Mission, led one of the services in South Chulla.19 MokPo (on the southern tip of the Rev. Gerdine, the main speaker of Korean peninsula), and as a result, the MokPo meeting, reported that the there was a great outpouring of the Holy Spirit gave remarkable signs to Holy Spirit.18 When a Presbyterian mis- the meeting such as a deep awareness sionary, J. F. Preston participated in of sin, a pentecostal-style confession, the meetings, he described this event and joyful victory.20 This revival at last and its result like this; became the next step in the process of The most powerful revival meeting the development of the Pyongyang the writer ever participated in was Great Revival in 1907. So, the Wonsan recently held at MokPo…. As the prayer meeting in 1904 gave birth to Spirit through him (Mr. Gerdine) the MokPo revival in 1906, and the took the Word and reasoned of MokPo revival had an influence on the righteousness, and temperance, Pyongyang revival of 1907. and the judgement, of the sinful- The Holy Spirit was at work not only ness of sin, and the necessity of in South Chulla, but also across the cleansing, a deathlike hush fell on length and breadth of the land. In Jan- all, and it was as if the Word was a uary, 1907, the missionaries at scalpel, cutting deep down into Pyongyang began to pray with great men’s hearts laying bare secret anticipation that the large men’s Bible class then in session might become a sins and hidden cancers of the soul. 21 Then it was that confession of sin vehicle for revival. After that time, poured out of scores of burdened Elder SeinJu Kil was active as a main speaker in the Bible meeting of Hwang- souls and strong men wept like Hae Province in December, 1906. children. Then, as the yearning Eventually, Kil agreed with the mis- love of the Saviour was dwelt upon, sionaries that they would hold the win- it was as a healing balm poured in. ter conference in January, 1907. This Faces shone with new life and winter conference at JangDaeHyen light, and the church rang the Church would give rise to the begin- hymns of triumph, and men stood six deep, eagerly waiting their turn to testify of blessings received, sin forgiven, differences healed, victo- 19 J. F. Preston, ‘A Notable Meeting’, The ry over self, baptism of the Missionary, (1907.1), p. 21. 20 J. L. Gerdine, ‘Growth and Spirituality’, KMF, 2-11 (1906.9), p. 202. 21 Brown, Mission to Korea, p. 59, which is a 17 J. L. Gerdine entered Korea in 1902 and fruitful source on this topic. Brown entered worked as one of the representatives of Won- Korea as a Southern Presbyterian missionary San, MokPo Revival and Pyongyang Revival in 1950 (Korean name MyongGwang Lee). He in 1907. He also taught as the professor at the taught at KwangJoo Bible Institute and Jein- Methodist Seminary at Seoul from 1926. Nam University, and established the HoNam 18 Brown, Mission to Korea, p. 59. Seminary, of which he was president, in 1963. 10 Bonjour Bay ning of the Pyongyang Great Revival.22 one member suffers, all the members Kil led the day-break prayer meeting suffer with it’, striving to show how for the conference.23 He made thorough hate in a brother’s heart injured not preparation for the conference; the only the whole church but brought pain church members were eager for help, to Christ, the church’s Head.24 and, moreover, many unbelievers were After the sermon, many testified to greatly interested in news of the con- a new realization of what sin was. A ference. number confessed with sorrow a lack of love for others, especially for the Great Revival in 1907 Japanese. An elder stood up and confessed his sin, that he hated a mission- The Men’s Bible Conference at ary, and the missionary also made Pyongyang began on January 2 and fin- peace with him. Thus the walls of sep- ished on January 15, 1907. Besides the aration and conflict between Korean evening meeting, they decided to hold believers and missionaries tumbled noon prayer-meetings daily during the down. period. Although more than fifteen- At the evening meeting of January hundred men gathered in the confer- 14, after Mr. Hunt’s sermon, Graham ence, nothing unusual happened at Lee took charge of the meeting and first. called for prayers. So many began pray- On January 9, when elder Kil ing that Mr. Lee said, ‘If you want to preached the sermon titled ‘Open your pray like that, all pray.’25 And immedi- heart and receive the Holy Spirit’, the ately the room full of men was filled congregation was so impressed by his with voices lifted to God in prayer.26 As message that they began to pray very prayer continued, a spirit of heaviness loudly. On January 12, Rev. Blair and sorrow for sin came down upon the preached on 1 Corinthians 12:27: ‘Now audience. Over on one side, someone you are the body of Christ, and sever- began to weep, and in a moment the ally members thereof’, endeavouring to whole audience was weeping. Man show that discord in the church was after man would rise, confess his sins, like sickness in the body; and ‘and if break down and weep, and then throw himself to the floor and beat the floor with his fists in perfect agony of con- 22 YoungJae Han, HanGuk GiDokGyo viction.27 The prayer went on until 2 BaikNyen (100 Years of the Korean Christianity) (Seoul: GiDokGyoMunSa, 1986), p. 55. 23 ‘The day-break prayer meeting which was initiated by Kil was permanently established 24 William Newton Blair & Bruce F. Hunt, as an unique characteristic of the church…. The Korean Pentecost and the Sufferings which These prayer meetings became habitual gath- Followed (Pennsylvania: The Banner of Truth erings in the church and continue to the pre- Trust, 1977), p. 69. sent time.’ InSoo Kim, ‘Protestants and the 25 Blair and Hunt, The Korean Pentecost, p. Formation of Modern Korean Nationalism, 71. 1885-1920: A Study of the Contributions of 26 G. S. McCune, ‘The Holy Spirit in Horace Grant Underwood and SunChu Kil’, Pyongyang’, KMF, 3-1 (1907.1), p. 1. (Ph. D. dissertation, Union Theological Semi- 27 Blair and Hunt, The Korean Pentecost, p. nary in Virginia, 1993), p. 192 72. The Pyongyang Great Revival and Spirit Baptism 11 a.m. next morning. Revival in 1907 can be summed up as The conference, which ended with follows: the meeting of Tuesday night, was a a) The Great Revival gave the great awakening movement that her- Korean Church joyous forgiveness of alded the spiritual rebirth of the sins and the assurance of salvation; Korean Church. As soon as the confer- afterwards it was connected with the ence ended, the good news of the cross evangelism campaign that delivered and the grace of God began to spread the gospel of salvation. In 1907, when over all the country. Many churches the Pyongyang Great Revival took earnestly yearned for revival, and mis- place, the Presbyterian Church gained sionaries and church leaders went 16,000, and the Methodist Church around the country, performing a pow- 10,000 new believers.29 erful ministry of the Holy Spirit. For b) The evangelical faith took root in instance, S. F. Moore, the Northern Korean Christianity. Since then, the Presbyterian missionary, reported the Korean Church has grown on the foun- revival at the Bible conference of Jeing- dation of evangelical experience, the Dong Methodist Church in January, righteousness and love of God, the con- 1906 as below; fession and forgiveness of sins, faith in the redemption of Christ, the assur- The presence of the Spirit of God ance of the presence of Holy Spirit, the was manifest in the hearty confes- experience of answered prayer, the sions of sin, the preacher being coming judgement, and hope for the stopped one evening by a woman next world, and so on. rising and saying that in listening c) Since the Revival, the Church has to the Word she saw her sins as she earnestly advanced Bible study and had not before, and there were also prayer life. When people were regener- many testimonies to a quickened ated by the grace of Christ, the Church spiritual life. In response to the invited them to the Bible class or invitation men and women arose prayer group so they could be nurtured night after night to express their and strengthened by God’s Word and desire to follow Christ. A few times 28 prayer. the inquiry room was quite full. d) The Revival made a great contri- It was true that only after the Great bution to the moral improvement of Revival was the Korean church for the Korean people. As a result of the first time equipped with spiritual Revival, believers could confess their power. It was important that the inner hidden sins and have purity in Revival would not only make the faith. Though the missionaries had Korean Church grow rapidly but also stressed purity of heart from the begin- that it would bring nationwide moral ning, many church members were not awakening and social reform. aware of it. Since the Revival touched The results of the Pyongyang Great the moral weakness of the early

28 S. F. Moore, ‘The Revival in Seoul’, KMF, 29 Han, 100 Years of the Korean Christianity, 2-6 (1906.4), p. 116. p. 55. 12 Bonjour Bay

Korean Church, it has laid the ground- 4. Great Revival and Spirit work for the piety of the Church.30 Baptism e) The character of the Korean Church as a racial church was weak- ened by the expression of depolitical- Experience of Spirit Baptism ization between the church and the Missionaries gave much attention to state.31 The character of the Korean the explosive power of the Holy Spirit Church could be described as a which took place at JangDaiHyen ‘revivalist passion’, with the revival Church, Pyongyang in January, 1907. meeting as the dynamic power, and With great excitement, they tried to be rooted in a belief based on eschatolog- the first to report the phenomena ical otherworldliness. In the revival which was displayed in the meeting. meetings they laid stress on spiritual The remarkable phenomena that mis- repentance and the community life sionaries witnessed may be summed which is based on forgiveness, love and up as follows: reconciliation.32 a) They were definite phenomena, f) Mutual understanding between that is, very surprising scenes that Korean believers and missionaries was every participant could see and hear: improved. Before, it was difficult for Our entire community and the them to understand their different tra- Korean church especially last night ditions and the thoughts they had and today has received such a man- about each other, but afterwards they ifestation of the presence of the came to a realization that they were all Holy Spirit as has not been felt or redeemed brothers and sisters in witnessed by most of us in all our Christ. This realization became the lives.33 bond of love that bound them together. I am sure that most of the men in the room were praying aloud. It was wonderful!34 The prayer sounded to me like the 30 HanGkGiDokGyoSaYenGuHoe, falling of many waters, an ocean of HanGukGiDokGyoEi YekSa (A History of Korean Christianity) (Seoul: GiDokGyoMunSa, prayer beating against God’s 35 1990), Vol. I, pp. 273-4. throne. 31 However, not all Korean theologians Most of the participants were thus agree with this point of view. Some scholars led by the spirit of prayer with the like InSoo Kim, Professor. of Presbyterian awareness that the Holy Spirit was Theological Seminary, Korea, denied that view. Dr. Kim wrote that the Christian evan- powerfully present. gelistic movement led to a reform of the b) There was uncontrollable contri- church and also awakened desire for freedom from foreign domination. InSoo Kim, Protes- tants and the Formation of Modern Korean 33 G. S. McCune, ‘The Holy Spirit in Nationalism, p. 189. Pyongyang’, KMF, 3-1 (1907.1), p. 2. 32 GyengBae Min, GyoHoeWa GukGa (The 34 McCune, ‘The Holy Spirit in Pyongyang’, Church and the State) (Seoul: DaeHanGiDok- 3-1 (1907.1), p. 1. GyoChulPanSa, 1981), p. 114. 35 Blair and Hunt, The Korean Pentecost, p. 71. The Pyongyang Great Revival and Spirit Baptism 13 tion and repentance of sins: ‘The Spirit d) They continued to pray to be for- was present in wonderful power, com- given of their sins and to be filled with pelling men to reveal what lay hidden the Holy Spirit: ‘Some were crying and in their past lives. Deceit, pride, pleading God’s forgiveness for certain worldly-mindedness, lust, greed, sins which they named to him in hatred, jealousy, and in fact almost prayer. All were pleading for the infill- every thing in the category of evil.’36 ing of the Holy Ghost.’40 It was certain People were forced to reveal their that they determined to keep asking inner sins by the presence of Holy God until they received the fullness of Spirit. Some of the missionaries Holy Spirit; they believed that, in order became alarmed and tried to bring the to be filled, true repentance and the congregation back under control. ‘But prayer of faith were necessary. there was no suppression of the burden The meeting went on until 2 a.m. of sin and anguish which each felt he with alternate confessing, weeping must confess to find relief.’37 and praying. The next evening the c) Sometimes very severe physical same phenomenon was repeated, manifestations occurred: only in intensified form.41 The effect was like the falling of Daily we have been meeting there many waters, as man after man and praying for the Holy Spirit. We would rise, confess his sins, break have no leader for the meeting: down and weep, and then throw each one enters the room quietly, himself down to beat the floor with 38 kneels down, and as he is led, his fists in an agony of conviction prays. God is answering our Sometimes they beat their fore- prayers.42 heads and hands against the floor, As mentioned above, most of the sometimes they literally writhed in missionary writings about the early anguish, roaring as if the very dev- Korean Church revival reported that it ils were tearing them, and then at was characterized by the power of last, when there seemed no more prayer, the radical repentance of sins power of resistance left, they would and the outpouring presence of spiri- spring to their feet and with terri- tual power.43 Such characteristics were ble sobs and crying, pour out their seen not only in the Pyongyang Great confessions of sin. And such confessions!39

40 McCune, ‘The Holy Spirit in Pyongyang’, 36 W. L. Swallen, ‘God’s Work of Grace in KMF, 3-1 (1907.1), p. 1. Pyongyang Classes’, KMF, 3-5 (1907.5), p. 79. 41 Brown, Mission to Korea, pp. 59-60. 37 Brown, Mission to Korea, p. 60. 42 McCune, ‘The Holy Spirit in Pyongyang’, 38 Brown, Mission to Korea, p. 59. KMF, 3-1 (1907.1), p. 1. 39 William Martyne Baird, ‘The Spirit Among 43 Refer to Arthur Judson Brown, Mastery of Pyongyang Students’, KMF, 3-5 (1907.5), p. the Far East (New York: Fleming Revell Com- 65. pany, 1919), p. 528. 14 Bonjour Bay

Revival but also in ongoing nation- purity of heart and the power of Holy wide revival.44 Spirit.46 The nineteenth century spiritual Pneumatological Analysis movements in North America and Eng- land had a direct effect on the early How did the early missionaries to Korean revivals through the missionar- Korea understand the pneumatology of ies to Korea. It was generally the case the Great Revival? The Korea Mission before the Revival that a distinction Field gives the fundamental resources was made in the missionaries’ writing to answer that question. PyengYag between regeneration and Spirit Bap- DaeBuHungUnDong (Pyongyang Great tism, regardless of whether the writers Revival) written by YongGyu Park, pro- were Presbyterian or Methodist; this fessor of ChongShin University, gives was the major tradition of the nine- us perceptive insights and evaluations teenth century spiritual movement. of the contemporary spiritual move- Such an understanding of Spirit ment on the basis of the related Baptism was also true for the first mis- resources. In particular, the appendix sionaries to Korea, Horace G. Under- of this book shows a useful chronolog- wood and Henry G. Appenzeller. ical table illustrating the presence and Underwood was a Presbyterian, yet in power of Holy Spirit before and after his seminary years he experienced the the Pyongyang Great Revival.45 fullness of Holy Spirit through contact MyengSu Park, professor of Seoul The- with the Salvation Army. Appenzeller ological Seminary, indicates that the also was a Presbyterian, but later he character of the early Korean Revival experienced the Holy Spirit at a cell was fundamentally a part of the numer- group of Methodist Church and became ous late nineteenth and early twentieth a Methodist. In 1890, he wrote, ‘There holiness movements which stressed needs to be a definite baptism of remis- sion of sin and a strong power of repentance. I want to see that the Korean church members are astonished at awakening of their sin.’47 44 There can be many references for this topic; e.g., there are some reports of L. E. Frey who was a dean of EiHwa School in 1912, KMF in which it can be seen that the female stu- 46 MyengSu Park, ‘SeingGyelUnDongGwa dents experienced the outpouring of the Holy HanGukGyoHoeEi ChoGi DaeBuHung’ (‘The Spirit; Lulu E. Frey, ‘Revival Meetings in the Holiness Movement and the Early Great Girl’s School of the M. E. Church’, KMF, 8-1 Revival of Korean Church’), HanGuk GiDok- (1912.1), pp. 9-10. In 1915, KMF gave the GyoWa YekSa (Korean Christianity and History) Methodist missionary Swearer’s reports that No.14 (2001), pp. 47-77. the power of Holy Spirit appeared at 47 Appenzeller’s letter, July 4, 1890, Mis- ChungCheing province, showing many cases; sionary Research Library, Union Theological Lillian May Swearer, ‘The Working of the Seminary, New York. Martha Huntley, cited Spirit in Choong Chung Province’, KMF, 11-5 from HanGuk GaiSinGyo ChoGiEi SeinGyoWa (1915.5), p. 130. GyoHoiSeingJang (Mission and Church Growth 45 YongGyu Park, Pyongyang Great Revival, of the Early Korean Christianity), tr. by JongSun pp. 665-70. Cha (Seoul: MokYangSa, 1995), p. 258. The Pyongyang Great Revival and Spirit Baptism 15

In his letter in 1894, Samuel A. Mof- ous view of the experience of Spirit fett,48 a Northern Presbyterian mis- Baptism or being filled with the Holy sionary, wrote, ‘Those were the happy Spirit, which was definitely a different days to both me and the teacher to see experience from regeneration.51 When many people come to the church of he saw the pentecostal experience of Christ. We are certain that there will be Pyongyang Great Revival, Underwood a harvest of souls among our first fruits wrote, ‘The Korean Church received when they are baptized with the Holy the Baptism with the Holy Spirit.’52 Spirit.’49 Most of the early missionaries When E. F. Hall sent a letter to Arthur to Korea thus had a tendency to differ- Brown, he wrote that SeinJu Kil entiate Spirit Baptism from regenera- received the Spirit Baptism during the tion, for they were much affected with Pyongyang Great Revival.53 Most of the the late nineteenth Wesleyan Holiness early missionaries to Korea such as Movement or Reformed Spiritual William Newton Blair, and J. F. Preston Movement.50 Both movements also worked on the basis that the expe- regarded Spirit Baptism as the second rience of Spirit Baptism or Spirit out- grace of indwelling Holy Spirit. pouring was distinct from regenera- It can be confirmed that the tion. Pyongyang Great Revival took a seri- 5. Conclusion As we have seen, most of the early mis- 48 Samuel A. Moffett entered Korea in Janu- ary, 1890, and started theological education at sionaries to Korea who witnessed the Pyongyang in 1901. Pyongyang Great Revival stood firmly 49 Samuel A. Moffett’s letter to Ellinwood in in the tradition of the late nineteenth- January 12th, 1894, written just after he per- century Wesleyan and Reformed spiri- formed the first official Baptism and Lord’s tual movements. Accordingly, the con- Supper at January of the year. clusion is that the tendency to differ- 50 The late nineteenth century American entiate Spirit Baptism from regenera- Reformed spiritual movement generally followed the holiness conception which was tion was quite natural during the early based on the theory of counteraction or suppression of the sinful tendency; it rejected the theory of eradication of sinfulness which was held by the Wesleyan Holiness Movement. 51 Refer to the missionary reports: R. A. The recent Reformed Spiritual Movement Hardie, ‘Evangelistic Work on the East Coast’, explains that continuous victory from sin KMF 3-6 (1907.6), p. 95; L. H. McCully, ‘Fruits comes from empowerment of the Holy Spirit, of the Revival’, KMF 3-6 (1907.7), pp. 83-4; and emphasizes Spirit Baptism as union with Mrs. J. R. Ross, ‘Meeting Wonsan Women’, Christ giving power for service. The represen- KMF 3-9 (1907.9), p. 136. tatives of this line of thought were Evan Hop- 52 Horace Grant Underwood, The Call of kins, Handley C. G. Moule, Asa Mahan, Korea (New York, 1908), p. 6. Charles Finney, Dwight L. Moody, Reuben A. 53 E. F. Hall, letter to Dr. Brown, March, 21, Torrey, Adoniram J. Gordon and A. B. Simp- 1907. Likewise, YongGyu Park also criticized son. Bonjour Bay, HanGukGyoHoiWa Sung- the view that SeinJu Gil received the baptism LyungSeLei (Korean Church and the Spirit Bap- with the Holy Spirit in a Pyongyang revival tism) (Anyang: Sungkyul University Press, meeting. YongGyu Park, Pyongyang Great 2004). pp. 14-5. Revival, p. 301. 16 Bonjour Bay revival period, regardless of whether thing, the core of the experience is the missionaries were Presbyterian or Christ’s reign in the believer’s life. Cel- Methodist. Therefore, Korean-style ebrating the centennial anniversary of revival meetings have since settled the Pyongyang Great Revival, we are down into the tradition that regener- humbly praying, that God may have ated people should repent and ask the mercy on the Korean peninsula, and Lord to be baptized by the Holy Spirit. that he will allow the Korean Church, with all churches in the world, to Now is the time for the heirs of the receive Spirit Baptism and enable them Pyongyang Great Revival to ask for the to live in the power of Spirit. It is our power of Spirit Baptism, just as the prayer that God will through the Holy predecessors did one hundred years Spirit manifest his power through the ago. The process begins with purity of churches so powerfully that he will heart and then spiritual fruit and the heal the wounded lands and accom- gift of the Spirit follow. More than any- plish the evangelization of the world.

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9 Holdom Avenue, Bletchley, Milton Keynes MK1 1QR, UK ERT (2007) 31:1, 17-29 History of Indian Pentecostal Church of God in Andhra

Yabbeju (Jabez) Rapaka

KEYWORDS: Indigenous church move- of God in the state of Andhra Pradesh. ments, Azusa Street, Spirit Baptism, In doing so, this research will show CMS, Pandita Ramabai, Syrian that there were antecedent Pente- Christians, Thomas, glossolalia costal and Pentecostal-like movements in India prior in time to both the Topeka and Azusa revivals in the PENTECOSTALISM HAS witnessed rapid United States. The aim is to create a growth in India, which ranks fifth wider awareness of the indigenous largest in the world today with about nature of Indian Pentecostalism, i.e., 33.5 million adherents. 27.3 million of to demonstrate that Indian Pente- these adherents are Neocharismatics, costalism originated independently in 5 million are Charismatics, and 1.2 mil- India itself, rather than through a lion are classical Pentecostals.1 And movement which spread to India from one of the largest indigenous Pente- the West. Furthermore, this research costal movements in India has been will show that P. M. Samuel, P.T. among the adherents of one group of Chacko, K. C. Cherian and K.E. Abra- Pentecostals, the Indian Pentecostal ham were all co-founders, not Abra- Church of God (IPC). ham alone, as some historians contend This article will present a brief his- (including Roger Hedlund). tory of the Indian Pentecostal Church More recent research done by Roger Hedlund on indigenous church movements in India reveals that South India 1 David B. Barrett & Todd M. Johnson, is a bastion of indigenous Christianity ‘Global Statistics’ in New International Dictio- and the IPC is considered the largest nary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, (NIDPC), ed. Stanley M. Burgess (Grand indigenous Pentecostal movement in Rapids: Zondervan, 2002), pp. 284-302. the country. He claims that the Andhra

Rev. Yabbeju (Jabez) Rapaka, a native of India, is on the adjunct faculty in Undergraduate Religious Studies at Regent University, Virginia Beach, VA, USA. He and his wife, Gloria, from Haiti, are the founders of Love and Hope Ministries, a non-profit organization established to help widows, children and pastors in India and Haiti. He is a board member of Tidewater Bible College and acting General Secretary of Deep Truth Full Gospel Association. He holds B. Com. and B.D. degrees from India, and received his M.B.A. and M. Div. from Regent University, Virginia Beach, VA,USA where he is currently pursuing Ph.D. studies in Church History (Renewal Studies). This paper forms part of his research. 18 Yabbeju (Jabez) Rapaka

IPC was started by P. M. Samuel.2 scarcely repeated three dozen sen- However, he also states3 that K. E. tences when a glory fell upon her, a Abraham was the founder of the IPC, a halo seemed to surround her head and fact which I dispute. In fact, P. M. face, and she began to speak in the Chi- Samuel, K. C. Cherian and K. E. Abra- nese language, and was unable to ham were co-founders of the IPC. In speak in English for three days.’5 Two the preface to his autobiography, P. M. days later, when he returned from his Samuel calls Apostle K. E. Abraham preaching at the Free Methodist one of the founders of the Indian Pen- Church in Topeka, other students at tecostal Church of God. Samuel writes: Bethel Bible College also had experi- ‘One of the founders of the Indian Pen- enced the baptism of the Holy Spirit. tecostal Church of God, Apostle K. E. According to Sarah Parham: Abraham wrote in his autobiography, As he reached the top of the stairs, “My brother, Apostle P. M. Samuel, he could see a sheen of light, will give you more details of our Indian brighter than the light from the Pentecostal Church of God and its ser- coal oil lamps, coming from the vice in his autobiography.”’4 As a room. As he entered the room, he result, Samuel penned his autobiogra- was overwhelmed by what he phy at Abraham’s request and at the encountered. Some were standing request of many Christian friends. and others were kneeling. Together, in perfect harmony as if led by an invisible conductor, they 1. Azusa Street Revival were singing Jesus Lover of My Soul Historically it is believed that modern in tongues. Sister Stanley, one of Pentecostalism began at the dawn of the more mature students, the twentieth century on January 1, approached him, saying, ‘Just 1901, when Agnes Ozman, a Holiness before you entered tongues of fire preacher at Charles Fox Parham’s were sitting above their heads.’6 Bethel Bible College in Topeka, By summer, Bethel Bible College Kansas, was filled with the Holy Spirit had closed, because the building that with the evidence of speaking in they were renting had been sold, and tongues. Parham states that, ‘Humbly Parham moved to Houston, Texas, in the name of Jesus, I laid my hand where he once again established a upon her head and prayed. I had small Bible school on January 1, 1906 with about twenty-five students. One of them was William Joseph Seymour, a 2 Roger Hedlund, ‘Indian Instituted Churches: Indigenous Christianity, Indian Style’, Mission Studies, 16, No. 1 (1999), p. 35. 5 Sarah Parham, The Life of Charles F. Parham 3 Roger Hedlund, ‘Nationalism and The (Baxter Springs: Apostolic Faith Bible Col- Indian Pentecostal Church of God’, Indian lege, 1930), p. 52. Church History Review, 39, No. 2 (December 6 Parham, Life, p 53, cited in Eddie L. Hyatt 2005), pp. 91 and 93. in 2000 Years of Charismatic Christianity 4 P. M. Samuel, Autobiography (Vijayawada: (Chicota: Yhatt International Ministries, Inc., Zion Printing House, 1980), n. p. 1996), p. 150. History of Indian Pentecostal Church of God in Andhra 19 local pastor of a Black Holiness tual awakening that had occurred on church. Under his leadership the Pen- Azusa Street. The cover story read: tecostal revival was to spread around ‘Weird Babble of Tongues; New Sect of the globe. After the Bible school ses- Fanatics Is Breaking Loose; Wild sion was over in the middle of Febru- Scene Last Night on Azusa Street; Gur- ary, Seymour left for Los Angeles to gle of Wordless Talk by a Sister.’8 pastor a newly formed Holiness con- This revival continued for about gregation. However, his first sermon in three years until 1909. Hence, the that church on the baptism of the Holy notable western church historians, Spirit with the evidence of speaking in Vinson Synan, Cecil Robeck, Jr., and tongues caused a great stir. When he Walter J. Hollenweger, all trace the ori- returned for the evening service, to his gin of modern Pentecostalism either surprise the doors of the church were from the dawn of the 20th century, Jan- padlocked. Then Richard Asberry, who uary 1, 1901 or to the Azusa Street lived on Bonnie Street, provided Sey- revival under the leadership of William mour with accommodation in his resi- J. Seymour. Synan writes, ‘On January dence where both Seymour and the 1, 1901, a young woman named Agnes Asberrys experienced the baptism of was baptized in the Holy Spirit…and the Holy Spirit themselves, including she received a startling manifestation speaking in tongues. of the gift of tongues and became, in The news about the charismatic effect, the first Pentecostal of the 20th experience and gifts spread far and century.’9 He further states that this wide and soon large crowds began to humble event triggered the worldwide converge and experience the Spirit Pentecostal movement. However, Hol- baptism at Asberry’s home, eventually lenweger seems to take a different forcing them to look for larger facili- stance from Synan and ties Pente- ties. They finally found a stable and costalism to Azusa Street. He contends warehouse, which used to be a that if one considers Pentecostalism to Methodist Episcopal Church, at 312 be an oral missionary movement, with Azusa Street in downtown Los Ange- spiritual power to overcome racism les, where they held their first meeting and chauvinism, then one can cast on April 14, 1906. Recognizing his own one’s lot with Seymour as the founder need for the power of the Holy Spirit of Pentecostalism.10 Robeck shared a and his continual guidance, Seymour spent much of his time in subsequent meetings praying behind the pulpit, 8 Vinson Synan, The Holiness Pentecostal Tra- with his head inside a shoebox.7 As a dition (Grand Rapids: Wm B. Eerdmans Pub- result, great revival broke out. On April lishing Co.,1997), p. 84. 18, The Los Angeles Times published a 9 Vinson Synan, The Century of the Holy Spirit: story on the front page about the spiri- 100 Years of Pentecostal Charismatic Renewal. (Tennessee: Thomas Nelson, 2001), p. 1. 10 Allan H. Anderson and Walter J. Hollen- weger, Pentecostals after a Century: Global Per- 7 Eddie L. Hyatt in 2000 Years of Charismatic spectives on a Movement in Transition Christianity (Chicota: Yhatt International Min- (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), istries, Inc., 1996), p. 155. pp. 42-43. 20 Yabbeju (Jabez) Rapaka similar idea when he lectured on Azusa and participants in the West of at Regent University in 2006 during Scotland Revival in the 1830’s.12 the week of centennial celebrations of He further points out that these the Azusa Revival. In contrast, Donald Pentecostal-like outpourings were not Gee, in Wind and Flame (1967), and exclusive to Europe, but also occurred Paul Pomerville, in The Third Force in in 19th century Africa and Asia, and Missions (1985), argue that the Pente- especially in India, which also wit- costal movement originated in a series nessed such outpourings (according to of spontaneous and universal begin- research of such scholars as David nings in different parts of the world and Barrett and Gary B. McGee). McGee no one should restrict its commence- contends that: ment to any one particular geographi- Pentecostal and Pentecostal-like cal location, such as Azusa, or to one movements in India preceded the particular leader. development of 20th century The early Pentecostals from Azusa Pentecostalism in North America Street were fully convinced that their and Europe by at least 40 years. experience of Spirit baptism would Apart from the revival under spread all over the globe as the Edward Irving in the U.K. in the promised last-days revival prior to the early 1830s, the most prominent Second Advent of Christ. ‘The fire is revivals of the 19th century charac- spreading. People are writing from dif- terized by the charismatic gifts of ferent points to know about this Pente- the Holy Spirit occurred in India. cost, and are beginning to wait on God When modern Pentecostalism for their Pentecost. He is no respecter began there in 1906, it developed of persons and places. We expect to independently from the influence of see a wave of salvation go over this similar revivals in the West.13 world.’11 However, Stanley Burgess (emphasis added) argues that in Europe there had been numerous pre-20th century Pente- Paulson Pulikottil aptly comments costal-like movements, including: that postcolonial historiography is purely Euro-centric in nature, and the the Quakers in 17th century conviction that Pentecostal history England, the Shakers in 18th cen- began with Topeka and gained momen- tury England, the Moravian tum at Azusa will limit historians from Brethren in 18th century German exploring the possibilities of the work states, the early Methodists in the of the Holy Spirit in the rest of the 18th and 19th centuries in world, and the ways in which people in England, the Awakened in 18th and 19th century Finland, the Irvingites in 19th century England 12 Stanley Burgess, ‘Pentecostalism in India: An Overview’ in Asian Journal of Pente- costal Studies 4:1 (January, 2001), 86. 11 The Apostolic Faith, Los Angeles, 1:2 ( 13 Stanley M. Burgess, ed., The New Interna- October 1906), 1, quoted by Allan Anderson in tional Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic The Origins of Pentecostalism and its Global Movements (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Pub- Spread in the Early Twentieth Century. lishing Company, 2002), p. 118. History of Indian Pentecostal Church of God in Andhra 21 diverse parts of the world experienced another in 1873 and a third in the baptism of the Holy Spirit and 1895. In all of these revivals people responded to the Spirit’s manifesta- experienced the outpouring of the tion. He further argues that the work of Holy Spirit with diverse manifesta- the Holy Spirit is universal and it is not tions including glossolalia. limited to a particular place or time.14 However, the recipients of these Similarly, Eddie Hyatt admits that Pen- experiences did not know that they tecostal and Charismatic Christianity were speaking in unknown tongues is not solely a 20th century phenomena as a result of the baptism in the but rather that it has been in existence Holy Spirit as taught in the book of continually since the first Apostolic Acts.16 Church. However, like other western The reason for this ignorance was historians, he attributes the origin of the fact that the Bible was a foreign the Pentecostal movement to Topeka book to many Indian believers, because in 1901. Hyatt states that ‘there has they were illiterate. Moreover, they been a veritable explosion of charis- had little or no teaching on spiritual matic Christianity in the twentieth cen- matters and biblical doctrines from tury. Beginning with the Pentecostal their clergy. Movement in 1901, and revitalized by the Charismatic Movement beginning in 1960 and the Third Wave beginning Pentecostal Revival in Tinnevelly around 1980, this explosion of charis- (Tirunelveli) 1860-1865 matic Christianity has gained momen- The first Pentecostal revival took place tum and permeated every facet of in India in the state of Tinnevelly Church life.’15 (Tirunelveli, present-day Tamil Nadu) from 1860-65 among the ‘Shanars’, low caste people, under the leadership 2. Earlier Movements in India of John Christian Aroolappen, a native A. C. George, a prominent Pentecostal evangelist who had been trained as an church historian in India, points out Anglican catechist by Carl T. E. Rhe- that: nius, who was a Prussian missionary The second half of the nineteenth sent by the Church Missionary Society century witnessed powerful (CMS) in 1814, and Anthony Norris revivals in India: one in 1860, Groves, an independent missionary from England who arrived in 1833. Aroolappen read about the revivals 14 Paulson Pulikottil, ‘As East and West Met that occurred in the United States, in God’s Own Country: Encounter of Western Pentecostalism with Native Pentecostalism in Kerala’ p. 2 [cited 23 May 2006]. Online: 16 L. Sam, Pastor A.C. Samuel: A Brief Biog- http://www.pctii.org/cyberj/cyberj10/paul- raphy (Trivandrum: Bethel Assembly Publica- son.html. tion, 1983), 10. Cited in A.C. George in ‘Pen- 15 Eddie L. Hyatt in 2000 Years of Charismatic tecostal Beginnings in Travancore, South Christianity (Chicota: Yhatt International Min- India’ Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 4:2 istries, Inc., 1996), p. 155. (July 2001), p. 221. 22 Yabbeju (Jabez) Rapaka

England and Ulster in 1857-59 and was demonstration of the Spirit and of greatly influenced by them. Then he power.’19 earnestly prayed for similar revival in As a faith preacher, Aroolappen did his native land. To his surprise, a great not depend on western money, but revival broke out in Tirunelveli on travelled to many places and preached March 4, 1860. On August 8, 1860, the gospel in many Syrian churches Aroolappen recorded: ‘In the month of without any salary or pledged support, June some of our people praised the thus bringing the people to deeper spir- Lord by unknown tongues, with their itual life. And, like Aroolappen, many interpretation… My son and a daugh- indigenous missionaries and evange- ter and three others went to visit their lists, including Ammal Vedanayagam, own relations, in three villages, who David (known as Tamil David), and are under the Church Missionary Soci- David Fenn, followed the pattern of ety, and they also received the Holy New Testament apostles and evange- Ghost. Some prophesy, some speak by lists. unknown tongues with their interpretations.’17 Revival in Travancore 1873- McGee states, ‘The phenomena in 1881 the revival included prophecy, glosso- These travels led the itinerant Tamil lalia, glossographia, and interpretation preacher, Aroolappen, to Travancore of tongues, as well as intense convic- (the southernmost region of present- tion of sin among nominal Christians, day Kerala) a decade after the dreams, visions, signs in the heavens, Tirunelveli revival began. He brought and people falling down and/or shak- the revival message not only to CMS ing. Other noted features were restora- churches, but also to Syrian churches tion of the offices of apostle and in Travancore. As a result, a revival prophet, evangelism, conversions of took place there which lasted for about unbelievers, prayer for the sick, and 9 years. The two prominent leaders of concern for the poor.’18 Ashton Dibb, a this revival were Koodarapallil Thom- CMS missionary, reported that in men and Yusthus (Justus) Joseph, who Aroolappen’s church, ‘there was a bap- had been converted from a high caste tism of the Holy Spirit which filled the Brahmin family under the ministry of members of this church with a holy CMS missionary Joseph Peet. Justus enthusiasm; and caused them to go later became a CMS priest. everywhere preaching the gospel, in A. C. George indicates that thou-

17 G. H. Lang, ed., The History and Diaries of 19 Anthony Norris Groves, Memoir of Anthony an Indian Christian (London: Thynne, 1939), Norris Groves, Complied Chiefly from His Jour- pp. 23-28, 114-145. Cited in Gary B. McGee in nals and Letters (London: James Nisbet, 1869), ‘Pentecostal Phenomena and Revivals in 616. Cited in Gary B. McGee, ‘Pentecostal India: Implications for Indigenous Church Phenomena and Revivals in India: Implica- Leadership’, International Bulletin of Mission- tions for Indigenous Church Leadership’ Inter- ary Research, 20 (July 1996), p. 113. national Bulletin of Missionary Research, 20 18 Burgess, ed., NIDPC, p. 118. (July 1996), p. 113. History of Indian Pentecostal Church of God in Andhra 23 sands of people were attracted to Jus- A. C. George provides three major tus Joseph’s ministry because of its factors that contributed to these pow- Charismatic nature, including visions, erful revivals. First was the New Tes- prophecies, revelations and the like. tament-style preaching by native However, he was branded as a heretic preachers; second was the availability by the CMS when his prophecy that of the Bible in two major South Indian Christ would return in 1881 (stated as languages, i.e., the Tamil Bible trans- six years after May, 1875) was not ful- lated in 1715 by Birtholomaeus Ziegen- filled. Consequently the Revival balg (the first Protestant missionary to Church, which he founded in 1875, India) and the Malayam Bible trans- began to decline and his followers lated by Benjamin Baily in 1841. These came to be called the Six Years Party Bible translations brought new life into or the Five and a Half Years Party.20 the hearts of the Christians and new McGee adds that at the beginning, mis- understanding of Christianity. Third, sionaries applauded what they viewed the congregations of Syrian Christians as positive aspects in the movement were tired of dead ritualism and mere but later they looked on it with suspi- formalism, characterized by traditions, cion because of glossolalia and other ceremonies, and festivals honouring spiritual phenomena. ‘They also the saints of the church. These exam- detected lingering traces of heathen ples alone show that Pentecostalism in culture in the lack of emotional India preceded the Western Pente- restraint among the participants. Com- costal movement by at least 40 years. plaints also included Anglican criti- cisms of independent and unordained clergy, the establishing of the Revival in the Mukti Mission, prophetic office, the pronouncing of Pune 1905-1907 controversial predictions, and the Sarasvati Mary Ramabai, known as growth of schismatic congregations.’21 ‘Pandita’ Ramabai, was born in an However, the Revival Church started upper caste Hindu Brahmin family. Her by Aroolappen continued into the 20th father was a scholar in Sanskrit as well century, although in diminished pro- as Indian literature, hence, he decided portions. to give Ramabai a classical Hindu education. She lost her parents due to famine when she was about sixteen and in 1880 she married Bipin Med- 20 Burgess, ed., NIDPC, p. 119. Cited in A. C. George in ‘Pentecostal Beginnings in Travan- havi, who was from a Sudra, low caste core, South India’ Asian Journal of Pentecostal family. She had a daughter through Studies 4:2 (July 2001), p. 223. this union, named Manoramabai, in 21 W. S. Hunt, Anglican Church in Travancore 1881. Unfortunately, Pandita became a and Cochin, 1816-1916 (Kottayam, Kerala: widow at the age of twenty-three, when Church Missionary Society Press, 1920), 160- her husband died of cholera in 1882. 68. Cited in Gary B. McGee, ‘Pentecostal Phe- Ramabai went to England for further nomena and Revivals in India: Implications for Indigenous Church Leadership’, International studies the following year, where she Bulletin of Missionary Research, 20 (July 1996), and her then two-year old daughter, p. 114. ‘Mano,’ were baptized in the Church of 24 Yabbeju (Jabez) Rapaka

England.22 Ramabai visited the United Spirit and others experienced a burn- States in 1886 at the invitation of the ing sensation. The revival continued American Episcopal Church and spent into 1906 and 1907. Methodist mis- two and a half years there. While she sionaries Minnie Abrams and Albert was in the U.S. she formed the Ram- Norton were said to be baptized in the abai Association and also published Spirit at the Mukti Mission during this her book, The High-Caste Indian Woman time. Abrams published her book, The (1887). Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire, in Upon returning to India, she started 1906. In the same time period, some of a home and school called Sharada the girls at the Mukti Mission received Sadan (‘Home of Learning’) for child a call to preach the gospel and others widows in 1889. She expanded her experienced glossolalia. In 1907, Ram- mission of mercy in the late 1890s, abai wrote about the revival: because of bubonic plague and famine, I have seen not only the most igno- to accommodate not only the high- rant of our people coming under the caste Hindu child widows but also all power of revival, but the most widows and orphans, especially from refined and very highly educated Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, regard- English men and women, who have less of their caste or creed. In 1899, given their lives for God’s service Ramabai founded Mukti Sadan, in this country, coming under the (‘Home of Salvation or Liberation’) at power of God, so that they lose all Kedgaon, near Poona, which soon control over their bodies, and are became a haven for hundreds of child shaken like reeds, stammering widows and orphans and a place for words in various unknown tongues education, vocational training and reli- as the Spirit teaches them to speak, gious outreach. and gradually get to a place where In 1905, a revival which grew out of they are in unbroken communion a prayer meeting broke out in the with God.24 Mukti mission. Each morning, women Allan Anderson indicates that Ram- at the Mukti mission met for prayer, abai understood that the Mukti Mis- asking God ‘for a special outpouring of sion was the means by which the Holy the Holy Spirit on all Christians of Spirit was creating an independent and every land’.23 As a direct result, on June indigenous Indian Christianity. He fur- 29, 1905, several women experienced ther states that The Apostolic Faith, the the baptism of the Holy Spirit at the periodical from Azusa Street, men- Mukti Mission. Some were slain in the tioned the news of this revival in its November 1906 issue saying, ‘Hallelu- jah! God is sending the Pentecost to India. He is no respecter of persons.’ 22 Howard A. Snyder, ‘Holiness Heritage: The Case of Pandita Ramabai’, Wesleyan The- However, the periodical mentioned no ological Journal, 40 (Fall 2005), p. 31. 23 Ramabai, ‘A Testimony of Our Inex- haustible Treasure in Pandita Ramabai Through Her Own Words’, p. 320. 24 Burgess, NIDPC, p. 1018. History of Indian Pentecostal Church of God in Andhra 25 missionaries or Ramabai’s mission. Indian subcontinent.26 Anderson contends that the natives This article will focus next specifi- who were simply taught of God were cally on the history of the Indian Pen- responsible for the outpouring of the tecostal Church of God, an indigenous Spirit, and the gifts of the Spirit were Pentecostal movement which origi- given to simple, unlearned members of nated on Indian soil, not as a spin-off the body of Christ, although The Apos- from the Azusa Street revival. tolic Faith failed to name the Indian people, not even the famous Pandita Ramabai. 3. The Indian Pentecostal The Mukti revival had other far- Church and Its Roots reaching consequences, according to Vinson Synan states that modern Pen- Anderson. He points out that the Mukti tecostalism was developed from revival penetrated other parts of the Catholic and Anglican mystical tradi- world untouched by the Azusa revival, tions, then on through John Wesley’s especially South America. In 1907, second blessing sanctification experi- Willis Hoover, an American Methodist ence, and through the Holiness and revivalist in Valparaiso, Chile, heard Keswick movements.27 However, the about the Mukti Mission through a Indian Pentecostal Church (IPC) pamphlet by his wife’s former class- emerged from the Syrian Christian mate, Minnie Abraham. She had Community, which claims its origin in worked with Pandita Ramabai. Hoover C. E. 52, when Saint Thomas, one of inquired about the Pentecostal revivals the twelve original apostles, came to in other places, including Venezuela India. According to The Acts of Thomas, and Norway. Then a revival broke out the Apostle Thomas went to undertake in his own church in 1909, resulting in the construction of a palace for an his expulsion from the Methodist Indian king named Gondophares, Church in 1910. Eventually this led to along with preaching of the Gospel to the formation of Chilean Pentecostal- India. A. E. Medlycott argues that ism.25 proof of the existence of this Indian McGee aptly comments that the ruler came when coins of Gondophares revival at Mukti from 1905-1907 chal- inscribed in the Indian Pali language lenges the common view that modern were found in Afghanistan in 1834 by Pentecostalism traces back to Azusa. Masson. (Today these coins of Gondo- Even before news of the Azusa revival had first reached India, a Pentecostal revival was already underway on the 26 Gary B. McGee, ‘Latter Rain Falling in the East: Early- Twentieth-Century Pentecostal- ism in India and Debate over Speaking in Tongues’, Church History, 68, No. 3 (Septem- 25 Allan Anderson, ‘The Origins of Pente- ber 1999), 650. Cited by Allan Anderson in costalism and Its Global Spread in the Early ‘The Origins of Pentecostalism’, p. 17. Twentieth Century’ p. 18 [cited 23 May 2006]. 27 Vinson Synan, The Holiness Pentecostal Online: http://www.ocms.ac.uk/docs/Allan% Tradition (Grand Rapids: Wm B. Eerdmans 20Anderson%20lectue20041005.pdf Publishing Co.,1997), p. x. 26 Yabbeju (Jabez) Rapaka phares are housed at the Bibliotheque to which they agreed. The challenge Natiaonale and the British Museum.) was: if a groove would remain in the An inscription of Gondophares was place where they collected the water also discovered at Takht-i-Bahi, dated from tank, and if the waters would not in the 26th year of his reign.28 fall back when they threw it into According to the Indian tradition, midair,31 then he would follow their St. Thomas came by sea, and first god; otherwise the Hindu priests would landed at Maliankara near Cranganore follow the Lord, Jesus Christ, whom about the year 52 C.E. He converted Saint Thomas was serving. The Hindu high caste Hindu families in priests tried a number of times to meet Cranganore, Palayur, Quilon and some the challenge, but without success. To other places, and visited the Coroman- their surprise, Thomas the Apostle del Coast making conversions. He also was able to perform the miracle crossed over to China and preached the against the law of gravity and the law gospel and then returned to India and of surface tension. Then the Hindu organized the Christians of Malabar priests fell at his feet and attempted to under some guides from among the worship him. Saint Thomas protested leading families he had converted. He against their error and pointed them to erected few public places of worship.29 Christ by preaching the gospel to those When the Apostle Thomas came to the high caste Hindu Brahmin priests, southwestern Malabar Coast, he met many of whom became Christians. The Hindu priests who were performing names of the Brahmin families that their rites in the water-tank and sprin- were converted by Thomas were identified as Kalli, Kaliankara, Sankara- kling water from it on the people, puri, Madapur, Vympilli, Muttedal, believing that the water was sacred Kottakar, Panackamattom and and would wash away their sins.30 Pakalomattom.32 Saint Thomas was not only aston- Later he planted seven churches ished at their customs, but also pitied there on the Malabar Coast in the vari- their innocence and ignorance. He set ous centres of his missionary work, forth a challenge for the Hindu priests, such as Maliankara, Palayur near Chavakad, Kottakayal near Parur, Kokkamangalam or South Pallippu- 28 A. E. Medlycott, India and The Apostle ram, Niranom near Thiruvalla, Chayal Thomas: An Inquiry, With a Critical Analysis of (London: David Nutt, 1905), near Nilackal, and Kurakkenikollam the Act A Thomae 33 pp. 1-3, 13. (Quilon). From there he went to the 29 H. C. Perumalil and E. R. Hambye, Chris- tianity in India: A History in Ecumenical Per- spective (Alleppey: Prakasam Publica- 31 P. M. Samuel, Autobiography (Vijayawada: tions,1972), p. 18. Zion Printing House, 1980), p. 4. 30 Still Indians believe that taking a ritual 32 C. V. Cheriyan, A History of Christianity in bath in rivers like Ganges will cleanse people Kerala: From the Mission of St. Thomas to the from their sin. In the State of Andhra Pradesh, Arrival of Vasco Da Gama, A.D. 52-1498 (Kot- during the time of ‘Pushkarams’, thousands of tayam: CMS Press, 1973), p. 1. Hindus come to the sacred rivers Krishna and 33 C. V. Cheriyan, A History of Christianity in Godavari to take a dip. Kerala, 2. History of Indian Pentecostal Church of God in Andhra 27

East coast and established more nous movement began to grow and churches. In 72 C. E., some high caste spread to other places, such as Hyder- Hindu Brahmins speared Thomas to abad (Andhra Padesh), Mysore (Kar- death. His tomb exists to this day on a nataka), and Madras (Tamil Nadu), the mount in a place called Mylapore (mod- leaders of the South Indian Pentcostal ern-day Madras) in the state of Tamil Church of God decided to change its Nadu, presently known as St. Thomas name to ‘The Indian Pentecostal Mount. Church of God’ in 1934. The Indian Pentecostal Church founders, P.M. Samuel, K.E. Abraham, and K.C. Cherian, came from the Syrian 4. The Origin of the IPC in Christian Community which Saint Andhra Pradesh Thomas founded. P. M. Samuel, the P. M. Samuel was born in Keekozhoor first president of the Indian Pente- in the State of Kerala on July 1, 1903. costal Church, trained to become a Syr- His parents belonged to a traditional ian Orthodox priest in their seminary. Mar Thoma Syrian Church. He had (It is commonly held that K.E. Abra- seven sisters and was the only son in ham was the founder of the IPC; how- the family. He was saved in August, ever, my research indicates that he 1920, at the age of seventeen. Two was only one of its founders.) Abraham years prior to his conversion experi- was a schoolteacher, and was raised to ence, he married a Syrian Christian become a Syrian Orthodox priest. He named Mary. By 1924 he had com- became president of the IPC later, in pleted his theological training to 1939, and continued in that position become a priest. In 1926, he was bap- until his death in 1974. After the tized in water, which created a conflict demise of Abraham, P. M. Samuel was with his parents, and as a result, he president until he died in 1981. K. C. was excommunicated from his family. Cherian was also from the Syrian His excommunication led him to Orthodox Church and a teacher in the become a street evangelist in Ranny, church-run school. six miles away from his hometown.35 These three Syrian Christian lead- On September 20, 1929, he received ers left the Syrian church and formed the baptism of the Holy Spirit in a con- the South India Pentecostal Church of vention at Lunav in Ceylon (modern- God in Aranmual, Travancore (in pre- day Sri Lanka) where he had been sent-day Kerala). This is considered to invited by Pastor Paul (the founder of be the first indigenous Pentecostal the Ceylon Pentecostal Church). denomination in India.34 As this indige- Later, he heard the clarion call, ‘Samuel, Samuel, go to Andhra Pradesh and preach the Pentecostal 34 Paulson Pulikottil, ‘As East and West Met in God’s Own Country: Encounter of Western Pentecostalism with Native Pentecostalism in Kerala’ p. 1 [cited 23 May 2006]. Online: 35 Roger E. Hedlund, ed., Christianity is http://www.pctii.org/cyberj/cyberj10/paul- Indian: The Emergence of an Indigenous Com- son.html. munity (Delhi: ISPCK, 2004), p. 362. 28 Yabbeju (Jabez) Rapaka truth,’36 in a special fasting and prayer K.E Abraham. This was the genesis of meeting in 1932. As he was contem- The Indian Pentecostal Church of God plating his call to Andhra, suddenly he denomination in India. Samuel writes received an invitation from Brother T. in his autobiography: P. Gurupadam from Bandaru (Machili- I (P. M. Samuel) was ordained by patnam) urging him to come to Andhra. God as His apostle and I was sent The same year, Samuel left Travancore on His service to Tamilnadu in and came to Eluru in Andhra Pradesh, 1930. God spoke to me and ordered along with Brother R. Coal. They me to spread the gospel in the east started preaching the Pentecostal side where there were few message in a rented house. Many Christian churches. Pastor K.E. accepted their message, including Abraham was working in the midst Brother A. Manoharam, K.R. John and of people who speak Malayalam B.S. Lukeson, who were pioneer sup- (Kerala). Pastor Cheriyan was sent porters of their ministry. In 1935, K. E. to the Kannada-speaking people. Abraham and P. T. Chacko reached We started the Indian Pentecostal Eluru after their preaching tour in Church of God in 1934 and we gave North India, and met P. M. Samuel, this new name out of great enthusi- who had just returned from his tour of asm for the revival and glory of our Tamil Nadu. Lord. It was registered in 1935. On December 9, 1935, they regis- Before registration, it was known tered an organization called ‘The as the Indian Pentecostal Church of Indian Pentecostal Church of God’ South India. (emphasis added) with the government of India under the Societies Act XXI of 1860, with the reg- Chacko moved to Eluru in 1936 with istration number 9/1935-1936.37 his family and worked with Samuel. In Samuel, Abraham and Chacko were 1937, Samuel purchased a house in assisted by Bro. Lukeson, a clerk in the Eluru with the funds received from Registrar’s office, and Bro. John, a Swedish believers through Cherian and superintendent in the Irrigation Abraham when they went on a mission Department, in the registration trip. The house soon turned into a wor- process. All three shared the registra- ship centre and became the first church tion expenses. Samuel was chosen to of the IPC. Thus, the IPC church in be the president, Cherian, vice-presi- Eluru is the mother church to all other dent and Chacko, secretary.38 Hence IPC churches, both in India and other my contention is that P. M. Samuel was parts of the world. the co-founder of the IPC along with 5. Conclusion Even though the IPC was started 36 P.M. Samuel, Autobiography, p. 21. among the Telugus in Eluru in the 37 Hand Book: The Indian Pentecostal Church State of Andhra Pradesh, Eluru was of God (Kumbanad: IPC General Council Office, 1999), p. 8. never made the national headquarters 38 Hand Book: The Indian Pentecostal Church of the denomination because the of God, p. 9. founders of the IPC were Malayalis History of Indian Pentecostal Church of God in Andhra 29 from the State of Kerala. Later on, the Indian Pentecostal Church (IPC) Samuel moved to Vijayawada in 1940, being prominent among them.40 about 40 miles from Eluru, and made it And even after the demise of the the state headquarters for the IPC in first and second-generation leaders, Andhra Pradesh. Nevertheless, the the IPC in Andhra Pradesh is still expe- IPC originally began in Eluru with one riencing rapid numerical growth. At church, and today it has nearly 4,000 present, about every six days a new churches in both India and abroad, church is being pioneered. From this including the Gulf countries, the article it is evident that the Holy Spirit United States, Canada and Australia. has been at work all over the world, And in the State of Andhra Pradesh both in the U.S. and in India and other alone, the IPC currently has 660 parts of the globe simultaneously. churches with nearly 86,000 adher- Scholars from the East and the West ents.39 As Hedlund aptly says, Andhra alike need to continue to do research to Pradesh is the main centre of indige- bring to light other non-western Chris- nous movements in India today, more tian traditions which have also played so than Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, along a major role in the global Pentecostal with numerous indigenous Pentecostal movement like IPC. I hope this article and non-Pentecostal denominations, will be a stimulus for such explo- rations.

39 Hand Book: The Indian Pentecostal Church of God, p. 38. 40 Burgess, ed., NIDPC, p. 782.

Alexander Boddy Pentecostal Anglican Pioneer Gavin Wakefield European Pentecostalism was fortunate in having the wise and balanced leadership of the evangelical Anglican Alexander Boddy at its disposal during the formative years of the early 1900s. This well-researched and vivid book tells the story of how Boddy helped to define the doctrine and stance of the first generation of Pentecostals. Wakefield brings to life the vigorous discussion of charismata that occupied the minds of early Spirit-filled believers. He charts Boddy’s training, explains his beliefs and his spirituality, records his personal and pastoral work in the North-East of England and explains the style and direction of his leadership. Boddy was an important figure, even a great man, and now for the first time a full-length biography of his life and work is available. Gavin Wakefield is Deputy Warden of Cranmer Hall in Durham and Director of Mission and Pastoral Studies.

1-84227-346-9 / 229x152mm / 176pp / £17.99

Paternoster, 9 Holdom Avenue, Bletchley, Milton Keynes MK1 1QR, UK ERT (2007) 31:1, 30-42 Prayer Revivals and the Third Great Awakening

Walter Hampel

KEYWORDS: Revival, telegraph, news- revivals of the Third Great Awakening papers, prayer meetings, preaching, provide strong evidence that prayer is clergy, laity, Christian unity, repen- the key to any true revival. These were tance revivals birthed in prayer and international in scope. While not well-remembered one hundred fifty years later, the THE CALL FOR A spiritual revival of God’s number of people and church institu- people can be found as far back as bib- tions impacted remains enormous. lical times. This call is reflected in the soul-felt cry: ‘Revive us, and we will call on your name.’1 In the 18th cen- 1. Foundations in North tury, ‘concerts of prayer’ were pro- America moted by the American theologian The residual effects of the Second Jonathan Edwards and members of the Great Awakening in North America Scottish clergy. Their purpose was to laid the groundwork for the Revival of call the church to pray that God would 1857-1860. The preaching of Charles bring a true, heaven-sent revival. Finney was still in the memory of Edwards wrote: ‘this prophecy [Zech. Americans in the mid-1850s. In those 8:20-22] parallels many other prophe- years, the then future leader of the Ful- cies that speak of an extraordinary ton Street prayer meetings, Jeremiah spirit of prayer preceding that glorious Lanphier, came to Christ under day of revival and advancement of the Finney’s preaching. Finney’s preach- Church’s peace and prosperity.’2 The ing also strongly influenced Humphrey Jones, a Welsh expatriate living in 1 Ps. 80:18 NIV America, who would later return to 2 Jonathan Edwards, An Humble Attempt To Wales to preach there. Promote Explicit Agreement and Visible Union of The Second Great Awakening also God’s People in Extraordinary Prayer, gave birth to the Holiness Movement. accessed 4 It was founded on John Wesley’s theol- August, 2006. ogy of entire sanctification which held

Walter Hampel, who holds an MA from Ashland Theological Seminary, is a teacher in Troy, Michigan. His main area of teaching and writing is church history. He is currently working on contributions to a dictionary of heroes of the Protestant faith to be published in Italian and in English. He serves on the Missions Board of Troy Christian Chapel and is currently exploring how to bring a 24/7 prayer presence to his local community. Prayer Revivals and the Third Great Awakening 31 to the belief in ‘the complete orienta- the streets, the idea was suggested tion of the heart toward God and away to my mind that an hour of prayer, from sinning’.3 As early as 1840, from twelve to one o’clock, would Phoebe Palmer of New York City was a be beneficial to business men, who recognized leader of the movement. usually, in great numbers, take Along with her husband Walter, that hour for rest and refreshment.5 Phoebe preached in numerous holiness Lanphier distributed handbills revival meetings in the United States which announced a weekly prayer and Canada. meeting to be held at the North Dutch Church. It would begin at noon on 23 September, 1857, and last one hour. At 2. America at the start of the that first meeting, he was the only one 1857 Revival in attendance for the first half hour. In Deut. 8:10-18, God warned Israel When the meeting ended, six others not to forget him once they had settled had joined him. At the next meeting, 20 in the Promised Land and enjoyed its people attended. The following week, material prosperity. Similarly, mid- the attendance was between 30 to 40 1850s America enjoyed a booming individuals. Starting 8 October, 1857, economy. They too had slowly drifted the Fulton Street prayer meetings were from God in their material prosperity held daily. A stock market crash two as Israel did.4 In addition, the citizenry days later boosted attendance at the grew polarized and divided over the prayer meetings. The available rooms politics and morality of slavery. The of the church had filled. Within United States was in desperate need of months, thousands attended prayer revival. The start of the American meetings all over the city. The noonday revival is often traced to Jeremiah Lan- meetings overflowed into prayer meet- phier, who in July, 1857, was commis- ings held morning, noon and night. sioned by the Dutch North Church in A March, 1858 account of the New New York City as a lay missionary. He York revival indicated its scope. Prayer immediately sought the Lord’s guid- meetings were still occurring at the ance on how to reach the lost souls of Dutch North Church. On March 19th, New York. He settled upon the idea of news arrived of a Virginia man who a weekly prayer meeting to be held at organized noon time prayer in Rich- the Dutch North Church at Fulton and mond after attending the Fulton Street William Streets, only ten blocks from meetings. In several Indiana towns the then-future site of the World Trade ‘the progress of the revival was dis- Centre. In his journal, he wrote: tinctly marked’.6 Revival was occur- One day, as I was walking along ring in Boston, Springfield, Hoboken,

3 Christian History & Biography, Issue 82 5 Journal of Jeremiah Lanphier, found in (Carol Stream: Christianity Today Interna- Peter Marshall & David Manuel, Sounding tional, 2004), p. 2. Forth the Trumpet (Fleming H. Revell, Grand 4 The drift began with Israel’s first genera- Rapids, 1997), p. 417. tion in the Promised Land (Jud. 2:10). 6 New York Times, 20 March, 1858, p. 5. 32 Walter Hampel and numerous cities throughout Amer- hosts. It began with a desire for ica. Evidence of the revival could be prayer. God’s people began to found from the Atlantic to the Pacific pray;9 coasts. Converts were numbered in the Spurgeon desired similar revival in tens of thousands. England. He reminded his hearers that With the growing interest in the ‘the Holy Spirit will not come to us as revival, church buildings were no a church, unless we seek him’. He longer the only sites of the prayer noted that morning and evening prayer meetings. The New York Times had started in Norwich and other reported: ‘Churches are crowded; towns. Of them, Spurgeon commented: bank-directors rooms become orato- ‘The Lord hath put prayer into their ries; school houses are turned into hearts and therefore they were willing 7 chapels.’ Places associated with to come.’ worldliness became sites of prayer. In 1859, Dr. B. Evans delivered a One example was Burton’s Theatre in lecture in Scarborough, England, enti- New York. The Times’ account stated: tled ‘The American Revivals’. It ‘Instead of noisy laughter, excited by recounted the details of the revival in play-actors, in low comedy and farce, the United States. Evans observed: those present listen quietly and seri- ‘The work originated with, and has ously to earnest words from earnest been sustained by, prayer. This is its men on the most solemn and earnest of universal characteristic; and the fact 8 themes.’ admits of no doubt.’10 He asked his audience to ponder several questions. 3. News of the Revival First, he asked: ‘Do we need such a revival, such manifest and manifold Crosses the Atlantic Ocean tokens of the power of the Divine News of the revival in the United States Spirit?’11 His implicit answer was ‘yes’. soon reached across the Atlantic. He pointed to opportunities to spread Charles Spurgeon mentioned the the gospel in previously closed lands revival during a sermon in June, 1858, such as China, Japan and the ‘wilds of making reference to the noon prayer Africa’. Yet, English society had services in Philadelphia. He observed: devolved into ignorance and indiffer- …this great work in America has ence. Evans painfully noted: been manifestly caused by the outpouring of the Spirit, for no one minister has been a leader in it. All 9 Charles Spurgeon, The Outpouring of the the ministers of the gospel have co- Holy Spirit, 20 June, 1858, accessed 1 have stood in the van. God himself July, 2006. has been the leader of his own 10 B. Evans, The American Revivals, accessed 3 July, 2006. 8 New York Times, 20 March, 1858, p. 5. 11 B. Evans, American Revivals Prayer Revivals and the Third Great Awakening 33

Upon millions in this land of ours accidentally overheard a conversation religious truth has exerted no sav- between two women. The first one had ing influence…. Glance for a a reputation for discussing predestina- moment at the majority in our con- tion. As she steered the conversation gregations, gradually ripening for toward predestination, the other perdition under the ministry of the woman, Mrs Colville of Gateshead, Word, perishing amidst the atmos- knew about this woman. Colville phere of prayer, and dying within replied: ‘You have never known the sight of the fountain of healing and Lord Jesus.’13 The effect of those words eternal life! on the first woman is unknown. How- ever, the words strongly convicted Evans further asked: ‘If a revival is McQuilken. He was a professing Chris- needed, the second question I would tian. Yet, he believed Colville’s rebuke ask is not less vital and thrilling in its applied to him too. After two weeks, he interest—can we have one?’ He found peace in Christ. Over the next answered his question with another: year, James McQuilken studied the ‘Why not?’ He reminded his hearers Bible and read the writings of the that God is not the God of America famous prayer warrior, George Müller. only. His shower of revival blessings McQuilken had also heard of the was not exhausted upon America and revival in the United States. All these Canada. His third and final question: factors prompted him to ask: ‘Why may ‘Will you seek one [revival]?’ He chal- we not have such a blessed work here, lenged his audience to adopt the think- seeing that God did such great things ing that ‘Holier and higher motives for Mr. Müller, simply in answer to must prompt our actions, and mould prayer.’14 our character’. Evans’ concluding McQuilken prayed that God would advice was not to ‘force the great work. have him meet with those liked-minded Let God appear.’ It could not be done about prayer. Through McQuilken’s through human effort. It should not be influence, Jeremiah Meneely became a impeded by pride, selfishness and van- Christian. These two men along with ity. For it to be true revival, it must be John Wallace and Robert Carlisle (the God’s work. ‘Kells Four’) began to pray together every Friday night at the Kells Antrim 4. The Revival in Other

Countries 13 William Henry Harding, The Ulster Revival of 1859, Chapter 1 In the Irish town of Ballymena in accessed 30 June, 2006. November, 1856, James McQuilken12 14 Arthur T. Pierson, George Müller of Bristol and His Witness to a Prayer Hearing God, Chap- ter 23. God’s Witness To The Work (Old Tap- 12 The Ulster Revival of 1859 by William pan: Fleming H. Revell, 1899) accessed 13 August, 2006. 34 Walter Hampel

Schoolhouse, in the parish of Connor, away, and I stand before you this in the autumn of 1857. At their fellow- day not as a pattern of profligacy, ship meetings, they engaged ‘in read- but a monument of the perfect ing of the Scriptures, prayer, and grace of God. I stand here to tell mutual exhortation’.15 During this you that God’s work on Calvary is time, the number of local converts perfect. Yes, I have proved it. His grew steadily. work is perfect.16 In early 1859, James McQuilken and Some Irish clerics challenged the Jeremiah Meneely conducted prayer legitimacy of the revival, referring to it meetings at Presbyterian churches in as a delusion of Satan. One convert Ahoghill, Ballymena and Belfast. Soon, responded that it must then be the prayer meetings could not be confined work of a new devil as the old devil to church buildings. Meetings took wouldn’t do anything like this. Another place where the people could physi- convert wryly observed: ‘Certainly, it cally gather. It might be an inside loca- was not Satan who took me away from tion such as a barn or school. It might whiskey drinking.’17 be an outside location such as a high- way, quarry or open field. The revival Wales spread throughout Ireland. Over the next few years, Ulster, Londonderry, News of the American revival was the Coleraine, Bellaghy and Ballyclare felt impetus for many in Wales to pray that its effects. Prayer meetings would God would bring revival to them. often go on all night. At Belfast’s Humphrey Jones, a Welsh-born Botanic Garden, twenty thousand had preacher, ministered to Welsh settlers gathered, with Bibles and hymnbooks in America. While there, he saw the in hand. A minister at Ballymena rec- effects of revival and wanted it for his ognized an irony. Once, it had been dif- homeland. Jones returned to his native ficult to get people in the church. The village of Tre’rddol to begin preaching. difficulty now was in getting them out. He partnered with Calvinistic The revival generated a change in Methodist minister David Morgan. At Ireland’s moral character. In one place first, Morgan did not agree with Jones’ direct approach to prayer and the after another, people became convicted gospel. They agreed that they could not of their sinfulness. They cried out to ‘do much harm by keeping prayer- Christ for mercy. They rejoiced in the meetings’.18 They started nightly meet- burden of sin lifted from them in Christ. ings, alternating between the Wes- In Broughshane, an individual who had lived a life of alcohol abuse for over fifty years experienced conversion. He testified: 16 Harding, Ulster Revival, Chapter 2. My heavy and enormous sin is all 17 Harding, Ulster Revival, Chapter 2. gone, the Lord Jesus took it all 18 J. B. Johnston, The prayer-meeting, and its history,: as identified with the life and power of godliness, and the revival of religion (Pittsburgh: United Presbyterian Board of Publication, 15 Pierson, Witness. 1870), p. 272. Prayer Revivals and the Third Great Awakening 35 leyan and Calvinistic Methodist indicated that the winds of revival had churches. David Morgan eventually reached the Glasgow region. It assumed leadership responsibilities. reported: Humphrey Jones had begun prophesy- The Holy Spirit has been manifest- ing a date-specific visible return of the ing His gracious power in a remark- Holy Spirit and start of the Millen- able manner in this neighbourhood 19 nium. Along with a failed prophecy, during the last few days. Our read- Jones’ preaching regimen damaged his ers are aware that ever since the health. Thus, Morgan was forced into a news of the great revival in more prominent role in the revival. America reached Scotland, prayer- News of the revival in America also meetings for the purpose of implor- prompted the Methodist annual assem- ing a similar blessing, have been bly of 1858 held in Aberdeen to set held in Glasgow, as well as in other aside Sunday, 1 August, 1858 ‘by all places.23 the churches and congregations of our association, to pray unitedly and The United Presbyterian Church earnestly for the outpouring of God’s reported 25 per cent of their communi- Spirit’.20 The weekly prayer meetings cants were involved in private prayer 24 became daily in February, 1859. Like meetings. During Scotland’s Free the American and Irish revivals, trans- Church General Assembly of May, denominational cooperation was a 1861, the clergy were polled. Of 169 hallmark of the Welsh revival. William ministers/probationers polled, 86 Griffiths recorded: ‘All religious reported revival activity. They noted denominations are cordially united in that past revivals were regional. Yet social prayer-meetings.’21 A distinct the revival in progress seemed to be aspect of the Welsh revival was a loud, spreading throughout Scotland. sounding forth of praise to God. On the The revival which C. H. Spurgeon night of 3 September, 1859, a corre- prayed for arrived in England. He spondent for the Welsh Standard noted: preached on revival several times in ‘After the meetings had passed away, those years. He visited Ireland in Janu- loud praises were heard in the sur- ary, 1860 to witness the revival there. rounding fields till midnight—one of He told his Exeter Hall congregation: the most wonderful things we ever wit- It has been my lot these last six nessed.’22 years to preach to crowded congregations, and to see many, many Scotland and England souls brought to Christ; but this The Scottish Guardian in August, 1859

23 Johnston, The prayer-meeting, p. 266. 19 Eifon Evans, Fire in the Thatch (Bryntirion, 24 J Edwin Orr, The Awakening of 1859 in Bridgend, Wales: Evangelical Press of Wales, Britain and Elsewhere, (audio sermon) 1996), p. 200. accessed 20 July, 22 Johnston, The prayer-meeting, p. 275. 2006. 36 Walter Hampel

week I have seen what mine eyes tor, suspicious of the revival’s validity, have never before beheld, used as I believed that those converted were ‘no am to extraordinary things…God is [real] churchmen’.27 William Booth about to send times of surprising preached in Gateshead. He conducted fertility to his Church.25 prayer meetings, preached three times Other English ministers and lay per- each Sunday and four times on week- sons visited Ireland to study and days. His chapel, attended by two thou- observe the revival. In London, this led sand, developed the nickname: ‘The to increased numbers of prayer meet- Converting Shop’. Booth also preached ings and instructional meetings to at outdoor revival meetings. reach the spiritually lost of London. London’s experience was similar to Australia New York’s regarding the use of build- The revival in Australia followed simi- ings for the prayer meetings. Robert lar patterns to those in the United Lescelius tells us:. Kingdom. Religious publications Great crowds gathered for prayer spread the news about the revival. and evangelistic preaching in such News of the American revival arrived places as St. Paul’s Cathedral and by June 1858. The Christian Advocate Westminster Abbey (100,000 and Wesleyan Record contained a aggregate in the latter). Theaters detailed account of the New York were used to house the crowds, revival. These newspaper reports, as such meetings being convened both well as personal observations by by the Church of England and the British immigrants, brought accounts Free Churches.26 of the American and British revivals to Several English ministers became Australia. Though news of the revivals famous for their role in the revival. was already six months old, there was William Haslam ministered at St. a growing sense among the faithful in John’s, Hayle during the height of the Australia to ask God to bring revival to revival. He was converted by his own their land. As in America, Ireland and 1851 sermon on conversion. It must be Wales, inter-denominational prayer remembered that some of the clergy meetings for revival were held in did not support the revival. This numerous cities across Australia.28 caused Haslam’s dismissal from his Though the call for revival crossed post at Hayle immediately after a successful period of evangelism. His rec- 27 William Haslam, From Death Unto Life, < http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14578/14578 25 Charles Spurgeon, A Revival Sermon, 26 .txt> accessed on 25 July, 2006. January, 1860, 28 Robert Evans, Early Evangelical Revivals accessed 20 July, 2006. accessed 4 0in%20Australia%201%20to%205.doc> August, 2006. accessed 22 July, 2006. Prayer Revivals and the Third Great Awakening 37 denominational lines, the infrastruc- a void of over two years in their record ture of the Methodist ‘circuits’ played of the revival. a large role in how the prayer meetings In the Australian revivals, the were conducted. Unlike the United clergy played a larger role than in States, where the prayer meetings America or Ireland. John Watsford quickly outgrew the church buildings, preached in revival services before Australian prayer meetings were typi- 1859. So did Tom Brown, a former cally held in churches. Some were held prize fighter who experienced his own in other facilities, such as school revival after a post-conversion strug- rooms and meeting halls of organiza- gle with alcohol. William ‘California’ tions such as the Young Men’s Christ- Taylor preached revival services ian Association. across Australia during the 1860s Revivals occurred in a number of (Taylor was from the California Circuit locations across Australia. Newtown, which earned him his nickname). In Sydney, Botany Bay, Parramatta, the course of preaching along a circuit, Windsor, the Turon Gold Fields and the Taylor was known to stay in one loca- Manning River were only a handful of tion for extended periods, an innova- the locations which experienced tion on John Wesley’s approach of revival. Not all aspects of the revival in preaching only once or twice at a loca- Australia were documented in the tion. newspapers of the time, either secular The revival spread to other areas as or religious. The situation was similar well. Historical records indicate signs to the chronicling of the American of awakening in Germany, Norway, revivals. Contemporary accounts Sweden, India, Jamaica and South found in the major New York newspa- Africa. Paris was the sight of a revival pers as well as books such as Samuel which started among its English- Prime’s The Power of Prayer, became speaking residents.30 The South the publicly-known ‘de-facto’ history of African revivals involved Andrew Mur- the movement. It eventually became ray, who would go on to greater recog- clear that other accounts and perspec- nition in the Holiness Movement, as tives of the revivals were preserved in well as ‘California’ Taylor (who had media such as personal journals. preached in the Australian revival). Kathryn Long points to this in referring to the historical glimpses which come ‘from diaries, memoirs, and other 5. A Quieter Revival Led by accounts’.29 Gaps in reporting did exist. Clergy and Laity The Christian Advocate and Wesleyan The Third Great Awakening reflected a Record, was not published between large degree of lay leadership. Jere- January 1862 and March 1864, leaving miah Lanphier was a lay missionary. James McQuilken, the Kells Four and Phoebe Palmer were lay leaders. 29 Kathryn Teresa Long, The Revival of 1857- Despite resistance from some of the 58: Interpreting an American Religious Awaken- ing (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 46. 30 Johnston, The prayer-meeting, pp. 280-281. 38 Walter Hampel clergy (i.e. Roman Catholic in Ireland, Robert Evans noted: high-church Anglican clergy in Eng- During the revival which took place land), there was remarkable coopera- at Jerriwa Creek in the year 1858, tion between clergy and laity during or ’59, there was considerable this revival. Lay persons were often excitement and more noise than prayer meeting leaders. Ministers commended itself to some critics. would often preach at the prayer meet- In defence of these manifestations ings. The large number of people of the Holy Spirit’s workings, he involved required this level of coopera- [revival preacher Old Tom Brown] tion. The Irish clergy, for example, preached a memorable sermon on relied on the help of the laity as the ‘The Valley of the Dry Bones’. His number of people seeking salvation in text was Ezekiel 37:7. He said in Christ was in the thousands. effect, where there is life there will Another feature of the revivals was be noise, and so when the breath of their quiet demeanour. In Ireland, God’s Spirit moved upon the slain, there were those who openly cried out and bone came to his bone, there to God as they became convinced of was clattering and noise enough; their sinfulness. Sorrow for their sin and so, when the Spirit of the Lord stopped them in their tracks. When moves upon men who are spiritual- Jonathan Edwards gave his famous ly dead, and arouses them to a new sermon, ‘Sinners in the Hands of an life, there will be some noise and Angry God’, a similar reaction was outward manifestations of the new observed. During that service in July, life within.32 1741, there were loud cries to God by those begging his mercy and forgive- The other incident concerned a ness. dream of Mrs McDonald of Sydney. She However, the 1740s American prayed and fasted for a revival in Syd- revival and several others in American ney. In a dream, she saw a messenger history (i.e. Cane Ridge in 1801, from God riding above the city in a Brownsville in 1995) had those who chariot without horses. He was ‘sow- manifested barking, roaring and ing seed broadcast, and proclaiming in uncontrolled laughter. These phenom- the name of the Lord’.33 In her dream, ena were absent from the 1857 she was careful to remember the mes- revivals. The New York Times reported: senger’s face. She believed that this ‘All this great movement goes on more- would be the man God was sending in over quietly; there is but little nervous response to her prayer. She later excitement or extravagance so far as recounted this to ‘California’ Taylor, we have heard.’31 when he came to York Street Wesleyan Two unusual incidents in Australia Church. She said: ‘As soon as I entered will be examined here. One may reflect the door and saw you standing by the a level of fanaticism. The other may pulpit I recognised you at a glance as bear the mark of the supernatural.

32 R. Evans, Revivals in Australia. 31 New York Times, 20 March, 1858, p. 4. 33 R. Evans, Revivals in Australia. Prayer Revivals and the Third Great Awakening 39 the man I had seen in the Gospel char- or happened simultaneously and inde- iot three months ago.’34 pendent of Fulton Street. The Cana- dian revivals in Toronto and Hamilton led by the Palmers in the summer and 6. Christian Unity and autumn of 1857 were independent of Expansion the New York revival. There were calls This set of revivals was marked by to prayer for revival in Ireland as early strong unity of Christian believers in as 1855. The Fulton Street revival was the arranging and organizing of the a catalyst for the revivals which hap- prayer meetings. The demonstration of pened across the world. History is unity was primarily among the Protes- clear that God had already prepared tant groups. Yet, the working together other nations for revival by calls to of Methodists (Wesleyan and Calvin- prayer or through local revivals. ist), Presbyterians, Baptists and others in these revivals was evidence that more than human ingenuity was at 7. Technology and the Media work. Such unity was seen as evidence The technology of the 1850s played a of the Holy Spirit’s influence. Denomi- major role in the spread of the revival. national differences were not ignored The telegraph, already in use for over a or obliterated. Often, compromises decade, allowed news of the revival to were arranged to continue a prayer travel at the speed of electrons through meeting (i.e. the alternating control of a copper wire. In the United States, some London prayer meetings by news items concerning revival events Anglican and Free Church clergy). in New York or Philadelphia were Denominational differences were con- relayed to cities further west via the sidered important but secondary to the telegraph, possibly on the same day purpose of seeking God’s face in they occurred. Those holding prayer prayer. meetings at Philadelphia’s Jayne’s One might expect the model of the Hall and those holding meetings in revival’s spread to be like a lightning three New York City locations were in strike in a forest. In this model, a sin- daily telegraphic communication to gle bolt sets one tree ablaze with sur- keep each other informed of the news rounding trees catching fire afterward. of the revival.35 Such a model accounts for some but The impact of the telegraph on not all of the aspects of the 1857 Christianity in America was enormous. revivals. While there is a definite The widespread use of the Internet and spread of the revival from the Fulton electronic mail during the 1990s pro- Street meetings in New York, the foun- vides some degree of contemporary dations for the other revivals were comparison. The telegraph’s perceived already being laid. In some cases, potential for real-time communication revivals had occurred shortly before across vast distances was understood (i.e. Australian revivals in 1854-1857) in millennial terms. In 1850, a writer

34 R. Evans, Revivals in Australia. 35 New York Times, 20 March, 1858, p. 5. 40 Walter Hampel for a women’s Methodist magazine newspapers began coverage. Religious said: newspapers assisted the spread of the This noble invention is to be the revival too. These publications not only means of extending civilization, helped to inform other Christians of the republicanism and Christianity over revivals but also inspired them to pray the earth… Then will wrong and that similar graces would be visited injustice be forever banished. Every upon them. They also served to provide yoke shall be broken, and the patterns of how the organization of oppressed go free… Then shall prayer meetings could be imitated. come to pass the millennium36 Technology played a role in how the In 1858, Trans-Atlantic telegraph news of revival crossed the oceans. service was about to begin. The poten- With the rise of the steamship, passage tial for real-time communication across the Atlantic could be made in across the Atlantic Ocean was mind- less than two weeks. It no longer took boggling. In August, cable operations three or more months when ships began. They included congratulatory depended on winds and current to greetings between Queen Victoria and make the same passage. The news of U.S. President James Buchanan. When revival was still fresh when it reached news of the start of Trans-Atlantic the other shore. telegraph service reached an assembly Lastly, the news spread from person at Andover Seminary, a chorus was to person. The history of these revivals sung: ‘Jesus shall reign where e’er the is replete with accounts of those who sun.’37 Unfortunately, the potential of attended prayer meetings in one city the Trans-Atlantic telegraph to spread and transferred that news and desire to news of the revival was short-lived. another city or country (i.e. Humphrey The cable overloaded and stopped Jones). The revival movement was working less than a month later. regarded at the time as a type of 19th Newspapers were another means by century Pentecost.38 In the Pentecost which revival information spread. account of Acts 2, Jewish pilgrims vis- Numerous American newspapers cov- iting Jerusalem heard the gospel and ered the revivals. The New York papers carried it to the reaches of the Roman started their coverage in February, Empire. In the same way, over eigh- 1858. While the secular newspapers teen centuries later, the gospel of aided the spread of the revival in the Christ and revival were also carried to United States, they were not the earli- the nations by personal contact. est catalysts. Thousands were already attending noon prayer meetings in New York before any of the city’s major 8. Lasting Effects The Third Great Awakening had many enduring effects. Church membership 36 James H. Moorhead, The Millennium and dramatically increased, especially in the Media, found in Communication and Change in American Religious History (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993), p. 222. 37 Moorhead, Media, p. 222. 38 Johnston, The prayer-meeting, p. 274. Prayer Revivals and the Third Great Awakening 41 the United States.39 The Holiness pouring of the Spirit of God.’41 Movement, birthed before the 1857 In 1723, Herrnhut was founded revivals, played a significant role in where the borders of current day Ger- those revivals and did so well into the many, Poland and the Czech Republic 19th century. Phoebe Palmer, who led converge. Herrnhut, (German for ‘The the Canadian revivals of 1857 also Watch of the Lord’), provided a haven preached in the British Isles in 1859. for outcast evangelical believers to The Holiness Movement spread practise their faith unhindered by polit- throughout America and into Britain. ical impediments. In late August, The Keswick Movement, established in 1727, 24 men and 24 women of Herrn- 1875, was a British development of the hut covenanted to maintain an ‘hourly Holiness Movement. Its stated pur- intercession’ in which prayer would be pose was to be a ‘Convention for the offered during every hour of the day. Promotion of Practical Holiness’.40 They understood their prayers as an Many of those who preached during offering rising to the Lord on an altar the revivals continued to make an whose fire should not go out.42 The impact on the world. Andrew Murray, number of those involved in hourly who preached in the South African intercessions grew. These prayers con- revival, became a part of the Keswick tinued for over a century. Movement. William Booth, who Within fifteen years, Herrnhut sent preached in the English revival, missionaries to North America, founded the Salvation Army in 1878. Turkey, the Virgin Islands and other Dwight L. Moody, who began his sites at a time when Protestant mis- preaching career during the American sions had not fully begun. The calm of revivals, continued to evangelize their missionaries in the midst of a throughout the United States, Canada, storm during an ocean voyage England, Scotland and Ireland to the attracted John Wesley’s attention. end of the 19th century. Their theology and practice were instrumental in changing Wesley into the powerful preacher who ministered 9. Prayer Revivals of the Past to England as a circuit rider for the A call to prayer, as well as ongoing next fifty years. prayer itself, has often preceded numerous occurrences of God-given revival. Robert Evans observes: ‘There 10. The Call for Revivals in is one great lesson which the revivals 1857 and in the Present of the past seem to teach us all. It is Prior to the Fulton Street Revival in this, that a spirit of expectation and New York, there were calls for awak- desire has often preceded a great out- ening among the Baptist and

39 Long, Revival of 1857, pp. 144-150. 41 R. Evans, Revivals in Australia. 40 J. Robertson McQuilken, ‘The Keswick 42 The Herrnhut community view Leviticus Perspective’ found in Five Views of Sanctifica- 6:8-13 as a biblical pattern for such round the tion (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1987), p. 153. clock prayer. 42 Walter Hampel

Methodist clergy in America. During a third instance is that of the 24/7 Prayer revival which occurred in mid 1857, Movement. Its origins in England in the congregation of Anson Street Pres- 1999 have been chronicled in Red byterian Church of Charleston, South Moon Rising. This movement is linked Carolina prayed for spiritual awaken- by print literature and the Internet ing. The Presbyterian Church in the . It United States of America recorded in promotes the development of 24/7 the minutes of their 1857 General Prayer Rooms with the understanding Assembly: that ‘when thousands of people all over the world spontaneously develop such This longing for revivals we cannot a longing for God’s presence that they but consider a cheering indication will rise in the night and sacrifice food, of the noblest life. Next to a state of such a hunger comes from God alone’.45 actual revival is the sense of its The revivals of the Third Great need, and the struggle to attain it Awakening as well as other known at any sacrifice of treasure, toil, or revivals in church history are more time. We trust that the period is not than items for mere historical or theo- distant, when this state of actual, logical study. In the late 1850s, those general, glorious revival shall be who heard about the revivals did not ours.43 respond with indifference. They Dr. A. T. Pierson’s words apply desired that God would grant them the here: ‘There has never been a spiritual same blessing. As we read these awakening in any country or locality accounts, may our attitudes toward that did not begin in united prayer.’44 this subject be more than merely his- In our time, similar calls to prayer torical or theological. He who was God have been issued. In the United States, in 1857 is also God in 2007. May we organizations such as Intercessors for pray that in our time and our nations America have been rallying Christians God would visit us in revival as he did in America to pray for revival as well as our ancestors of one-hundred fifty providing information about key indi- years ago. The world has changed dra- viduals and events needing prayer. In matically in one-hundred fifty years. England, the London Prayer Net < The human need to know and relate to God in prayer has not. ‘Will you not http://www.londonprayer.net/> uses revive us again, that your people may the Internet to coordinate round the rejoice in you? Show us your unfailing clock prayer for the city of London. A love, O LORD, and grant us your salvation.’46

43 Minutes of the General Assembly of the Pres- byterian Church of the United States of America (New York: Presbyterian Church of the United States of America, 1857), p. 418. 45 Pete Greig & Dave Roberts, Red Moon Ris- 44 J. Edwin Orr, ‘Prayer and Revival’ in ing (Lake Mary, Florida: Relevant Books, Renewal Journal #1 (Brisbane, Australia: 2003), p. 251. Christian Heritage College, 1993), p.13. 46 Ps. 85:6-7 NIV. ERT (2007) 31:1, 43-59 Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859

David W. Bebbington

KEYWORDS: Fishing industry, Andrew awakenings of the period 1858-62 in Bonar, Ulster, physical phenomena, the north-east of Scotland, Ken Jeffrey visions, Romanticism, Calvinism, New has shown that revivalism was an England theology, worldviews internally variegated phenomenon reflecting the work patterns and social structures of different adjacent areas.2 REVIVALISM, ACCORDING to a jaundiced In a second book Janice Holmes has correspondent of the Montrose Review laid bare how contested were the prac- in 1859, was ‘a vortex of mad excite- tices of the Ulster Revival of 1859, with ment’, usually ‘the result of mental some commentators in Britain as well derangement’.1 Revivals are often as Ireland condemning what others thought to be irrational affairs, hyster- approved.3 ical outbursts of unleashed emotion Revivals, it is clear from these that are devoid of intellectual content. accounts, were complicated happen- Consequently they are often dismissed ings which sympathetic Evangelicals by historians as hardly worth examina- assessed in different ways. The pre- tion. Two recent works, however, go a sent study, which is based on a single long way towards showing how mis- revival in the village of Ferryden con- conceived are the historical neglect and the disdainful estimate on which it is based. In an examination of the 2 K.S. Jeffrey, When the Lord Walked the Land: The 1858-62 Revival in the North East of Scot- land (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2002). 3 Janice Holmes, Religious Revivals in Britain 1 Montrose Review [hereafter MR], 4 Novem- and Ireland, 1859-1905 (Dublin: Irish Acade- ber 1859, p. 6. mic Press, 2000), chaps 1 and 2.

David W. Bebbington, M.A., Ph.D., F.R.Hist.S., is Professor of History, University of Stirling, Scotland, where he has taught since 1976. His principal research interests are in the contemporary history of politics, religion, ideas and society in Britain, and the history of the global Evangelical movement. His books include Evangelicalism in Modern Britain (1989), and The Dominance of Evangelicalism (2005). He is at present working on a study of global religious revivals in the Victorian period. This paper was first published in Geoffrey R. Treloar and Robert D. Linder (editors), Making History for God: Essays on Evangelicalism, Revival and Mission in honour of Stuart Piggin Master of Robert Menzies College 1990-2004 (Sydney: Robert Menzies College, 2004. pp 347-366, and is printed here with the permission of the author, editor and publishers. 44 David W. Bebbington temporary with those researched by careful estimate, to some two hundred Jeffrey and Holmes, takes their analy- professions of conversion. A local min- sis a step further by exploring the ideas ister, William Nixon, went round tran- of the people involved in the awaken- scribing the experience of twenty-four ing. It examines the contrasting atti- of the converts from their own lips.5 tudes of various groups of preachers Thus, very unusually, we have an and converts participating in the insight into the mental world of the events at Ferryden, bringing out their converts as well as knowing a good differences of opinion and identifying deal about those who preached the roots of their disagreements. It amongst them. The Ferryden revival is tries to suggest that around a minor therefore particularly rewarding for episode rival worldviews came into col- careful scrutiny. lision. In the microcosm of Ferryden It will first be useful to outline the we can witness a clash of some of the course of events. During October and cultural forces that competed for the into November 1859 there was a series soul of Victorian Britain. of twice weekly evangelistic meetings in the village run by laymen from Mon- trose.6 A few individuals, including two 1. The Revival at Ferryden of the cases whose testimony was Ferryden is a village near the mouth of recorded by Nixon, became anxious the River South Esk facing the port of about their souls and underwent con- Montrose on the north bank. The vil- version in their own homes.7 On lage stands within the parish of Craig Wednesday 9 November a gentleman and in the county which in the nine- evangelist who was due to preach in teenth century was called Forfarshire Montrose, Hay Macdowall Grant, vis- but which is now known as Angus, on ited Ferryden and was pressed to hold the east coast of Scotland about half a meeting.8 A former West Indies mer- way between Dundee to the south-west chant as well as an Aberdeenshire and Aberdeen to the north. Like most laird, Grant was used to making pre- other coastal settlements in the region, cise calculations of the spiritual tem- the village had an economy that was perature of a place. He was said to have based almost entirely on exploiting the ‘computed the influence of the Holy North Sea. In 1855 there were sixty- Spirit in fractions’.9 eight boats and 186 fishermen in a village of about 1200 souls, with many of the other men in related work and nearly all the women regularly occu- 5 William Nixon, An Account of the Work of pied in baiting lines.4 The revival there God at Ferryden, 2nd edn (London, 1860), p. in 1859 made a profound impact on the 17. community, leading, according to a 6 William Mitchell, Brief but Bright Wilderness Journey (Montrose, 1860), p. 8. 7 Nixon, Account, pp. 18, 25. 8 Montrose Standard [hereafter MS], 11 4 P.F. Anson, Fishing Boats and Fisher Folk on November 1859, p. 5. the East Coast of Scotland (London: J.M. Dent, 9 Charlotte E. Woods, Memoirs and Letters of 1930), p. 269. Canon Hay Aitken (London, 1928), p. 80. Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859 45

Recognising that Ferryden was ripe and counsel the anxious. There was for significant developments, he vis- scarcely a day without a packed ited again two days later and returned evening meeting down to the end of the following evening to preach, warn- December.15 For a few weeks Ferryden ing the members of the congregation to was the talk of Scotland. consider what would be the result of The spirit of an earlier revival was dying that night as unbelievers.10 While behind the outburst of 1859. The Free Grant was speaking, five people fell Church of Scotland, which alone was down with prostrations. Crowds represented in Ferryden, saw itself as thronged to hear another address by the champion of revivals, for Kilsyth, Grant on the Sunday evening, and, Dundee and elsewhere had been though there were no prostrations dur- marked by awakenings during the ‘Ten ing the sermon, there were more cases Years’ Struggle’, the period immedi- at an after meeting for serious enquir- ately before the Disruption of 1843 ers.11 On the Monday, as a convert when the Free Church was in gesta- recalled, ‘all the town was in a stir’.12 tion. In the autumn of 1846, there was On the Tuesday, the Free Church min- a movement in the Free Church of Fer- ister preached in the evening on the ryden itself. Andrew Bonar, the biogra- wages of sin and the gift of God. One pher of the earlier revivalist Robert fisherman found himself ‘seized with a Murray McCheyne and himself an terrible shake’, sank into a semi- eager participant in awakenings, was comatose state for a quarter of an hour summoned to help with counselling the and felt a great gloom before springing distressed. In September Bonar was up with thankfulness to God for his aware of thirty who were deeply con- goodness.13 On the following evening victed of sin, and two months later, during a calm address, when, as it was when he returned to assist the minister said, there was ‘as little to excite as in conduct a communion, he discovered the ordinary preachings’, men and that some had ‘found rest, though most women were ‘overwhelmed, crying out, are still tossed with tempests’.16 One in and falling down’.14 Subsequently there this category, a young girl who had was less public display but there was a been deeply swayed but not trans- continuing series of nightly meetings formed by the events of 1846, reached attended by many professions of con- that point as a mother in the revival of version. Sightseers flocked to Ferry- 1859. The texts and hymns she had den, earnest lay evangelists made a learned in the earlier episode returned beeline for the village and ministers to her mind thirteen years on.17 The were drafted in from outside to preach precedent of the first awakening smoothed the way for the second.

10 Mrs Gordon, Hay Macdowall Grant of Arndilly (London, 1876), p. 135. A, p. 49. 15 MS, 30 December 1859, p. 5. 11 MS, 18 November 1859, p. 5. 16 Diary for 20 November 1846, in Marjory 12 Nixon, Account, p. 52. Bonar (ed.), Andrew A. Bonar, D. D.: Diary and 13 Nixon, Account, p. 43. Letters (London, 1893), p. 99. 14 Nixon, Account, p. 31. 17 Nixon, Account, p. 34. 46 David W. Bebbington

Revivals elsewhere, however, measure inspired by what had hap- played an even larger part. In the new pened in northern Ireland. village reading room the people found newspaper accounts of the Business- men’s Revival of 1858 in America and 2. The Fishing Community then of the powerful Ulster Revival of The types of people involved in pro- 1859.18 On 9 November, the day when moting the Ferryden revival were all Grant arrived in Ferryden, two corre- species of Evangelicals. They can be spondents of the Montrose Review took divided, however, into very different up their pens to defend revivals against groups, and to their analysis we must a critic in the newspaper who was at now turn. In the first place there were least as convinced as they were that those who were converted among the one was coming.19 Anticipation of fisherfolk. The fishing community, revival was in the air. So it is not sur- conditioned as it was by the life of the prising that the first Ferryden convert sea, generated a distinctive set of atti- interviewed by Nixon explained that tudes. Some of the most compelling her initial experience took place while experiences during the awakening speaking to her sister about ‘what was took place in the North Sea. One fish- going on in Ireland’.20 Crucially, among erman, while shooting out a baited line, the Scots who flocked over to witness heard beautiful music that was the pre- the scenes in Ulster was the lay secre- lude to an awareness of Christ in the tary of the interdenominational Mon- boat.22 The great waters were also the trose Home Mission named Mudie and source of imagery used by fisherfolk to a group of friends from the area. On express their experience. A woman, in their return, inspired by what they had describing her conversion, felt that her seen, Mudie and his party held meet- sins were forgiven. ‘And’, she contin- ings in Ferryden urging the people to ued, ‘looking out from the window seek salvation and look for revival on there to the ocean, I saw Him take the Ulster pattern. The first convert them all from off me, and cast them heard an address by Mudie, who also into the depths of the sea.’23 The perils prayed with her. It was Mudie who threatening seafarers were a signifi- took Grant on his first visit to Ferry- cant factor in fostering a sense of ulti- den, forging the link that was to pre- mate issues. Six of the converts spoke cipitate the first outbreak of religious of their thoughts about death as a pre- excitement.21 There can be no doubt cipitant of their change of direction. that the Ferryden revival was in large Apprehensions about the future con- centrated on death rather than hell, which, like heaven, was mentioned in only two testimonies. According to the 18 Nixon, Account, pp. 13-14. stereotypes of revival, the prevailing 19 MR, 4 November 1859, p. 6; 11 November 1859, p. 6; 18 November 1859, p. 6. preoccupation should have been with 20 Nixon, Account, p. 18. 21 MR, 11 November 1859, p. 4. Mitchell, Wilderness Journey, pp. 7, 8, 12. Gordon, Grant, 22 Nixon, Account, p. 62. p. 135. 23 Nixon, Account, p. 54. Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859 47 the terrors of hell, but in reality the risk explained, ‘till the neighbours heard of death, so much nearer everyday me’ and some of them came in.27 Most experience, was much more prominent significantly, the report of the conver- in the Ferryden mind. sion of a young married woman in the The physical constitution of the vil- early hours of Saturday 12 November lage also had its effects. As in most brought crowds to her home and small fishing settlements, the houses helped precipitate the revival excite- were huddled together as close to the ment from that evening. She was, as sea as possible. Neighbours were Nixon justly remarked, ‘the most pow- inevitably thrown together in a tight- erful of all the sermons they heard’.28 In knit community life. Everybody knew the setting of Ferryden revival was everybody else’s business so that news contagious. flew with amazing rapidity from mouth The family structure of the village to mouth. Quarrels might fester, and in also affected what happened there. fact one of the consequences of the Repeatedly converts declared that they revival was a healing of breaches in the had been swayed by relations. A sister community, something recounted by followed her brother in finding peace; three of the converts. But a spirit of that sister was followed in turn by her camaraderie predominated. Intermar- husband. Another two cases were sis- riage within the community was nor- ters, with both being counselled by mal, the schoolmaster remarking that their aunt. The commitment of wives to it created the potential risk of idiocy.24 bringing their husbands to Christ So many individuals shared the same shines through some of the narratives. surnames that, as in many fishing One, knowing her husband was in Mon- places, everybody was known by a trose, ‘said she could walk across the nickname: Buckie, Straiky, Tarvet’s water to tell him, and he must come to Davie, Whiten Beckie, Drummer Christ’.29 Women also tried to influence Sawie’s Jemima and so on.25 the other members of their families, The crews enjoyed a strong solidar- one mother being ‘full of the belief that ity forged by common ownership of the her children will all be saved’.30 In the boats and shared experience of danger later stages of the revival during at sea. Consequently it is not surpris- December it was principally the young ing that one fisherman who had seen who professed conversion.31 But the his spouse converted ‘spoke continu- zeal of the women did not mean that ally to my neighbours in the boat about they had a monopoly on the unusual what had happened to my wife’.26 But phenomena of the revival. Although female sociability was even stronger. One woman was crying at night, as she 27 Nixon, Account, p. 34. 28 Nixon, Account, p. 16. 24 Andrew Douglas, History of the Village of 29 Nixon, Account, p. 34. Ferryden, 2nd edn (Montrose, 1857), pp. 25-6. 30 Nixon, Account, p. 35. 25 D. H. Edwards, Among the Fisherfolks of 31 MS, 9 December 1859, p. 5. BA, 13 Usan and Ferryden (Brechin, 1921), p. 8. December 1859, [p. 3]. Diary for 19 December 26 Nixon, Account, p. 29. 1859, in Bonar, Bonar, p. 160. 48 David W. Bebbington sixteen of the twenty-four cases in of thinking, demonstrating their mean- Nixon’s collection were female, only ing by gestures. One, in recalling how two of the six prostrations, two of the she rebuked Satan, ‘suited the action four visions and one of the four audi- to the word’.34 What was called super- tory experiences were reported by stition was often a sense of the unity of women. It is possible that this distrib- the world, seen and unseen, and the ution is the result of deliberate editing power of human actions to express its by Nixon, who might not wish to convey reality. an impression of female hysteria, but it The everyday assumptions of the remains true that a majority of the fisherfolk inevitably coloured their recorded strange experiences conversion narratives. What they felt belonged to men. Revival was not gen- took pride of place as an irruption of der-exclusive; it was more a family con- the supernatural into their lives. The cern. favourite metaphor to convey their The people of Ferryden displayed experience was acquiring a sense of another characteristic that is highly peace, the word or its equivalent ‘rest’ relevant to the awakening of 1859. occurring in no fewer than fifteen of the Fisherfolk in general were known for twenty-four reports. To ‘get peace’ was their superstition, but this village was virtually a technical term for conver- still supposed, well into the twentieth sion. The immediate consequence of century, to have preserved a particular undergoing the new birth was often joy awe for signs and omens. If fishermen (a word that occurs in four reports) or walking to their boat saw a pig or a happiness (which is in five). The con- minister, it was a portent of disaster verts generally testified their joy and and they would refuse to put to sea.32 It happiness, a newspaper noted, in is clear that the mentalité of the fisher- singing, which was both very popular folk expected physical indications of and often admired by strangers in the unseen happenings, often those still to village.35 come. Buzzing in the ears was a sign of Another common description of malicious gossip, itching in the eyes a their experience, one reported by warning of sorrow and tickling on the eleven of the interviewees, was the feet a premonition of a journey. Physi- sense of a burden weighing them down cal actions, furthermore, could ward beforehand but then being carried off ill luck. If an inauspicious word away. Thus a married woman felt such as ‘pig’ was uttered, it could be ‘dreadfully burdened’ but later ‘my remedied by touching cold iron.33 The burden left me’.36 An observer physical was an expression of a super- remarked that many used the word natural world, the two having no sharp ‘heavy’.37 Perhaps influenced by Pil- boundary. Sometimes Nixon’s interviewees showed the influence of this way 34 Nixon, Account, p. 37. 35 MS, 25 November 1859, p. 5. 32 Edwards, Usan and Ferryden, p. 56. 36 Nixon, Account, pp. 36, 37. 33 P. F. Anson, Fisher Folk-Lore (London: 37 Brechin Advertiser [hereafter BA], 3 Janu- Faith Press, 1965), pp. 47, 38. ary 1860, [p. 3]. Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859 49 grim’s Progress, this form of language Such happenings were by no means again indicated the sheer physicality of unique to Ferryden or even to fishing the change of life as it was conceptu- villages, for they had occurred in abun- alised by the people of Ferryden. One dance in Ireland, they took place in husband could not get rest, according roughly half the Scottish revival cen- to his wife, ‘to his soul or body’.38 The tres during 1859-60 and in November two, everybody took for granted, were 1859, at the time of the events in Fer- intimately connected. ryden, there was an instance in the city That is the context for what out- of Dundee.44 But as many as six of the siders found the strangest aspect of converts told Nixon about a prostra- the Ferryden revival, the physical phe- tion. Their frequency in the early nomena. Many converts spoke of bod- stages of the awakening at Ferryden ily symptoms, not being able to eat or bears witness to their congruence with sleep, a strong pain rising from the feet the worldview of the inhabitants. At to the heart or sins coming up the the supreme crisis of life, the physical throat to choke them.39 Commonest gave evidence of the spiritual. was ‘a great shaking’, which was Several of the interviewees also sometimes the prelude to being spoke of seeing or hearing strange stricken by a full prostration.40 ‘The things. There were four each who had person “struck”’, explained the Mon- visions and unusual auditory experi- trose Standard, ‘is first seized with vio- ences. Thus a woman ‘told what she lent trembling, accompanied, seem- saw in heaven’; and a man declared ingly, by great bodily and mental that during a prostration he heard agony, in which the body is convulsed, singing.45 One account, however, and large drops of perspiration start stands out for its vivid detail and from every pore, the person affected deserves quotation in full. It is the the while uttering piteous cries for experience of an old man who fell into 41 mercy.’ There were variations on the a trance for an hour: theme. One woman ‘fell back in a I was in a room full of benches, swoon; her pulse appeared to stop, she with no chair but the one I occu- looked like a thing without life, and she pied. A man came to me with a remained in this condition for perhaps book in his hand, and a pencil in his five minutes’.42 A man reported being mouth, and said three times, Do one of the five or six who at an evening you believe?…Then five small fig- meeting ‘went off, one after another, ures came, the first holding in each like a shot’.43 hand a large-stalked tumbler, containing what I understood to be

38 Nixon, Account, p. 40. 39 Nixon, Account, pp. 18, 31, 53. 44 H. M. MacGill, On the Present Revival of 40 Nixon, Account, p. 41. Religion in Scotland: A paper read at the Con- 41 MS, 25 November 1859, p. 5. ference of the Evangelical Alliance (London, 42 Nixon, Account, p. 33. 1860), pp. 6, 7. MR, 25 November 1859, p. 7. 43 Nixon, Account, p. 44. 45 Nixon, Account, pp. 35, 45. 50 David W. Bebbington

wine, and offered it to me to drink; 3. The Radicals then a larger number of persons A second group falling under the Evan- made their appearance, and I heard gelical umbrella consisted of the radi- them singing, and the singing cals who were specially sympathetic to seemed to be at once loud, and yet the excitement among the fisherfolk. at a great distance. The single man They numbered in their ranks Hay who first appeared stood always Macdowall Grant, the original outside looking on me; but he spak speaker, Mudie, the man who took naething [sic] to me, nor I to him, Grant to Ferryden, and Gordon For- till I was just coming out of the long, another gentleman evangelist.48 room, when he said, It is all done.46 Forlong, formerly an Aberdeen lawyer This remarkable account is clearly and still technically an Episcopalian, influenced by Bible knowledge: the sin- was a forthright layman who travelled gle man is reminiscent of the guiding round Scotland stoking up revival angelic figures in Ezekiel and Revela- fires. He was already moving towards tion; the repeated query recalls the his eventual allegiance as a leader of threefold question to the apostle Peter the so-called Plymouth Brethren at the end of John’s gospel; and the whose work in New Zealand he later final remark that it is all done is like pioneered.49 the cry of Christ from the cross in the Another figure edging towards a same book. But there is also extra-bib- Brethren position was Donald Ross, an lical imagery. Perhaps the smaller fig- evangelist who may well have visited ures represent elders, one of whom Ferryden during the revival. As secre- proffers communion wine to the sub- tary and superintendent of the North- ject of the vision; and the singers may East Coast Mission, founded in the pre- stand for the full congregation. On that vious year to evangelise fishing com- reading the convert is being received munities from Thurso down to Ferry- into the fellowship of the true church den, Ross had a measure of responsi- by the single individual, Christlike as bility for the spiritual welfare of the vil- well as angelic, who possesses some- lage. He took great satisfaction in the thing like the Lamb’s book of life and a awakening and probably spoke there.50 recording pencil. Dreams were held to The laymen from Montrose who had be significant, often predictive, in fish- witnessed events in Ulster were used ing communities.47 Here was one that to their uninhibited style and so were conveyed the reality of acceptance by disinclined to discourage similar hap- the Saviour in profoundly meaningful penings in Ferryden. The revival there terms. It formed a further expression also attracted eager young men from of the cosmology of the converts of Fer- ryden. 48 MR, 24 February 1860, [p. 4]. 49 Henry Pickering, Chief Men among the Brethren, 2nd edn (London, n.d.), pp. 67-9. 46 Nixon, Account, p. 46. 50 C. W. Ross (ed.), Donald Ross, 1824-1903 47 Anson, Fisher Folk-Lore, p. 47. (Glasgow, 1987), pp. 37, 92, 124. Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859 51

Aberdeen, where thronged meetings succession of his intimates to follow under another gentleman evangelist, him in the Ferryden pulpit during Reginald Radcliffe, had been proceed- December: James Hood Wilson from ing earlier in the year.51 A circle of lay Edinburgh, Andrew Bonar from Glas- outsiders criticised by more sober gow and Joseph Wilson from Abernyte Evangelicals as ‘a few crazy enthusi- near Dundee.56 Each of them showed asts’ and ‘ignorant expounders’ was affinities for the radical brethren, with the core of the radical presence in Fer- Bonar, for example, urging the instant ryden.52 conversion that we are about to The true radicals were laymen, but encounter.57 This section of opinion a number of ministers from outside the was purveying a different style of spir- area adopted a position that was close ituality from the usual more rational to theirs. Although these men co-oper- variety favoured by ministers. ated closely with the local ministers Although, like more moderate Evan- around Nixon, their stance was dis- gelicals, the radicals believed in con- cernibly different. Alexander Moody version, their understanding of the Stuart, of Free St Luke’s, Edinburgh, experience was different. Their dis- who was called in to conduct services tinctive position was eventually to be when Ferryden’s minister collapsed crystallised in the motto of the North- under the strain, was the leader of a ern Intelligencer, the journal of the pietistic group of Free Church clergy organisation that Donald Ross was to whose members were particularly well found as a successor to the North-East disposed towards revival. Moody Stu- Coast Mission: art had been to Ireland, where he concluded that the physical phenomena Eternal salvation is a free, present, were no obstacle to the work of grace.53 attainable, inalienable, imperish- He stayed in Ferryden for just under a able gift – that is, any man or week, from Friday 25 November woman in this world, be he or she onwards, visiting homes and preaching the blackest sinner in it, may in one nightly.54 The visitor, who believed in moment be justified for ever from pulpit spontaneity, was thought every charge of sin, and may rest as ‘rather eccentric’ and censured in the sure of eternal glory as he is cer- press for ‘preaching in a manner not tain that in himself he never had calculated to compose the minds of his deserved, and never will deserve, hearers’.55 Moody Stuart arranged for a anything but eternal damnation.58 That was deliberately formulated as a manifesto to challenge existing 51 Reminiscences of the Revival of ‘59 and the assumptions in Scottish Evangelical Sixties (Aberdeen, 1910), pp. 13, 79-81. 52 MS, 2 December 1859, p. 4. 53 Kenneth Moody Stuart, Alexander Moody Stuart: A Memoir, partly Autobiographical (Lon- 56 MS, 2 December 1859, p. 5; 30 December don, 1899), p. 138. 1859, p. 5. Moody Stuart, Moody Stuart, pp. 54 BA, 29 November 1859, [p. 3]. 141, 55, 181. 55 MS, 2 December 1859, p. 5. MR, 2 Decem- 57 Bonar (ed.), Bonar, p. 161. ber 1859, p. 4. 58 Ross, Ross, p. 146. 52 David W. Bebbington circles. Conversion, it was generally the powers of reason associated with accepted at the time, is commonly a the preceding Enlightenment and, in protracted experience, involving much its place, a stress on faith and simple soul agony. Likewise the general Evan- obedience. These attitudes were for- gelical view was that assurance of sal- mative of the Brethren movement into vation, though desirable, was not an which Forlong and Ross were moving. essential requirement before a person There was much more tolerance of could be pronounced a Christian. On emotion in circles affected by the new both these points the radicals dis- cultural mood, so that the radicals agreed with the received opinion. Justi- were willing to endorse the excite- fication, according to Ross’s mani- ments of the revival at Ferryden. festo, could take place ‘in one Romantics, furthermore, typically ide- moment’; and a convert could be ‘sure alised the common people and their of eternal glory’. Instant conversion folkways, so that physical phenomena and full assurance of faith formed the posed few problems for them. Knowing kernel of the ‘artificial, hollow, and dis- that prostrations were often connected tempered piety’ that, according to a with conversions, radicals had no newspaper correspondent, was being desire to discourage them. On the con- spread about by ‘ill-informed, unteach- trary, visitors of that school accused able men’.59 those who tried to restrain the physical Behind the specific beliefs of the phenomena of having ‘quenched the radicals was a whole cultural ambi- work of the Spirit’.60 Moved by pre- ence. The conviction that it was possi- sumptions drawn from the latest devel- ble to choose to enter a relationship opments in high culture, the radical with God in a moment was a sign of Evangelicals identified closely with the their high estimate of the powers of the happenings shaped by popular culture will. Again, their strong doctrine of at Ferryden. assurance was an indication of their conviction that human beings could be persistently conscious of the divine. 4. The Moderates The exalting of the will and the insis- The third group of Evangelicals partic- tence on supernatural awareness were ipating in the revival can usefully be both symptoms of the movement of called moderates so long as it is appre- European thought that was known as ciated that they had no affinity with the Romanticism. Although taking its rise party of that label that had once domi- around the opening of the nineteenth nated the Church of Scotland. Those century in such works as the poetry of who took a moderate line at Ferryden Wordsworth and Coleridge, views included in their ranks a large number moulded by Romanticism were steadily of clergy. Hugh Mitchell, an amiable diffusing through the religious world bachelor who served as the Free during the later years of the century. Church minister in the village, was There was a consistent downgrading of active in counselling converts as well

59 MR, 11 November 1859, p. 6. 60 Nixon, Account, p. 44. Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859 53 as preaching before he collapsed under the village during the revival was that the strain after only about a week of of the Free Church of Scotland. revival and was taken away suffering The moderate Evangelical position, from ‘brain fever’.61 William Nixon, the however, was also upheld by a number man who interviewed the converts, had of laypeople. A lay missionary named a long-standing interest in Ferryden Kerr who had previously served in Fer- because he had preached there at the ryden conducted, with others, an Disruption.62 As senior Free Church evening meeting on 23 November minister in Montrose and, as we shall shortly after Hugh Mitchell’s depar- see, a man of domineering spirit, he ture.66 Miss Petrie, the infant school naturally took over the co-ordination of before the 1846 revival, once more ecclesiastical affairs in the village. served in 1859 as a counsellor to anx- Nixon’s colleague John Lister, min- ious souls.67 She had been responsible ister of Free St George’s, Montrose, in the summer for commencing a regu- joined him in visitation in Ferryden and lar meeting among the village women preached in the village on the first Sun- to pray for revival.68 A farmer, a sub- day morning that Mitchell was ill.63 The stantial employer, fulfilled a similar other preacher, apart from Nixon, that function as a male member of the con- day was Henry Marshall, the minister gregation, regarding himself as apart of St Peter’s English Episcopal Church from ‘the people’.69 A man of even in Montrose, who did much to encour- higher status, one of the other land- age the awakening. There was also suf- lords of Craig named Patrick Arkley, ficient involvement in the revival by who served as a sheriff-substitute in Robert Mitchell, no relation of Hugh’s, Edinburgh, also acted as a spiritual a definite Evangelical who had been adviser. His family residence outside parish minister of Craig since the Dis- the village was used by visiting preach- ruption, to induce him to consider issu- ers during the revival.70 Three of the ing a pamphlet about it.64 But the last people interviewed by Nixon also two men were exceptional, for the embraced views similar to his own. great bulk of the clerical participation One, a married woman who seems to was from the Free Church. Other local have been more well-to-do than most ministers of the denomination were village inhabitants, is described by drafted in to conduct special services: Nixon as ‘a very satisfactory case’.71 John Bain from Logiepert and Alexan- der Foote from Brechin.65 Overwhelm- ingly the official Christian presence in 66 MS, 25 November 1859, p. 5. Douglas, Ferryden, pp. 55-6. 67 Douglas, Ferryden, p. 22. Thomas Brown, Annals of the Disruption (Edinburgh, 1893), p. 61 Nixon, Account, p. 43. BA, 29 November 773. 1859, [p. 3]. 68 Mitchell, Wilderness Journey, p. 7. 62 Douglas, Ferryden, p. 33. 69 Nixon, Account, p. 31. 63 Nixon, Account, p. 35. Mitchell, Wilderness 70 Nixon, Account, p. 55. Moody Stuart, Journey, p. 10. MS, 25 November 1859, p. 5. Moody Stuart, p. 141. 64 MS, 16 March 1860, p. 5. 71 William Nixon, An Account of the Late Work 65 MS, 9 December 1859, p.5. of God at Ferryden (London, 1860), p. 2. 54 David W. Bebbington

Unlike the others in the village, she working in her since infancy, so that it deprecated experience, ‘what I see and was ‘no new-begun thing with me’.76 feel’, as a source of truth.72 The other Likewise growth in grace continued two instances, both married women after conversion. The farmer, from the fishing community, received described by Nixon as a man of ‘thor- Nixon’s approbation—paradoxically— ough good sense’, declared that it was because they could not relate any defi- a great mistake to believe, with the nite conversion, but had simply become radicals, that the work of God was ‘more decided’ in their religion.73 That done ‘when sinners get into Christ’. frank confession, contrasting with the ‘There is then’, pointed out the farmer, transports of delight encouraged by the ‘the warfare to begin, with the flesh, radicals, Nixon found entirely accept- with its lusts, with evil tempers, and able. So there were people of moderate lots of things’.77 The Free Church min- opinions among the laity and even ister and those who thought like him among the fisherfolk. were champions of the Calvinist inher- itance of Scotland. It is possible, however, to be more 5. Calvinism precise in defining the theological atti- The moderate section of the Evangeli- tudes that prevailed amongst the mod- cal community was still firmly erate majority. In decrying the exag- attached to the Calvinism professed by gerated appeal to experience of the the Free Church. Nixon, who had been radicals, Nixon urged that sinners taught systematic divinity at Glasgow should be taught not just to love and in the early 1820s by the Evangelical serve Christ for the comfort that he Calvinist Stevenson MacGill, pub- brought them, but also for ‘His own lished two years after the revival a very sake’.78 Nixon was offering a distant orthodox sermon on The Doctrine of echo of the teaching of the American Election, expounding Romans 9:11- theologian Samuel Hopkins, who in An 13.74 He saw the revival events as a vin- Inquiry into the Nature of True Holiness dication of the doctrine of justification (1773) had contended that self-inter- by faith and delightedly reported the est, even a desire for personal salva- converts’ affirmation of the persever- tion, must not be the basis of motiva- ance of the saints.75 Nixon approved of tion in the regenerate. He went so far spiritual growth that proceeded gradu- as to suggest that penitent sinners ally rather than taking the form of a should be willing to be damned in order sudden leap. The interviewee whom he to show that they were truly con- pronounced a ‘very satisfactory case’ verted.79 mentioned that the Spirit had been

76 Nixon, Account, p. 58. 72 Nixon, Account, p. 60. 77 Nixon, Account, p. 32. 73 Nixon, Late Work, p. 2. A, pp. 37-8, 54-5. 78 Nixon, Account, p. 58. 74 William Nixon, Autobiographical Notes 79 P. D. Jauhiainen, ‘Samuel Hopkins’, in (Perth, 1929), p. 8; Doctrine of Election. Timothy Larsen (ed.), Biographical Dictionary 75 Nixon, Account, pp. 63, 64. of Evangelicals (Leicester: IVP, 2003), p. 310. Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859 55

Nixon was indebted to the tradition cal Sermons, a triumphant integration of New England theology that included of science into an Evangelical world- Hopkins, though stemming from view.83 Hugh Mitchell, Free Church Jonathan Edwards and including sev- minister in Ferryden, was himself a eral other distinguished American the- distinguished amateur geologist, dis- ologians of the later eighteenth cen- covering a fossil fish that was named tury. This body of thought was at once after him and delivering an address to broadly loyal to the Reformed doctrinal the British Association at Aberdeen on legacy and in harmony with the chief the subject in the very year of the premises of the Enlightenment. It was awakening in the village.84 These were rational and imbued with the spirit of circles in which the harmony of science investigating the world. This was the and religion could safely be assumed, theological stance of Thomas treating as an aberration the case Chalmers, the prime mover in the foun- made out by Charles Darwin in the dation of the Free Church of Scotland, same year that the universe did not who lauded Edwards but thought he need a divine designer. As two letters had not moved far enough in the direc- in the local press avowed, the moder- tion of inductive method.80 The colossal ates believed they could proceed by stature of Chalmers in the Free Church ‘induction’ and were familiar with ensured that his doctrinal position was ‘mental phenomena’ in a way that the normative in its earlier years. Amongst radicals were not.85 The intellectual other places, Ferryden felt the influ- expertise of the Scottish Enlighten- ence of this enlightened version of ment was on their side. Calvinism. It was this scientific perspective There were several symptoms of the that the moderates brought to their acceptance of Chalmers’s doctrinal understanding of the revival. They paradigm. Nixon showed a high esti- assumed a fundamental antithesis mate of the importance of the mind. between, on the one hand, the mental New converts, he wrote, began to treat and spiritual and, on the other, the tan- their children ‘reasonably’; and his gible and physical, which was alto- highest praise for members of the Fer- gether on a lower plane. Conversion, ryden congregation was that they were said a correspondent of the Montrose ‘intelligent’.81 Again Nixon conducted Standard, was ‘an inward and spiritual the investigation of his subjects in a work’ having nothing to do with ‘out- 86 scientific spirit. He possessed the tem- ward manifestations’. The prostra- per of a careful observer, judging only tions of the awakening therefore posed those cases that had come ‘under my a particular problem for them. The fits own notice’.82 He had once, as a young man, attended Chalmers’s Astronomi- 83 Nixon, Autobiographical Notes, p. 25. 84 A Brief Memorial of the Rev. Hugh Mitchell, M.A., LL.D.(Aberdeen, 1896), pp. 27-31. 80 Nixon, Autobiographical Notes, pp. 46-52. 85 MR, 9 December 1859, p. 6. MS, 2 Decem- 81 Nixon, Account, pp. 9, 30, 32. ber 1859, p. 4. 82 Nixon, Account, p. 22. 86 MS, 2 December 1859, p. 4. 56 David W. Bebbington afflicting the people of Ferryden nected issues. In the first place, there seemed to be connected to real conver- was tension over prostrations them- sions and yet they were irreducibly selves. At the height of the excitement physical. Hugh Mitchell, according to a the people of Ferryden were eager to be biographical sketch, took a ‘common- ‘stricken’ as a seal of the reality of con- sense view’ of them, not dismissing the version.91 Nixon, however, took a whole movement because of their strong line with this aspiration. His occurrence.87 Nixon tended to be more comment on the desire of one man to be actively critical, holding that in most ‘struck’ as well as for his heart to be instances the ‘bodily manifestations’ changed was tart: ‘It would have been had nothing to do with ‘the work of the more scriptural, and better for him, to Spirit’.88 He saw the fits as pathologi- have cherished only the last wish of the cal, freely using the terminology of two.’92 Secondly there was the related medical science in discussing his question of visions. When a visiting ‘cases’: they suffered from a ‘malady’, minister accompanying Nixon round might have a ‘relapse’ and were under the village heard an account of the the influence of ‘infection’.89 He shared elaborate dream of the old man that the analogy of illness with a critic who has already been recounted, the minis- on the eve of the awakening censured ter ‘from his own experience of similar the entire business of revivalism as an things when his physical frame is dis- ‘epidemic’.90 For the opponent of ordered, happily showed how little of revivalism, everything about an awak- the supernatural there was in the ening was symptomatic of illness, but vision’.93 This deflating response allo- for Nixon and his friends who wanted cated the vision to the category of the to defend what was happening at Fer- physical and so, on moderate assump- ryden, the great task was to differenti- tions, immediately distanced it from ate the spiritual and mental side of the supernatural. events, which was the authentic work In the third place there was dis- of God, from the physical and debased agreement over instant conversion. side, which was something else. The The people expected that any process result was a dualistic analysis of the of conversion would come to a climax revival that contrasted sharply with in a felt experience at a particular the monistic conception of the radicals moment. The moderates accepted that or of the fisherfolk themselves. sudden conversion could happen, often encouraging it,94 but did not regard it as essential. ‘Gradually light wore on in 6. Tensions my soul’, said a man whose experience The worldviews of the different groups Nixon approved, ‘and still it came into collision over a range of con-

91 Nixon, Account, pp. 33, 34, 45, 52. 87 Brief Memorial, p. 21. 92 Nixon, Account, p. 45. 88 Nixon, Account, p. 20. 93 Nixon, Account, p. 45. 89 Nixon, Account, p. 22. 94 Brief Memorial, p. 18. Bonar (ed.), Bonar, 90 MR, 4 November 1859, p. 6. p. 161. Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859 57 increases.’95 It was not always possi- among those such as Forlong and Ross ble, the moderates held, to fix a time who were moving in the direction of when a person passed out of spiritual Brethren principles that clergy were, darkness. And in the fourth place there as Ross put it, ‘the greatest hindrance was conflict over the need for psycho- in the country to the people’s salva- logical certainty of salvation. The pop- tion’.99 Ministers, in his view, were fail- ular quest was for ‘peace’, a felt sense ing to give adequate spiritual guidance of assurance. A woman who lacked a and so would better be abolished. sense of peace was on contested Although Nixon minister praised Mac- ground: her Ferryden friends supposed dowall Grant as an ‘excellent and that, since she had no peace, she was earnest layman from the north’, he not yet a Christian, but Sheriff Arkley, very much disapproved of how Grant like Nixon himself, encouraged her to operated.100 On the first Saturday of the think that she might well be one revival, Grant held a so-called after- already.96 They were adhering to the meeting, an innovation drawn from older Reformed view that assurance Aberdeen services earlier in the year.101 was not intrinsic to faith. In each The scheme was that when a preaching instance of disagreement, the problem, meeting was concluded, those anxious in the eyes of the moderates, was that for their souls were invited to stay the ordinary people were being carried behind for prayer and counselling. It away by their demand to possess a con- was at the after-meetings that most crete awareness, a physical sense, of prostrations occurred.102 So tensions what they believed. over the role of laymen, including even The fault of the radicals, according the highly respectable Macdowall to Nixon, was to encourage these vil- Grant, reinforced the ideological differ- lage sentiments.97 The Free Church ences between moderates and radicals. minister was suspicious of laymen The resulting conflict was played preaching at all. In his early ministry, out during the events of the revival. at Hexham in Northumberland during After the intense excitement, with the early 1830s, on one occasion a many physical fits, of Wednesday 16 prominent attender of his Presbyterian November, Nixon determined that it congregation preached at a Congrega- was time to put a stop to them. On tional church. Nixon was horrified by Thursday evening he took charge of the breach of church order, rebuked the evening meeting, and, although him soundly and the man left.98 Now in there were two further prostrations Ferryden similar unauthorised laymen during his address,103 he announced were intruding into the work of the ministry. The resulting tension was exacerbated by the growing feeling 99 Ross (ed.), Ross, p. 39. 100 Nixon, Account, p. 15. 101 Gordon, Grant, p. 136. [Jane] Radcliffe, 95 Nixon, Account, p. 36. Recollections of Reginald Radcliffe (London, 96 Nixon, Account, p. 55. n.d.), p. 81. 97 Nixon, Account, p. 23. 102 BA, 22 November 1859, [p. 3]. 98 Nixon, Autobiographical Notes, pp. 78-9. 103 BA, 22 November 1859, [p. 3]. 58 David W. Bebbington that there would be no after-meeting. who put stress on fits or visions.107 The Yet on both Thursday and Friday some chief risk now, from his point of view, people insisted on remaining to pour was that fresh disorder would break out their distress of soul. The three out at the approaching communion Sunday sermons by different preachers season, a traditional time among Pres- were ‘of a soothing nature’, and at the byterians for outbursts of revival. He evening service Nixon told the congre- therefore ensured that he himself con- gation there would be no revival ser- ducted the opening Fast Day service of vice the following evening at all. The the communion season on Thursday 8 radicals were driven to blank resis- December, with a respected and expe- tance. Some ‘zealous laymen’, with the rienced colleague, Alexander Foote, to church closed against them, held a conduct the Sunday services.108 There meeting in the infant school instead. In was more excitement during the week the face of this lay opposition, Nixon than for a while before, but in general reversed his strategy. He decided to it now seemed ‘a great work going on take over the evening meetings. On the quietly’.109 Nixon had won the tussle for Tuesday 22 November his Free Church control of events and the radicals were colleague John Lister conducted the vanquished. service in the infant school, announcing that from the following evening meetings would once more be held in 7. Conclusion the church. Safe men were put in The Ferryden revival was therefore a charge on Wednesday and Thursday complex phenomenon. At one level it evenings.104 The dampening down was a challenge to the rough culture of worked: over the following week there the village by the combined forces of were no known prostrations.105 Evangelical religion reinforced by the But then Nixon’s scheme suffered social aspirations of the people. In that another setback. Moody Stuart, the sense it was an undoubted success, minister from Edinburgh with sympa- changing the ways of the village, gen- thies for the radical approach, arrived erating capable lay preachers and lead- for a week, and his preaching was by no ing to a further, though lesser, revival means calming. So Nixon played his in 1883.110 But at another level it was a master-card: on Monday 28 November struggle for ascendancy between dif- he persuaded the Free Church pres- ferent sections of Evangelical opinion. bytery to appoint him moderator of the It was not simply a rivalry between session at Ferryden during the illness clergy and laity, for, although the legit- of the minister.106 That gave Nixon the formal control he needed. He under- took visitation, arguing down converts 107 Nixon, Account, p. 19. 108 MS, 9 December 1859, p. 5. 109 BA, 13 December 1859, [p. 3]. 104 MS, 25 November 1859, p. 5. 110 Edwards, Usan and Ferryden, pp. 11-18. 105 MS, 2 December 1859, p. 5. James Wells, The Life of James Hood Wilson, 106 MR, 2 December 1859, p. 4. 2nd edn (London, 1905), p. 216. Contrasting Worldviews in Revival: Ferryden, Scotland, in 1859 59 imacy of lay leadership was at issue, ticipated was a contest of ideas. It was laypeople were found in alliance with not an incomprehensible bout of fren- the assertors of ministerial authority zied irrationalism, but an intellectual and a set of ministers had sympathies disputation between contrasting with the advanced revivalists. points of view. Although the battle was Nor was there merely a division fought out in an obscure backwater, between folk religion and official reli- major cultural movements came into gion, for the collision was between collision. At Ferryden there was a com- three parties, not two. The fisherfolk, petition between popular culture, the conditioned by seafaring practices and incoming Romantic influences of the kinship patterns, were inclined to times and the reigning Enlightenment express their religion in tangible ways, paradigm. Three of the leading world- expecting the coming of faith to affect views shaping the religion of Victorian their bodies and so to be something Britain were at odds. The radicals, rep- felt. The radical Evangelicals from out- resenting the Romantic spirit, were to side the village, untrammelled by insti- enjoy greater success in other fishing tutional and confessional traditions, villages, leading to the creation of a looked in particular for instant conver- host of non-Presbyterian congrega- 111 sion and full assurance of faith. The tions along the Moray Firth. In Fer- moderates, by contrast, insisted on a ryden, however, the moderates mar- type of Calvinist theology and a scien- shalled by Nixon were the victors, tific understanding of the world. Here ensuring that the currents of vigorous were convictions that diverged in their spirituality in the village ran into the estimate of human nature: for the fish- institutions of the Free Church. No erfolk, human beings were embodied other denomination established a presence there. Within the village, the souls; for the radicals, they were Enlightenment beat off the Romantic essentially volitional and emotional; inroads and disciplined the manners of for the moderates, they were prepon- the people. It may be surmised that, derantly rational. For all their shared since similar forces were at work ground in the fundamentals of theol- throughout the Evangelical world, ogy, the three groups diverged over the many other revivals were as ideologi- nature of anthropology. They cally charged as this one. But what is embraced outlooks that, although uni- clear is that in 1859 Ferryden was the formly Evangelical, were strikingly dif- setting for a clash of cultures. ferent. Consequently the awakening in which all three sections of opinion par- 111 Jeffrey, When the Lord, pp. 224-8. ERT (2007) 31:1, 60-70 Two Australian Spiritual Awakenings: Moonta Mines 1875 and Loddon River 1883

Stuart Piggin

KEYWORDS: Disaster, suffering, the period immediately before the dis- revival, revitalisation, Cornwall, aster in the local press, I was aston- Methodism, preaching, capitalism, ished to discover that a very remark- class, Marxism, Finney able revival indeed had occurred in the village of Mount Kembla and in the sur- rounding district just months before the ‘THERE HAS NEVER been a religious disaster, and 25,000 were added to the revival in Australia.’ This was the church throughout country New South dogma on which I was raised and Wales. It was a discovery which set me which reinforced the greater dogma looking for other local revivals in Aus- that Australia is the most secular tralian history, and because of its fate- nation on earth. Both dogmas are false. ful proximity to the disaster, it also set How I came to question the former me speculating on the divine purpose in dogma is curiously related to the sending revivals prior to events of con- Welsh revival of 1904/5 which this siderable human suffering.2 number of the Evangelical Review of But what has all that to do with the is designed to commemorate. Theology Welsh Revival? It was reported in the In the late 1970s I was engaged in local press3 that at the coal mines research on Australia’s biggest peace- time land disaster, the Mt Kembla mine disaster of 31 July 1902.1 In studying 2 Stuart Piggin, Firestorm of the Lord: The His- tory of and Prospects for Revival in the Church 1 Stuart Piggin and Henry Lee, The Mount and the World (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, Kembla Disaster (Melbourne: Oxford University 2000), pp. 140-147. Press, 1992). 3 Illawarra Mercury, 26 February 1902.

Stuart Piggin, Director of the Centre for the History of Christian Thought and Experience Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, is a graduate of the universities of Sydney and London and of the Melbourne College of Divinity. He was Master of Robert Menzies College, Macquarie University, from 1990 to 2004 and Founding Director of the Macquarie Christian Studies Institute. He is interested in the nature of spiritual experience and of religious revival, the history of the church, and the human impact of natural and man-made disasters. Amongst his publications are Evangelical Christianity in Australia (republished as Spirit of a Nation, 2004), and a study of revival, Firestorm of the Lord (2000). Two Australian Spiritual Awakenings 61 swept by the 1902 revival, swearing Revivals at Moonta and disappeared and the pit ponies in the Loddon River mines stopped work as they could no Moonta is on the western coast of the longer understand their instructions. It Yorke Peninsula in South Australia. would be hard to credit were it not Just over a kilometre from the township reported in the secular press. The of Moonta was the settlement known as same phenomenon was reported in the Moonta Mines. Eighteen kilometres to 4 Welsh revival, and has become leg- the North of Moonta is Wallaroo and endary, but it is interesting that it eighteen kilometres north-east is Kad- occurred in New South Wales two ina. The population in the triangle years before it was reported in old bounded by the copper mines at Wales. Moonta, Kadina and Wallaroo in the It is a little incident that raises 1880s was about 20,000. Most came questions about just how unique the from Cornwall in south-west England Welsh Revival was. In a recent article and the area was known as ‘Little Corn- on the Welsh Revival, the author seeks wall’ and was reputed to be the largest to demythologise it, but, in endorsing Cornish settlement outside of Cornwall. Tudur Jones’ claim that it was ‘the The mines closed in 1923, but from the starting point of an immense spiritual early 1860s until then—a period of movement’,5 he may have failed to sixty years—Cornish culture and Cor- demythologise it sufficiently to enter- nish religion reigned, and Cornish reli- tain the possibility that it might have gion was Methodism: Wesleyan started elsewhere, perhaps on the Methodism, Primitive Methodism and other side of the world. Even historians Bible Christian—and Cornish Method- intent on demythologisation will not be ism meant frequent revivals, of which able to demystify revivals entirely! that in 1875 was the most remarkable. In this article, however, I would like Three deaths seem to have been the to report on earlier revivals in two sparks which ignited the fires of this other Australian colonies, the rela- revival. On 15 March 1875, Hugh Dat- tively well-known revival in the copper son, a mine manager or ‘captain’, was mining town of Moonta in South Aus- fatally injured in a rock fall at Moonta. tralia in 1875, and the never-before He had been brought to saving faith in reported revival on the Loddon River, Christ through the preaching of Victoria, in 1883. We will describe Matthew Burnett, an evangelist from Yorkshire. Datson had been a model what happened, then reflect on what Wesleyan, never failing in his atten- happened, and then draw some lessons dance at class meetings and prayer to be learned from them. meetings. He would pray to the point of exhaustion for the conversion of sinners. His funeral service was attended 4 J C Pollock, The Keswick Story (London: ‘by gracious evidence of God’s saving Hodder and Stoughton, 1964), p. 123. power’,6 and, for a week after his 5 Robert Pope, ‘Demythologising the Evan Roberts Revival, 1904-1905’, Journal of Eccle- siastical History 57, no. 3 (2006), p. 527. 6 Methodist Journal, 26 March 1875. 62 Stuart Piggin funeral, services were held daily in the church, doubling its membership. Wesleyan church and a number of con- The revival river was still flowing in versions were reported. Moonta a year later. It flowed through Then the action switched to the Penang, a farming community nearby, Bible Christian church at Moonta and there several Aboriginal people Mines. On Sunday evening, 4 April, a were saved: ‘It was pleasing to see funeral service was held for Kate Mor- these poor blacks on their knees, and combe, a young woman from the Sun- hear them cry for mercy. Black and day School. In the prayer meeting fol- white all one in Christ… Glory to God.’8 lowing the sermon, fifteen souls, The number of conversions in all the affected by the early death of a much churches was estimated by the Bible loved friend, were won for Christ. Christians to be 1,250 and by the Wes- Meetings were held daily in the ensu- leyans to be 1,550. ing week and a further 45 were con- The Loddon River revival in Victoria verted. Then on Sunday, 11 April, the occupied much of 1883. An unusually evening prayer meeting was accompa- full account of this revival among farm- nied by cries for mercy and much dis- ing communities on the plains north of tress and the determination to break the gold-mining town of Bendigo has the chains of Satan and flee to Christ. survived and has never been pub- Forty more were added to the church. lished.9 The early 1880s had witnessed A circus was in town that day, but no- exceptional growth in rural Victorian one was interested in attending. Much Methodism. Revival was endemic. The greater excitement was to be found in year 1883 was characterised as ‘this church. The circus left the next day. year of grace, so memorable for the Revival returned to the Wesleyan extensive revivals of religion through- church the following Sunday, 18 April, out Victoria’.10 There was in that year when the death of a third person was the ‘a great ingathering of persons to the focus of the service, and in the ensuing fold of Christ’.11 week 90 more claimed to have found forgiveness through Christ. Most of the converts were men and women aged 8 South Australian Primitive Methodist Record, between 16 and 25. In the same week a January 1876. further 60 came to Christ in other Wes- 9 C. W. Kentish, The Story of the Kentish Fam- leyan churches in little Cornwall. By ily in Australia, unpublished typescript., 1940?. It was written by Cecil Kentish for the Sunday 25 April the river of life was benefit of his family. The account is vague on flowing freely, and ‘the penitents were dates as it was written about sixty years after seeking salvation from early morning to the revival he here describes when Kentish late at night’,7 and by now the congre- was about 76 years of age. Nevertheless, it gation at the Primitive Methodist preserves, in the best tradition of oral history, Church was experiencing the same accounts of many remarkable and therefore unforgettable incidents. blessing. By 9 May 198 new members 10 W. L. Blamires and John B. Smith, The had been added to the Bible Christian Early Story of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Victoria (Melbourne: Wesleyan Book Depot, 1886), p. 195. 7 Methodist Journal, 30 April 1875. 11 Blamires, The Early Story, p. 195. Two Australian Spiritual Awakenings 63

Ebenezer Taylor, appointed super- Kentish’s younger brother, Cecil. intendent of the Wesleyan circuit north There was the illiterate convert who of Bendigo and west of Echuca on the was so keen to read his testimony at northern river plains of Victoria, was a such a meeting that he learned how to deeply spiritual man. He sensed that read and write in ‘an incredibly short the area, made up of farmers’ families time’. His crudity was only equalled by on new selections, was ripe for revival. his effectiveness. In appealing to par- So he arranged for a mission to be held ents, he said: ‘Now, here is the penitent there. Three farmers—Edward Hol- form, it is for you to show an example loway, a wealthy squatter, Mr Baker, a to your children and come forward. You poor selector, and Walter Kentish, have seen an old sow going across the another selector’s son—offered to help paddock to the waterhole and her with the mission. In the event the 1883 young ones following, so, mothers, it is mission lasted for a year. There were for you to set the example’. At this a so many centres to visit (14 permanent young boy called out, ‘Go on mother’, centres, each with its own church, and and so she went forward, followed by other more temporary centres) and so some of her children. A bullock driver, considerable was the response in each a bachelor with a reputation for dis- centre, and so great was the conviction honesty, held out for longer than most of sin from which the convicted sought before surrendering to Christ. When he relief at any time of the day or night, did, he attended no more meetings, but that the three local preachers had to immediately saddled his horse, and roster themselves—two on duty, one with cheque book and swag, set off on off—in order to get sufficient rest. a hundred mile trek to make repara- They held meetings every night of tions to those he had exploited finan- the week except Saturdays, and the cially. A group of five young men, all meetings were usually crowded, and reputedly over six feet tall, attended a the harvest abundant as the people number of meetings, and held each came expecting to meet with God. The other by the hand so that they would be three local preachers did not bother to able to restrain each other from going preach for very long before inviting forward. But the Spirit descended on seekers to the penitent bench, which them all at once, so they all went out often was so full that they were soon together, still holding hands. Remark- asked to vacate the bench and make able! room for others. When the meetings The most remarkable of all the con- were over it was necessary to remove versions in Cecil’s experience was of a the detritus of the pre-converted life young woman of about twenty years of which the penitents left behind: age who was the only member of a tobacco, playing cards, unsavoury lit- numerous family to remain undecided. erature and gaudy jewellery. ‘They for- For months, her anxious family took sook their idols to serve the true and her from one church to another, fol- living God’, observed the wondering lowing the course of the mission, that evangelists. she might find Christ. After months of The atmosphere of those meetings searching, the change came in a flash. is embalmed in the memories of Walter At the invitation in Cecil’s own church 64 Stuart Piggin she suddenly jumped to her feet and, wealthy. Employment in the mines was when she turned to face the audience episodic, subject to downturns and from the penitent’s seat, her face was booms, and, in the low times, the min- shining, like that of Stephen the first ers struggled to make a subsistence martyr, because of the indwelling Holy wage. Spirit. ‘Her face was shining like wax But there were wealthy Wesleyans, and appeared as though there was a those who had learned well from John light beneath her skin, and rays of light Wesley how to make the best of both seemed to radiate from her face.’ The worlds, and who heeded his advice not congregation knew that they were in only to make all they could and save all the presence of eternity, and the they could, but also to give all they silence deepened. Then she raised her could. The best-known of the Wesleyan arms and cried out, ‘I’ve found the plutocrats was Henry Richard (Cap- Lord! I’ve found the Lord!’ Joyful tears tain) Hancock. Throughout the week flooded the church. he was the superintendent of both the Edward Holloway, at the Annual Moonta and Wallaroo mines. On Sun- Wesleyan Conference for 1883, speak- days he was the superintendent of the ing of a part of the circuit known as Sunday School which, for thirty years, Canary Island, a large part of the dis- with over 600 members, was the trict where the Loddon river divides largest in the colony. The Wesleyans to and then rejoins, reported that the cry their credit allowed gifted laymen to had gone up ‘the whole island for exercise their gifts in the organisation Jesus’.12 Twice in his account, Kentish of the church. insists that practically all the ‘non- Captain Hancock was gifted in lead- Christians’, the ‘unsaved’, in the entire ership. He once called the entire min- circuit were gathered in. ing community together—about 1500 of them—and shared with them that the mine was in peril because of a Reflection downturn in trade. Expecting to hear In the 1891 census, 80% of the popu- the bad news of numerous retrench- lation of South Australia’s little Corn- ments, they heard him instead outline wall identified itself as Methodist. The his visionary plans for expansion and largest group were the Wesleyans, putting on more staff so that new ore closely followed by the Primitive bodies could be opened up which would Methodists and the Bible Christians. lower the average cost of production Between them they had built at least and therefore make their product more 31 churches in the area. The largest of saleable. They were aware that their them, the Wesleyan church at Moonta destiny was in his hands and they Mines, which still stands, could seat knew how to defer to him. When Cap- 1,200. The congregations were not tain Hancock and his family entered the church, it is said that the congregation stood out of respect. The man- 12 Robert Evans, Evangelism and Revivals in agers under Hancock, also known as Australia, 1880-1914 (Hazelbrook: Research captains, a title going back to Eliza- in Evangelical Revivals, 2005), p. 136. bethan days, wore coat tails to chapel Two Australian Spiritual Awakenings 65 and took up the collection. Methodism, old Book,’ one of them declaimed. as E. P. Thompson, the Marxist histo- ‘Hingland expects that every man will rian, observed, was the religion of both do his dooty.’ James Jeffrey, for forty the exploiter and the exploited. years a Wesleyan local preacher of Cor- But this is too solemn a judgement nish quaintness, gave the Lord this arising from the Marxist conviction interesting challenge at Moonta: ‘We that there is no greater or more perva- thank thee, Lord, for what little spark sive sin than social control. In practice, o’ grace we do possess; oh, water that the controllers were not allowed to be spark!’13 out of control in their control of the Cornish Methodism offered solace controlled! Both controllers and the and mutual support in times of death controlled were under the control of and suffering. It also offered a way of Jesus. They were Methodists, and the dealing with the conflicts between Captain of their salvation was superior masters and miners through nerving in rank to Captain Hancock, whose the men to stand up for their rights dur- humble subjects, even if they attended ing times of industrial disputation. In ‘the boss’s chapel’, the Wesleyan 1874, the year before the great Moonta church at Moonta Mines, would not let revival, the miners went on strike and him minister to them in areas for which then formed the Moonta Miners Asso- he was not gifted. Captain Hancock’s ciation. The leaders of this trade union attempts at preaching were not accept- were Methodist local preachers. They able to them because he could not were not Marxist revolutionaries. They preach extempore sermons. His habit wanted social justice without social- of writing out his sermons beforehand ism. Their Methodism was displayed and reading them was dismissed as by their call for prohibition and by their ‘Not fitty!’ holding a service of thanksgiving at the Cornish Methodism was the most end of the strike. The Union president emotional expression of evangelical- was Dicky Hooper, a Wesleyan local ism in Australia probably because it preacher, who in 1891 was elected to had to be. The life of a miner was the House of Assembly to represent always at risk through danger of acci- Wallaroo. dents and the slow death of inhaled The most celebrated of little Corn- dust. It was also hard and tedious wall’s Methodist politicians was ‘Hon- work. Methodism offered dramatic est John’ Verran. He was a Primitive relief with the wholehearted singing of Methodist local preacher with a repu- its choirs and congregations and the tation for charismatic oratory. He was fervent oratory of its preachers. It elected to parliament in 1901 and was offered fun and laughter: church ser- Labor Premier of South Australia from vices were not dour affairs, and preach- 1910 to 1912. On becoming premier, he ers, who were expected to preach for travelled to Moonta, and to a crowd of fifty minutes without notes, did not 2000 he gave credit where it was due have to be educated, but they had to be enthusiastic and entertaining. Their gaffs were forgiven, but not forgotten. 13 O. Pryor, Australia’s Little Cornwall (Ade- ‘Let us not forget the words of the good laide: Rigby, 1962), p. 170. 66 Stuart Piggin by announcing that he was an MP sometimes extended over Saturday because he was a PM (Primitive night and trespassed on the Sabbath, Methodist). From all parts of the crowd but this was widely held to be a viola- came cries of ‘Amen’ and ‘Glory’.14 tion of God’s law before revival rein- Revivals are easily criticised. They forced the conviction. are too emotional, it is said, and their The fact that the 1875 Moonta converts do not stick. They are unreli- revival was sparked by three deaths able ways of growing churches since suggests that the real value of revivals they cause membership to fluctuate must be looked for in terms of their wildly. They are chiefly a means for power to make sense of human extrem- strengthening Christians, not for con- ity. Revivalistic Cornish Methodism verting the unchurched. Revivals did was ideally adapted to helping mining grow churches more by strengthening populations to cope with the chal- members than by adding to their num- lenges of hard labour, economic strin- ber. There were two classes of chapel gency, danger, suffering, and death. In goers: professors and adherents. the hothouse of revival strong commu- Revivals, more than anything, pro- nities were forged with a surprisingly moted adherents to professors. That rich culture in spite of isolation. The was not without value. Those who strength of these communities may be were converted from within the church attributed to the shared experience of tended to stick. It was the unchurched religious intimacy. Jesus had visited who happened to find themselves and cleansed each soul personally and caught up in revivals who tended to fall tangibly, the Holy Spirit was the great- away. It was of the former that John est power in a world where powerless- Verran observed: ‘Some come back for ness and vulnerability were too often a coat of whitewash every time a felt, and God’s will was sovereign over revival broke out, but in the great the powers of darkness and death. The majority of cases the change was per- shared experience of a palpable God manent.’15 was celebrated in exuberant commu- Revival was not required, either, to nity hymn singing and in fervent prayer translate the district from a sink of in capacious chapels or in the even iniquity to a holy community. It was more capacious open air. already holy in the conventional sense. With the closing of the mines in It was no place to make a fortune as a November 1923 following the boom hotelier as the majority of the popula- years produced by the demand for cop- tion were teetotallers. A temperance per in the First World War, the popula- demonstration on New Year’s Day tion of the district evaporated, and so 1873 started with 700 supporters and did the conditions which made this ended with a thousand. True, the sport style of Methodism so successful. In of kangaroo and wombat hunting other places and other times in other conditions, evangelical Christianity had to turn itself into something else to 14 Pryor, Australia’s Little Cornwall, p. 130. win the hearts and commitment of the 15 Ibid, Pryor, Australia’s Little Cornwall, p. community in which it was placed. But 107. it rarely did it as effectively as the Two Australian Spiritual Awakenings 67 revival-minded Methodists of little Clarkson, to organise ministry to the Cornwall had done in the six decades settlers. He was ideal for the job. He from 1862. was tall and strong and, best of all, Concerning the Loddon River experienced in things of the bush. revival, gold fever had abated by 1883, Among his greatest supporters was but the gold rushes were displaced by George Holloway, a wealthy squatter the land rushes. Up until then, settle- who did not oppose the advent of the ment had been limited to Melbourne, selectors. He rather welcomed them some coastal centres, and the gold dis- and did all he could to support the tricts. But there was such pressure Methodist cause. It also helped that brought on these centres by population many of the selectors also in the dis- growth that the cry went up to unlock trict were good Methodists: the Ken- the land. Large areas of land in differ- tishes, Woods, Midgleys, Neales, ‘and 17 ent parts of Victoria were made avail- many others’. able for free selection under the 1869 Only then did the work settle down Land Act. The Wesleyan Methodists, into ‘the usual order’. Why did the habituated to taking advantage of blessing not continue? wondered Ken- every new opportunity, formed home tish. Some years later the class meet- missions to allow their work to expand ings were abolished, and he believed with the population. In 1875 the Home this was a retrograde step and was Mission reported to the Annual Confer- sure that the majority of the Methodist ence: people agreed with him. No longer were the Methodist people under the We have an opportunity of doing a responsibility of witnessing to their blessed work among the thousands faith, and the luke-warm were no who are selecting land in almost longer challenged to move from being every part of the country…. From adherents to professors. Kerang, on the north Loddon, through the Terricks to Echuca, a distance of about 60 miles, all the Lessons land is taken up by free selectors.16 One of the perennial issues which his- This area is around the Loddon torians and theologians of revival love River and its tributaries, and I have to debate is the extent to which they therefore called this the Loddon River may be produced by human means. The awakening. In the early 1870s many Calvinists, led incomparably in their hundreds of selectors, took advantage thinking by Jonathan Edwards, of the new land laws to settle on 320 thought of revivals as always ‘surpris- acre-blocks on well-watered land ideal ing works’ of a sovereign God. It was a for wheat growing. The Wesleyans belief still strong in the Welsh Revival, appointed in 1875 a missioner, John and Eifion Evans enthused over its supernatural character: ‘In its origins there so much of God’s presence, in its 16 Irving Benson, A Century of Victorian Methodism (Melbourne: Spectator Publishing Co, 1935), p. 172. 17 Blamires, The Early Story, p. 246. 68 Stuart Piggin extension so little of man’s design; its evangelism and schooled in prayer in effects were so evidently supernatural, the Methodist class meetings. So the its fruits so patently holy, that none church became a large army of revival could reasonably deny its divine troops, headed by well-trained gener- source.’18 als and experienced captains. Revivals But by the time of the Welsh come, Methodists demonstrated, when Revival, for many Charles Finney had a significant proportion of the church long displaced this understanding by a membership expect them and work for more mechanical one, the product of them. Or to change the metaphor, to the use of the appointed means. By the quote a Methodist historian reporting time of the Moonta and Loddon River on a notable revival on the Victorian revivals the Methodists believed that goldfields in 1866/7, the ‘harvestmen, they knew what was involved in pro- clerical and lay, rejoiced to gather in ducing revivals, and in their zeal for the sheaves’.19 souls, they were faithful in acting out Another lesson we learn from these their belief. They were in the vanguard two revivals is that while revivals are of evangelical Christians in colonial caught rather than taught, theological Australia and exploited opportunities orientation may not be irrelevant. vigorously. They realised that social Methodists of the second half of the and demographic changes are most nineteenth century believed in the suf- positively approached if viewed as ficiency of Christ’s grace, and the uni- providential, that they are always versality of his atonement for human opportunities for strategic ministry. sin, to hold out the offer of life to the Gold and Land Acts in Victoria, and most unlikely. Each person is looked copper mining in South Australia, were on as the blood-bought property of opportunities for ministry to be Jesus, and is embraced in the promise exploited immediately, energetically of pardon, even if he or she has given and strategically. the prime of life to Mammon, and has Their revival strategy was to send in left only the poor dregs of life to give to the shock troops first as soon as the God.20 Methodists never gave up on propitious opportunity was identified. anyone because they were utterly con- Methodist local preachers—‘brave vinced that Christ had died for every- hearts and tender spirits’—started to one. evangelise in new areas very soon after The theology which is consistent they were opened up. Then ministers with revival sets no limits on the power were sent in to co-ordinate the work, of the Spirit or the breadth of the but they still worked with the local gospel, and it is a theology which is felt preachers and the committed, experi- viscerally as well as believed in the enced lay men and women, trained for mind. To touch the hearts and move the will of those whose lives are hard,

18 Eifion Evans, The Welsh Revival of 1904 (Bridgend: Evangelical Press of Wales, 1989), 19 Blamires, The Early Story, p. 185. p. 199. 20 Ibid, The Early Story, p. 182. Two Australian Spiritual Awakenings 69 impoverished, or dangerous, felt expe- hold and the infrastructure and sup- rience and emotion are necessary. port to maintain those who have been Souls in extremity, souls under stress, converted. It seems incredible to us need dramatic relief which is provided today that there could be whole geo- by wholehearted singing and the fer- graphical districts where all the vent oratory of preachers who are on unsaved are brought into the Kingdom, fire. And, contrary to the advice of the but in the Loddon Valley of Victoria great preacher, Martyn Lloyd Jones, this became plausible to those with the jokes are in. Weary folk need fun and eye of faith and the evidence coming laughter. Church services must not be from experience of the power of God. boring. Genuine support in times of The Moonta and Loddon revivals death and suffering will be offered by well illustrate the proposition that pre- any church on the road to revival. cisely because revivals meet the deep- The sort of faith which begat these est needs and are responses to stress revivals bridged the divisions created and suffering, they usually pass when by capitalism. The wealthy, the bosses, the need and the stress pass. They the people of influence in the commu- cease when the social and cultural con- nity, shared the same faith as the work- ditions which made them so beneficial ers, the employees and the needy. also cease. Revivals lift the eyes of all above the class struggle to see the reality which is more real than materialism. They Revitalisation make people happier than materialism The two revivals here studied do illus- and pleasure can, because they give trate well the theory advanced fifty engagement (deep fellowship) and years ago by anthropologist, Anthony meaning (living to please Jesus and F. C. Wallace, that revivals are good glorify God). examples of ‘revitalisation move- The historic irony of revivals, which ments’. Such movements can have like all irony is difficult to grasp, is that political or economic motivations, as revivals normally come to people who well as religious. Politically the New are aware that they are in some form of Left was such a movement in the early extreme need, yet they come from: 70s or the environmental movement a • churches which are not cold dead, decade later. Why such movements but which are near boiling point, capture the hearts and minds of signif- • church members rather than from icant numbers of people is that they those outside the church, address some widespread anxiety in • churches which are alongside other the community. Wallace contended churches which have caught fire, that all ‘revitalisation movements’21 go • within communities which care a lot about morality and standards, that is from holy communities rather than unholy ones. 21 Anthony F.C. Wallace, “Revitalization Movements”, American Anthropologist April Such churches and communities 1956. This article has been republished create the cultural plausibility in which repeatedly in anthologies on the anthropology revival fires can be ignited and take of religion. 70 Stuart Piggin through a process. Of necessity, meetings, the channels for processes have a beginning and an end- maintaining as much of the ing. It is not surprising that revivals flood tide as possible. cease. The process is fivefold: 5. A new steady state. ‘the usual 1. The community is in a steady state. order’ as Cecil Kentish described Looking back on this, the revived the Loddon valley after the revival. regard this as deadness. So, our two revivals help us to 2. There is a period of increased indi- answer another question which inter- vidual stress. Revivals often begin ests all students of revival: Why do with individuals. revivals come to an end? What is the 3. There is a period of cultural distor- best one can hope for after a revival? tion—the community is generally That there will be no ‘after’—that it disrupted. Accounts of Revivals will just go on? No. One cannot reason- often report that whole communi- ably expect ongoing revival. It is an ties become distressed and con- achievement to attain a steady state cerned about the things of another again. Revival is God’s way of bringing world. stability again to a disrupted commu- 4. There then comes the period of nity. The challenge, and this is the best Revitalisation. Wallace argues that that you can hope for, is that this this involves: steady state will be a new steady state, (a) ‘Mazeway reformulation’, that and that the newness will reflect more is the development of new of the values of the Kingdom of God. world views, new mental mod- The Methodists had the opportunity els of the world around them— to deliver such to the lasting benefit of in a revival this is a new theo- Australia in the final quarter of the logical insight into what matters to God; nineteenth century. They started well. (b) communication—here’s where Their revivals brought harmony and powerful preaching kicks in— progress to mining and rural communi- so often preaching seems to fol- ties alike, and to the cities they gave low from rather than initiate that strong instrument for the relief of revival; the sufferings of the inner-city poor, (c) organisation—the facilitating namely the Central Methodist Mis- structures for the revival, eg. sions. They initiated a labour move- the nightly meetings, the peni- ment which created and manned tents bench labour unions and labour parties. But (d) adaptation—going with the they lost the initiative in the withering flow of the river of the Spirit; fire of class conflict when they accepting new ways and the retreated to middle-class respectabil- legitimacy of the role of emo- ity, and then World War, when they tion identified the glory of dying for one’s (e) cultural transformation— country with the glory of God and the revived churches are never the death of each young man as an expres- same as they were sion of that greater love which put (f) routinisation—Wesley’s class Christ on the cross. ERT (2007) 31:1, 71-89 The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism and Its Impact on The East African Revival

Emmanuel Hooper

KEYWORDS: Keswick, hymns, movement of renewal, and was charac- Cambridge, Scofield Reference Bible, terised by confession, repentance and confession, testimony, repentance, reconciliation among the local people assurance and the missionaries. Among the main figures in the movement was Dr. John Edward Church, a graduate of Cam- THE EAST AFRICAN Revival occurred in bridge and a medical missionary, and the context of the religious, political his medical colleagues of the Church and colonial history of the area, and Missionary Society (CMS).2 has major religious and socio-political The revival contributed towards the significance for the expansion of settlement of disputes and misunder- Protestantism. It was notably the standings, both religious and socio-cul- longest revival in African history, tural, among missionaries and African spanning three generations. The three Christians and the wider society. The main phases of the Revival movement circle of the participants included were as follows: Phase 1: 1930-1940s, members of the Rwanda Mission Phase 2: 1950-1960s and Phase 3: (CMS), other CMS missionaries and 1970-1980s. some Anglicans, Presbyterians, and The Revival began in Rwanda Methodists who were sympathetic to (Ruanda)1 in the early 1930s as a the movement. In due course, more

1 Historically the country was called 2 Joe E. Church, Quest for the Highest: An ‘Ruanda’ but currently it is known as Autobiographical Account of the East African ‘Rwanda’; the latter is used in this paper Revival (Exeter: Paternoster Press, 1981), pp. except in verbatim quotes and footnotes. 54ff.

Dr Emmanuel Hooper, who has studied and taught at many institutions in USA and UK, has gained multiple PhDs and Master’s degrees in science, engineering, information technology, religious studies and cross cultural studies. Dr. Hooper is on the adjunct faculty of the University of California, Riverside, and a researcher and lecturer on the Great Awakenings and Worldwide Missions. This paper is based on PhD research conducted at Cambridge and London Universities in 2003-2004, and is one of several papers he has published on the theme of revival. He is currently working on books focused on the Great Awakening, and on the impact of the 1905 American revival of missions on the Student Volunteer Mission. 72 Emmanuel Hooper evangelical Christians shared in the ones’. In fact, the original meaning of movement for holiness, integrity, right- the word, ‘balokole’ in Luganda lan- eousness and a deeper Spirit-filled life. guage, was the ‘shining ones’, not the Although, to some extent, the Revival ‘saved ones’.5 The root word, balokole movement was initially, viewed with is defined in the Luganda language in suspicion by some leaders of the terms of amulokole—singular for the churches such as the AIC (AIM) and ‘shining one’, and abalokole—plural for the Anglican churches, many partici- the ‘shining ones’.6 pated later in the movement. The A second major point to clarify is movement gained more support from that the Revival brethren did not call evangelicals who strove for holiness, themselves the ‘balokole’. They were and the eradication of corruption, referred to as the ‘balokole’, which bribery and rivalry among even the reli- implied the ‘shining ones’, by their gious communities. neighbours and members of the community, who observed them and wit- 1. Contribution of Keswick nessed the changes in their lives. Thus the term originated from their external Theology observers, and was not the choice of An analysis of the theology of the East the leaders of the Balokole movement.7 African Revival movement provides The medical missionary, Dr. Robin perspectives into its origins which can Church stated: be found in the British Keswick theology.3 A closer examination of the theo- They did not say we are the shining logical origins of the revival movement ones. It was others who said, ‘Look reveals various significant aspects of there are the shining ones.’ It was the movement. like when ‘the disciples were first 8 First, there is a need for an analysis called, “Christians” in Antioch.’ of the theological origins of the Their neighbours saw their whole ‘Balokole’—‘saved ones’. The popular lives. They knew who they were, definition of the movement has been and they saw that their lives were the term, ‘balokole’, commonly defined in all major literature4 as the ‘saved 5 Interviews with Dr. Robin Church, at Henry Martyn Centre Seminar, Cambridge University 3 It is critical to understand the theological on 6 February 2003, and at his home in Cam- influence of British evangelicalism. See bridge on 20 February 2003. Kamuri, K’Patrick. G.. ‘Repentance: The The- 6 Interviews with Kenyan informants, includ- ological and Historical Significance of the East ing Dr. Chris Rutto, Birmingham, 5 May 2003 African Revival Movement in Uganda’, MPhil. and Gloucester, 17 June 2003; and Dr. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. There Jonathan Gichaara, Birmingham, 4 and 5 May was a significant contribution from British 2003; Interview with Dr. Robin Church at his Keswick evangelical theology to Protes- home in Cambridge, 20 February 2003. tantism and evangelicalism East Africa. 7 Interview with Dr. Robin Church, Cam- 4 Kamuri, ‘Repentance: Theological and His- bridge, 20 February, 2003. torical Significance of the East African 8 See Acts 11:26; Interview with Dr. Robin Revival Movement in Uganda’, pp. 32-62. Church, Cambridge, 20 February 2003. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 73

changed… they did not start out by passing preachers and included saying, ‘let us have a theology’. clergy in its ranks, it remained a They experienced revival… It was very unclericalised movement.10 out of their experience of revival, In addition to the revival being that they started sharing their largely a lay movement, it was also for experiences of Christ and what he the most part, spontaneous. Hastings’ had done for them in saving them… use of the terms, ‘short, sharp religious The Americans came and asked my commitment engineered’ needs qualifi- father (Joe Church), ‘Give us the cation, since religious commitments formula for revival; What is the for- could not be necessarily be described mula?’ But there was no formula. as ‘engineered’ by famous preachers in The Africans did not say, ‘let us Europe and North America.11 Although have a revival’. They experienced famous evangelists such as D. L. revival.9 Moody were catalysts in revivals, he The revival movement was largely could not have ‘engineered’ the revival among non-clericals, and their theolog- at Cambridge, during his visit that ical views emerged out of their experi- resulted in the missionary commit- ences of revival. Thus the Revival the- ments of the ‘Cambridge Seven’, which ology could be considered as practical were long lasting in the missionary 12 theology—a theology based on prac- enterprise. This is due to the two- tice, instead of a theoretical theology, stage process of the ‘revival’—an initial to life, marked by con- based on abstract theological formula- awakening fession of sin and repentance and sal- tions. Adrian Hastings observed the vation; and the subsequent stage of non-clerical nature of the adherents of long-term transformation of moral life the revival movement: and social outreach, which may be The most considerable and best- viewed as an institutionalised way of known area of independent initiative within the mission churches was that of the ‘Revival in Eastern Africa, the Balokole…’ Instead of it being a short, sharp renewal of religious commitment engineered as so often in Europe and America— by famous preachers, the East African Revival developed as an essentially lay community of prayer 10 Adrian Hastings, A History of African and fellowship; while it did indeed Christianity, 1950-1975 (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1979, 1986), pp. 52- draw on mass conventions and 53. 11 See detailed studies on the Great Awak- enings such as the 1858 Awakening in Amer- ica and Europe, which were largely lay prayer 9 Interview with Dr. Robin Church, Cam- movements. bridge, 20 February 2003, Interview remarks 12 John Charles Pollock, The Cambridge on ‘The Theology of the Revival.’ Seven (London: Marshalls, 1953), pp. 5-90. 74 Emmanuel Hooper life.13 Hastings’ point that the Revival some who were seen to be aggres- ministry was based on teamwork sively harsh to all who did not see within a ‘lay community of prayer and things their way. They had been fellowship’ is valid. This contrasts privileged to ‘see the light’ of what with the focus on well-known evange- was sin and to know the forgive- lists in the West. ness which God gives through the Another major definition which Cross. They felt very sensitive to needs clarification is that the ‘revived’ what they saw as ‘sin’ in the lives Christians were ‘known as the of others. They challenged this, Abaka’—the ‘on-fire’ ones.14 This dis- often with little grace. In the other tinguished them from those who con- group were those who considered sidered themselves to be Christians themselves to be Christians, but did 16 but did not experience revival.15 This not accept or experience revival. implied that the revived believers’ the- The distinctives of ‘seeing the ological view was that if one was not light’, ‘shining ones’, and ‘walking in seen to be ‘on-fire’ with the same zeal the light’, were clear theological as theirs, then one’s Christian experi- emphases, which resulted in the prac- ence was to be challenged. Henry tice of questioning others on the valid- Osborn, a missionary observant of the ity of their Christian experience. Joe revival stated: Church and Lawrence Barham There were, among the Abaka, resolved to defuse the tensions through ‘a combination of Biblical Truth and personal experience of ministry in Revival’.17 Osborn made the fol- 13 This is the view of RFB based in part, on lowing observations on the conference the Keswick holiness movement at Cam- at the Rwanda Mission’s headquarters bridge. See Reports in Revival Brethren Pub- in Buye, Burundi, in 1939: lications, Joe E. Church, ed., ‘Front Line News’, 2 November 1944, pp. 1-10, in archival The form of expression of ‘inner Files of Lee Papers, Lee 4/1, Cambridge Uni- revival’ in any individual depends versity, Martyn Henry Centre; Osborn, Herbert on personality a well as on obedi- Henry. Pioneers in the East African Revival ence to the truth revealed. Grace in (Winchester, Hampshire: Apologia Publica- relationships is as essential as tions, 2000), pp. 150-170; Mambo, ‘Revival Fellowship (Brethren) in Kenya’, pp. 110ff.; maintaining Biblical truth. The two Joe E. Church, Quest for the Highest, pp. 150- founders of the Ruanda Mission— 170; Keswick Convention Council, The both present—commented on this Keswick Week, 1975: Centenary Year (London: conference: Dr. Leonard Sharp, Marshal Morgan and Scott, 1975), pp. 2-25. ‘We all felt deeply thankful to God 14 Osborn, Pioneers, p. 175; Bill Butler, Hill for bringing us to a new unity,’ and Ablaze: Bill Butler one of the Team at the Heart of the East African Revival (London: Hodder Dr. Algie Stanley Smith, ‘We never and Stoughton, 1976), pp. 9-10. 15 Osborn, Pioneers, p. 175; Herbert Henry Osborn, Revival: A Precious Heritage (Winches- ter, Hampshire: Apologia Publications, 1995), 16 Osborn, Pioneers, p. 175. pp. 7-129. 17 Osborn, Pioneers, p. 175. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 75

want to go back to the old compla- spontaneous expression in the Revival. cency.’18 While the Rwanda Mission founders were aiming to avoid schisms based on 2. Origins and Significance of theological differences or emphases, ‘Tukutendereza’ they were equally determined not to The significant contribution from the return to the ‘old complacency’ of Revival under George Pilkington’s ‘nominalism’. Osborn’s observation on ministry in 1893 in Uganda was the ‘personality’ and ‘grace in relation- introduction of Western hymns includ- ships’ appears to under-estimate the ing Wesleyan and Anglican hymns.20 significance in the perspectives of the The following is the Revival Fellow- African revived, ‘shining’ and ‘on-fire’ ship Brethren’s (RFB) version of the ones who saw the reserved ‘personal- Revival Chorus: Tukutendereza Yesu ity’ of the British missionaries as a Luganda: form of pride which needed to be Tukutendereza Yesu addressed and dealt with theologically. Yesu Omwana gw’endiga The theology of the revived Africans Omusaigwo gunaziza was based on the exposition of sin, and Nkwebaza, Omulokozi its open confession and discard. In this regard, they considered that ‘grace in English: relationships’ or the reserved ‘person- We praise you Jesus, ality’ could be a means for covering up Jesus Lamb of God one’s real reluctance to deal with sin Your Blood cleanses me, and experience revival. The director of I Praise you, Saviour. the Bible Churchmen’s Missionary 21 Society (B.C.M.S.), Rev. J. Roger The Original Hymn in English: Bowen, a graduate of Oxford, and a Precious Saviour, Thou hast saved me; missionary in Kenya and Tanzania, Thine, and only Thine, I am; during the revival, made the following Oh, the cleansing blood has reached me! observation: ‘The British are known to Glory, Glory to the Lamb! be reserved—they are Anglo-Saxon, I am Celtic, Welsh… The Africans express themselves differently… You 20 Interviews with Robin Church, 20 Febru- could not transport the revival (expres- ary 2003; J. Roger Bowen, 9 February 2003; sions) to England.’19 This demon- Robin Church, 20 February 2003; and Rev. strates the role of culture, such as Richard Bewes, 2 March 2003. See Children’s Special Services Mission (CSSM) Chorus Hym- nal Book 1 (London: CSSM, 1920). 21 See Keswick Convention Council, The 18 Charles F. Harford Battersby, Pilkington Keswick Week, 1975: Centenary Year (London: of Uganda (London: Marshall Bros., 1898), pp. Marshal Morgan and Scott, 1975), pp. 2-25; 220-225; Osborn, Revival, p. 175; Herbert Church, Quest for The Highest, p. 271. The orig- Henry Osborn, Pioneers in The East Africa inal hymn in English was written by L. M. Revival, pp. 9-10. Rouse, with music by D. Boole and reproduced 19 Interview with J. Roger Bowen, 9 Febru- in the Keswick Hymn Book as the ‘Cleansing ary 2003. Blood’. 76 Emmanuel Hooper

Glory, Glory Hallelujah! 1882.23 Bowen stated: Glory, Glory to the Lamb! There were lots of songs… Oh, the cleansing blood has reached me! “Tukutendereza”. It was an Glory, Glory to the Lamb! American song, it was a Sankey Long my yearning heart was striving and Moody song, which spoke To obtain this precious rest; about being cleansed by the Blood But, when all my struggles ended, of the Lamb. But everyone in East Simply trusting I was blessed. Africa sang it in Luganda, and the word, “Tukutendereza” is Luganda. Trusting, trusting every moment; They didn’t even bother to trans- Feeling now the blood applied, late it, they knew what it meant… Lying in the cleansing fountain, All about the Blood of the Lamb, Dwelling in my Saviour’s side. it’s about being washed in the Consecrated to Thy Service, Blood of the Lamb.24 I will live and die to Thee; The hymn was also published by the I will witness to Thy Glory; Children’s Special Services Mission Of Salvation, full and free. (CSSM), and was used to influence Yes, I will stand up for Jesus, Cambridge students during the sum- 25 He has sweetly saved my soul, mer camps. Rev. Richard Bewes Cleansed my soul from sin’s corruption, stated, ‘I was born into revival’, as he Sanctified, and made me whole. sung the hymn, ‘Tukutendereza Yesu’ Glory to the Lord who bought me, Glory for His saving power; Glory to the Lord who keeps me, Glory, Glory evermore! 23 See the impact of the visit of Dwight L. Moody to Cambridge, and especially its influ- The Revival hymn is a local adapta- ence on the CICCU, in John Charles Pollock, A tion of the original hymn in English. Cambridge Movement: A History of the Cam- The local version, which became a pop- bridge Inter-Collegiate Christian Union (London: ular hymn for the RFB, emphasized John Murray, 1950), pp. 20-210. John Charles Pollock, The Cambridge Seven, pp. 5-90. ‘cleansing’ for forgiveness, and 24 Interviews with J. Roger Bowen, 9 Febru- ‘praise’ for gratefulness. The origins of ary 2003. the hymn ‘Tukutendereza Yesu’ can be 25 See also, CSSM Chorus Hymnal Book 1; Joe traced to the hymn used by D. L. Moody Church’s conversion was through the influ- and Ira Sankey22 who held a mission at ence of a similar CSSM hymn at their summer Cambridge University in the fall of mission in Whitby, on 29 August 1920: ‘Cleanse me from my sin, Lord, put Thy Power within Lord, take me as I am, Lord, and make me all Thine own. Keep me day by day, Lord, underneath Thy sway, Lord, make my heart Thy palace and Thy royal Throne.’ Katharine Makower, The Coming of the Rain. The Life of Dr Joe Church: A Personal Account Revival in 22 Interview with J. Roger Bowen, Cam- Rwanda (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 1999), p. bridge, 9 February 2003. 25; Osborn, Pioneers, p. 55. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 77 in Luganda.26 Almost all missionaries Yezu’: ‘We Praise Jesus’. In 1950 it interviewed who went to Uganda, was at the height of its influence Rwanda, Kenya or Tanzania, as well as and making a particular impression Revivalists from these countries, sang both in central Kenya and in the ‘Tukutendereza Yesu’ hymn in the Northwestern Tanganyika. While it Luganda language. This demonstrates had many of the characteristics and the widespread unifying influence of group mechanisms from the the revival hymn. Robin Church stated Keswick Conventions and the that the Christians who remembered ‘Oxford Group’ of Buchman, it the words of this hymn, which Pilking- quickly developed an African form ton taught them during the revival of and impetus of its own.29 1893, were grateful for its adaptation Although Hastings, like many in the vernacular into ‘Tukutendereza 27 scholars, noticed the influence from Yesu.’ A similar hymn, which influ- Keswick, and to some extent, the enced the revival movement was, Oxford group, he was unaware of the ‘Behold The Lamb’, by Charles Wes- contributions from Moody and Sankey ley.28 Adrian Hastings observed the in the formulations of the ‘triumphant influence of Tukutendereza: Luganda hymn’. The movement’s influ- The movement had begun in ence from the study of Scofield’s Bible Ruanda in the 1930s and spread by Joe Church and Simeoni Nsibambi in waves, first across Uganda and 1929, in Uganda, was also overlooked. then through other Protestant The revival can be traced from this churches of East Africa, carrying influence of Church and Nsibambi’s everywhere its triumphant meeting in Uganda, before it emerged Luganda hymn ‘Tukutendereza in Rwanda and then returned to Uganda.30

26 Interview with Rev. Richard Bewes, Rec- tor of All Souls Church, London, 2 March 3. Biblical Studies on the 2003. Both Church and Bewes, like their fathers, were influenced by the East African Holy Spirit revival, as well as the CICCU’s Keswick theol- The Scofield Bible influenced the Bibli- ogy. cal studies on the Holy Spirit in the 27 Interview with Rev. J. Roger Bowen, Cam- East African Revival movement.31 The bridge, 9 February 2003. This was the first line of the Chorus in Luganda. The English version was ‘Glory, Glory Hallelujah! Glory, Glory to The Lamb! For The Cleansing Blood 29 Hastings, A History of African Christianity, has reached me. Glory, Glory to The Lamb!’ p. 52. The hymn was originally written by L. M. 30 Interview with Dr. Robin Church, 20 Feb- Rouse, and its music by D. Boole. It was No. ruary 2003. 170 in Keswick Hymn Book-’Cleansing 31 Joe E. Church, Quest for the Highest, pp. 11, Blood.’ See Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 45-46, 132-180; Lindesay Guillebaud, A Grain 271. of Mustard Seed: The Growth of the Ruanda Mis- 28 Joe E. Church, William Nagenda: A Great sion of C.M.S. (London: Ruanda Mission, Lover of Jesus (London: Ruandan Mission, C.M.S., n.d.), pp. 49-50; Osborn, Revival, pp. CMS., ca. 1973), pp. 8-9. 58-59. 78 Emmanuel Hooper significance of Joe Church’s study was greatly influenced by his reading of the not that is was merely a topical pre- Bible, his studies on the Holy Spirit, sentation using Scofield’s chain refer- and Christian literature from ‘Britain ence Bible, but that it was focused on and elsewhere’, since he was versatile the filling of the Holy Spirit for revival. in both English and Luganda. Nsibambi This was based on Keswick double recollected his theological develop- emphases on ‘testimony’ and ‘commitment: ment’—referred to as the ‘second There were a number of tracts, 32 blessing’. This implied the need for a booklets and books from Britain complete surrender to the Holy Spirit and elsewhere which helped me to for effective Christian experience and understand the ministry of the Holy ministry. Spirit. For a whole year I gave Pilkington related a similar experi- myself to the study of Scriptural ence in the 1893 revival. When he rec- materials with prayer. The reading ognized his emptiness, he went alone of my Bible led me to complete for a visit to the island of Kome (one of commitment, and God filled me the Sese Islands in Lake Victoria). It with the Holy Spirit. This is what I was there that he learned ‘the great wrote in my Bible as a commit- secret of the indwelling power of the ment, ‘I have committed myself to Holy Spirit’, while reading an account God the Father. As from today I of the Tamil revival by a revivalist, desire to be genuinely holy and which transformed his life.33 Subse- never intentionally to do anything quently, he returned to Uganda with ‘renewed vision and zeal’, and unguided by Jesus.’ After the commitment, I was filled with the preached in a mission in December 36 1893, which resulted in revival.34 It power of the Holy Spirit. was from the remnants of the small This demonstrates the influence of groups of African Christians that Sime- ‘Scriptural materials’ from Britain and oni Nsibambi emerged in 1929, who other parts of the world on Nsibambi, along with Joe Church, became cata- apart from the Rwanda Mission’s lysts for the East African Revival.35 Keswick teaching. Thus the theology While much attention has been given to of both Nsibambi and Church were for- Joe Church, very little study has been mulated from scriptural teachings on done on Nsibambi’s spiritual quest the Holy Spirit, which became the hall- before he met Church. Nsimbabi was mark of the Revival theology. The Revival Brethren studied the Bible and consulted each other on various aspects of their lives.37 Bowen 32 Joe E. Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 156. stated that the revival touched the 33 C. F. Hartford-Battersby, Pilkington of Uganda, pp. 220-225; John Gehman, ‘The East whole of life: ‘The Revival wasn’t just African Revival’, East Africa Journal of Evan- gelical Theology, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1986, p. 36. 34 C. F. Hartford-Battersby, Pilkington of 36 Osborn, Pioneers, p. 17. Uganda, p. 225. 37 Anne Coomes, Festo Kivengere, pp. 109- 35 Osborn, Pioneers, p. 55. 111. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 79 a religious thing; it affected the whole like that. They used to get up very of life. If someone wanted to get mar- early in the morning, much earlier ried, they would ask the Revival than the missionaries, and they brethren to find them a wife. If they used to meet together!41 wanted to buy a car, they would ask the Joe Church designed a Bible study Revival brethren to help them find a material for use by the Revivalists, car.’38 Thus the ‘revived’ Africans seri- which eventually resulted in the Book, ously consulted the Bible and aimed to Every Man a Bible Student.42 Thus the obey its teachings in every aspect of Revivalists were influenced in part by their lives. Robin Church emphasized Church’s Keswick teachings. The that ‘they were reading it in their lan- Revival movement was distinguished guage for its meaning more than even by its emphases on conversion, biblical the missionaries’.39 The emphasis was and Christocentric orthodoxy. It on Bible reading, prayer and holiness.40 shunned and repudiated alcoholism, It was not inductive Bible study, but a smoking, gambling, dancing, games, devotional Bible study with medita- second marriages (adultery), tion, intended for spiritual growth polygamy, etc., which they considered along with practical implementation. were evil in their society. In addition, it Bowen stated clearly how the commu- opposed racial, ethnic, tribal discrimi- nal aspect of the ‘revived’ African’s nations and prejudices. C. Robins theology differed from that of the mis- defined some of the emphases of the sionaries: movement: The Europeans brought what we Their emphasis on the necessity of call a ‘segmented Christianity’, it a conversion experience following was religion; but for the African it the evangelical paradigm of intense was holistic, and it was community, guilt relieved by open confession the community was essential. They and ‘acceptance of Jesus as person- did their Christianity completely al Savior,’ is largely consistent with Anglo-American differently from the missionaries. Protestantism and with the evan- For example, the missionaries, gelical wing of the Anglican because they were evangelicals, Church, in whose traditions the they used to teach people to have a movement is historically rooted. 43 ‘quiet time’ (devotional time) in the morning; get up read their Bible and pray, each person by himself. 41 Interview with J. Roger Bowen, 9 Febru- The Revival brothers didn’t do it ary 2003. 42 Joe E. Church, Every Man A Bible Student (Exeter: Paternoster Press Ltd., 1976), pp. 2- 15; Joe E. Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 62; 38 Interview with J. Roger Bowen, 9 Febru- See also, Joe Church’s Papers, Files: ‘Call to ary 2003. Mukono, 1935-1940’; ‘New Way Memoran- 39 Interview with Dr. Robin Church, 20 Feb- dum’; ‘New Way, The Mukono Crisis’, William ruary 2003. Nagenda to Joe E. Church, ‘New Way’, Joe 40 Interview with Dr. Robin Church, 20 Feb- Church to A. Stanley Smith, 26 March 1943. ruary 2003. 43 Church, Every Man A Bible Student, p. 9. 80 Emmanuel Hooper

These were the religious roots of Subsequently there was theological the revival movement, which enabled emphasis on the convicting power of them to function within the Protestant the Holy Spirit—’God’s convicting denominations of East Africa. The Spirit’.48 Joe Church and the Rwanda ‘Balokole’ Revival, as Robins acknowl- Mission taught the Keswick theology edges, was a ‘largely orthodox non- of the fullness of the Spirit and the con- schismatic movement operating within viction of the Spirit for revival. The several Protestant denominations in Rwanda Mission had received guaran- East Africa. In Uganda, Rwanda, and tees from the CMS. following the lib- Burundi, for historical reasons, it has eral conservative splits and tensions in been largely confined to the Anglican the 1920s that their mission would be Church.’44 evangelical. During the crisis of the lib- eral versus evangelical debate of 1922, some of the Anglican evangelicals 4. Open Confession and seceded from the CMS. on the author- Personal Testimony ity of the Bible, and formed the BCMS. Another significant aspect of the theo- According to Bowen, the former direc- logical distinctives of the revival move- tor of the BCMS, the CMS is now more ment was open confession and per- evangelical, with little difference sonal testimony.45 Prior to the revival, between the BCMS (now Crosslinks) the influence of ‘Western civilization’, and CMS: and ‘formal Christianity’ were preva- Bible Churchmen’s Missionary 46 lent. Lindesay Guillebaud noted these Society was founded in 1922. It problems: was more evangelical. It came out Many letters from the field tell of of CMS on the issue of the authori- heartbreaking disappointment and ty of the Bible. That was the point of backsliding on a very large scale; of issue. The CMS at that time was again and again a longing is sending out missionaries who did expressed for the convicting power not necessarily believe that the of the Holy Spirit, so that crowds Bible was inspired and without who sought baptism might enter error. It was a big crisis, and in not a visible Church only, but the 1922 the Bible Churchmen’s Church of Christ, which is His body. Missionary Society was founded by Western civilization was beginning a group of CMS people who came to sweep through the country, and out of CMS and founded the Bible it was easy to accept formal and Churchmen’s Missionary Christianity as part of a new learning.”47 48 The RFB based this theology on the following Scriptures: ‘But the Helper, the Holy 44 Church, Every Man, p. 11. Spirit, whom the Father will send in my (Jesus) 45 Osborn, Pioneers, p. 177. name, he will teach you all things’, John 14:16; 46 Lindesay Guillebaud, A Grain of Mustard ‘When he has come, he will convict the world Seed, pp. 49-50. of sin, and of righteousness, and of judge- 47 Guillebaud, A Grain of Mustard Seed, p. 49. ment’, John 15:8; Ibid., p. 51ff. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 81

Society in Britain. It was a small fied that they have received from society, it always was smaller than the CMS full guarantee to safe- CMS. It’s still small, but now it’s guard the future of the Rwanda called Crosslink. They still have General Medical Mission on Bible, missionaries, it’s still an Anglican Protestant and Keswick lines.51 Missionary Society—evangelical. Thus Rwanda Mission missionaries But now there is not so much dif- including, Church and Barham, ference between CMS, because together with ‘revived’ African CMS has become much more evan- Brethren such as Nsibambi and Blasio gelical, they (CMS) have changed Kigozi, lamented the desperate condi- their views.49 tions of the Church preceding the The Rwanda Mission was deter- revival. Hence they taught the need for mined to work within the CMS. The true conviction and confession of sin. Rwanda Mission may be considered as Blasio Kigozi describe the conditions of in the ‘middle’ between the BCMS and the Church prior to the revival: the CMS. They were evangelical but 1. What is the cause of the cold- did not intend to separate entirely from ness and deadness of the the CMS. Thus the CMS agreed after Ugandan Church? much discussion to form ‘The Rwanda 2. The communion service is being Council’ in 1927, as a self-supporting abused by those known living in mission. The aim was that it should be sin and yet are allowed to par- ‘composed of members of CMS in take. What should be done to whole-hearted sympathy with the remedy this weakness? Protestant and Evangelical principles 3. What must be done to bring of the society’.50 The theological per- revival to the Church of 52 spectives of the Rwanda Mission were Uganda? as follows: The result of the change in the the- 1) The Rwanda Council and the ology of many leaders and missionaries missionaries of the Rwanda of the CMS was a broad definition of General Medical Mission stand for the complete inspiration of the whole Bible as being, and not only 51 Ruanda Mission Constitution, Ruanda containing, the Word of God. 2) Mission Papers, Ruanda Mission, Kabale, 1921; Papers of Ruanda Mission 1933-1934; Their determination is to proclaim Group 3, Committee Original Papers, 1933- full and free salvation through sim- 1934, CMS Archives and Manuscripts, Uni- ple faith in Christ’s atoning death versity of Birmingham; Lindesay Guillebaud, upon the Cross. 3) They are satis- ‘The Ruanda Council’, A Grain of Mustard Seed: The Growth of the Ruanda Mission of C.M.S. (London: Ruanda Mission, C.M.S., n.d.), p. 30; Keswick Convention Council, The 49 Interview with J. Roger Bowen, Cam- Keswick Week, 1975: Centenary Year (London: bridge, 9 February 2003. Marshal Morgan and Scott, 1975), pp. 2-25. 50 Gordon Hewitt, The Problems of Success: A 52 Blasio Kigozi, in Joe E. Church, Awake, History of the Church Missionary Society, 1910- Uganda! p. 13; Patricia St. John, Breath of Life: 1942 (London: SCM, 1971), p. 267. The Story of The Ruanda Mission, pp. 114-115. 82 Emmanuel Hooper salvation. The typical sermons early phase of the revival in Rwanda preached were based on baptism for and Uganda, the teachings of confes- salvation. Gehman stated: sion of sin and the cleansing by the A gradual change occurred in the Blood of Christ, had direct contribution 56 theological perspective of many in from the teachings of Keswick. Even the CMS. The favourite verse Lonsdale concurred: ‘When Revival preached in the pulpit was Mark “proper” came to the mission churches, 16:16, ‘he who believes and is bap- its brethren not only attested to the tized will be saved.’ As Katarikawe cleansing power of the Blood of the 57 observes, ‘No matter how one lived Lamb, they confessed sin publicly.’ so long as he was baptized, was a The RFB based the confession of sin on 58 ticket to heaven. This was the kind the biblical text: ‘If we say we have no of gospel they often heard from the sin we deceive ourselves, and the truth pulpits.’ Thus salvation was in not in us. If we confess our sins he is through baptism.53 faithful and just to forgive us our sins and to cleanse us from all unrighteous- When revival eventually came ness’ (1 John 1: 7). through prayer and Bible devotions, there was deep conviction and confession of sin. Although Lonsdale attrib- 5. Repentance: Evidence of a utes the revival among the Kikuyu in Changed Life Kenya to the translation of the Kikuyu New Testament in 1926, instead of The theology of the revival was based missionary influence, his focus was on not only on the confession of sin, but the Kikuyu tribe of Kenya.54 Besides, also on the forsaking of sin and true the translation was only one factor, repentance, and the evidence of a 59 since repentance and obedience to the change in one’s life. The message Scriptures were essential.55 In the preached was that of a decisive depar- ture from sin.60 This theology was imparted through the Revival leaders’ ‘teaching on sin, the holiness of God, 53 Gehman, ‘The East African Revival’, East Africa Journal of Evangelical Theology, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1986, pp. 51-53. 54 John Lonsdale, ‘Revival-Kikuyu Christian- 56 Osborn, Pioneers, pp. 165-180, 176-186. ities’ in David Maxwell and Ingrid Lawrie, 57 Lonsdale, ‘Revival-Kikuyu Christianities’, eds., Christianity and The African Imagination. in Christianity, p. 179. Studies of Religion in Africa. Supplements to the 58 Mambo, ‘Revival Fellowship (Brethren) in Journal of Religion in Africa. Paul Gifford, Kenya’, pp. 110-127; Bewes, Kikuyu Conflict, Adrian Hastings and Marc R. Spindler, eds. p. 20-70; Church, Quest for the Highest, pp. 20- (Leiden, Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill, 196. 2002), p. 178. 59 Osborn, Pioneers, p. 177; See numerous 55 See the testimony of Obadiah Kariuki, A accounts of Repentance, restitution and sal- Bishop Facing Mount Kenya, pp. 48-50; Testi- vation in D. W. Smoker, God’s Triumph, pp. 5- monies of other Kikuyus in T. F. C. Bewes, 200. Interview with Dorothy Walker, Smoker, Kikuyu Conflict, pp. 5- 49; Many accounts of 4, 11 January, and 10 August 2003, Alhambra, other Kenyan tribes, including Kikuyus in D. California. W. Smoker, God’s Triumph, pp. 5-200. 60 Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 139. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 83 the new birth, repentance, faith, Bishop Tucker Theological College at prayer, the Holy Spirit, sanctification, Mukono for Joe Church, Lawrence the Christian walk, and the second Barham, and Simeoni Nsibambi. coming’.61 Dr. Joe Church and a team of Church emphasized the importance of ten Africans, including Blasio Kigozi this theological exposition: and Simeoni Nsibambi, conducted mis- At Mukono the whole college met sions following invitations, in South- in the big hall with the staff sitting West Uganda in Kigezi and Ankole. around the platform in their acade- The teaching and Bible readings were mic gowns. The atmosphere was focused on ‘sin, repentance, the new tense. But very soon as we went on birth, separation or “coming out of expounding verse after verse con- Egypt”, the Holy Spirit and the victori- viction came and it became easy to ous life’.62 speak.’… Each day was spent on Lawrence Barham clarified the one subject in this order: sin, effect of this doctrine in the revival: repentance, the new birth, separa- ‘Confession of sin, restitution, apolo- tion, the victorious life, [on June gies followed; many had dreams, some- 28, Sunday]. People kept coming times receiving strong impressions to forward who had decided for Christ read certain verses of the Bible, which until they numbered about forty.66 led them to put away sin… Preaching Besides this theological exposition, bands have gone all through the dis- the contribution of George Pilkington tricts, and many are stirred.’63 The evi- was evident as Church illustrated. ‘Pitt dence of a change was based on deep Pitts was with us and helped us to repentance without compromises or counsel each one. He pulled out an old excuses.64 True repentance, implied a concordance from the shelves to look change in lifestyle and not merely up a text and found Pilkington’s signa- repetitive confession of the same ture on the cover and the date was sins.65 1893.’67 The converted students and Dr. Joe Church reported that the others influenced by this teaching Revival ‘broke the surface’ in Uganda spread this theology of the Revival on 22 June 1936. Bishop Stuart of the through Uganda, which emerged the CMS supported this theological following year in Kenya.68 emphasis. He planned a mission at The theology of repentance included restitution. Restitution involved amendments for sins commit- 61 This was the message at the convention 69 held at Gahini, Ruanda, Hospital during the ted in the past. This provided the Christmas of 1933. See Church, Quest for the Highest, pp. 98-99; Genham, ‘The East African Revival’, p. 41. 66 Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 128. 62 Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 142; Gen- 67 Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 128. ham, ‘The East African Revival’, p. 42. 68 Church, Quest for the Highest, pp. 129-150. 63 Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 117. 69 Joe E. Church, ‘Ruanda Notes’, CMS 64 Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 142. Archives, No. 40, pp. 18-19; Church, Quest for 65 Church, Quest for the Highest, p. 112. the Highest, p. 103. 84 Emmanuel Hooper means for reconciliation and the experience revival itself does not con- restoration of fellowship with the stitute ‘revival’. But it is clear that the Brethren. Thus forgiveness was truly loud aggressive preaching used by possible when there was open confes- some Revivalists was unacceptable to sion and restitution.70 John V. Taylor the established Anglican Church in recognized this significant aspect of both Uganda and Kenya.74 the revival: The process of inviting someone to It was primarily an answer to the be revived may include preaching, but unconverted state of a great part of preaching styles themselves may differ the Church, and of some of the cler- from one Revivalist preacher to gy. It was revulsion from the another. Interviews conducted with hypocrisy of long concealed sins, several missionaries and local Africans expressed in the release of open seem to suggest several reasons for confession and restitution. It was a this friction between some revivalists discovery on a large scale that the and others, including some CMS and AIM missionaries.75 First, during the Gospel is an offer of actual rescue early stages of the revival, not all who from the grip of sins.71 participated in the meetings could be Humility and brokenness were also clearly identified as ‘revivalists’.76 Sec- essential for the establishment of har- ondly, aggressive preaching seems to mony between revived Africans and have developed later in the absence of 72 missionaries. the emphasis of the early Revivalists The ‘aggressiveness’ of some of the (1929-early 1940s), such as Joe Revival Brethren needs an analysis. Church and Nsibambi, versus later The ‘aggressiveness’ of some preach- Revivalists (late 1940s-1960s), on the ers may constitute part of the behav- significant role of the Holy Spirit in the iour of some Revivalists. In the defini- conviction of sin. This contrasted the tion of ‘revival’, the actual experience preaching of others, which were seen of revival starts with conviction of sin, as comprising condemnation, accusa- confession and repentance. The tions and faultfinding.77 Kevin Ward’s process ends with a commitment to Christ for salvation.73 The invitation to 74 See minutes of some of the Revivalists in ‘Minutes of Revivalists’, Kampala, Uganda, ca. 1950, pp. 1-2. 70 Bill Butler, Hill Ablaze, p. 12; Church, 75 Interview with Rev. John Haselden Dob- Quest for the Highest, pp. 197-206. son, M.A., at Henry Martyn Centre Seminar, 71 John V. Taylor, The Process of Growth in An Cambridge University, 6 February 2003, and African Church (London: SCM, 1958), p. 15. at his home in Norwich, 7 February 2003. 72 Church, Quest for the Highest, pp. 162-163. 76 Interview with Dr. Jonathan Gichaara, 73 For RFB perspectives on Revival, see Bla- Birmingham, 4 and 5 May 2003; Interview sio Kigozi, in Joe E. Church, Awake, Uganda! with Robin Church, Cambridge, 20 February pp. 12-13; Obadiah Kariuki, A Bishop Facing 2003. Mount Kenya, pp. 48-50; Herbert H. Osborn, 77 Interview with Rev. John Haselden Dob- Pioneers in The East African Revival, pp. 165- son, Norwich, 7 February 2003. See John 180, 176-186; Patricia St. John, Breath of Life: Gehman, Doing African Theology (Nairobi: The Story of The Ruanda Mission, pp. 114-115. Evangel Publishing, 1985), p.130. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 85 later work after his PhD seem to sug- ate from Oxford and AIM missionary to gest that those who were involved in Kenya from 1961 to 1972 in the West this kind of aggressive preaching had Nile gave his assessment of the revival seceded from the ‘Balokole’ move- during this latter stage: ment, and became known as the ‘Trum- My experiences of the influence of peters.’78 Ward stated: the East African Revival Movement He [Doctor Eliya Lubulwa] intro- in Uganda in the period 1961-1972 duced a local man, Yutso Otunnu, was mostly very positive… An off- to ‘salvation’ and Otunnu in turn shoot of the Revival movement became the driving force of the known as the ‘Strivers’ or the Revival throughout Northern ‘Trumpeters’ (because of the long Uganda. When Lubulwa arrived in megaphones through which they the North he was already out of fel- shouted their message) were lowship with the Brethren (as extremely divisive. At times their Balokole called themselves) in message would centre on the call to Buganda, and as a result Revival in turn away from sin and to believe in the North developed a distinctive Christ. But their message would character. It acquired the name of contain condemnation of all who 80 ‘Trumpeters’, because Revivalists were not members of their group. used megaphones to preach Although this particular group, the aggressive evangelistic sermons in ‘Strivers’ were an ‘offshoot’ of the market places and outside church- ‘Balokole’ they sometimes preached a es, disrupting the services taking similar doctrine to that of the place inside. Otunnu and Luwum ‘Balokole’, on the need to ‘turn away were arrested for disturbing the from sin and to believe in Christ’.81 Dob- peace in Kitgum in 1948.79 son also attested to the faithful ones he identified among the ‘Balokole’: The early Revivalists may not inter- pret this aggressive preaching as Janani Luwum [Archbishop of revival, but it was clearly part of the Uganda, martyred by Idi Amin], method of preaching used by the like his friend Festo Kivengere aggressive preachers. [Bishop], was also someone who Rev. John Haselden Dobson, gradu- came to a deep faith and Christian commitment through the witness of those touched by the Revival. He was a marvellous and gracious per- 78 Interviews with J. Roger Bowen, Cam- bridge, 9 February 2003; Dr. Robin Church, son to be with, and as Archbishop, Cambridge, 20 February 2003; Rev. John Haselden Dobson, Norwich, 7 February 2003; Rev. Richard Bewes, London, 2 March 2003. 80 Interview with Rev. John Haselden Dob- 79 Kevin Ward, ‘Archbishop Janani Luwum’, son, Norwich, 7 February 2003; See also fur- in Christianity and The African Imagination. ther accounts of his experiences in his book, Studies of Religion in Africa, p. 206. Yusto John H. Dobson, Daybreak in the West Nile, pp. Otunnu’s son, Olara Otunnu, became a cabinet 3-48. minister in the 1980s and now is a prominent 81 Dobson, Daybreak in the West Nile, pp. 20- official of the United Nations. Ibid., p. 206. 48. 86 Emmanuel Hooper

a fearless critic of the evils com- the RFB than through the main estab- mitted by Idi Amin and his hench- lished churches. Their primary alle- men. From the moment of his con- giance was to the revival fellowship version, Janani had determined that groups, and thus attended their meet- if he was going to be a Christian he ings regularly, although they attended wanted to be a faithful soldier and services at the mainline churches as servant of Christ.82 well.85 Joe Church and the early revival- Ward confirmed the impact of the ists could be described as ardent Revival’s theology on Archbishop revivalists, since their interest was Luwum: ‘Luwum was seen to possess more in furthering the revival cause, good social and pastoral skills, although Church would not advocate enabling him to gain the respect of dif- secession from the mainline ferent people. As a moderate Revival- churches.86 ist, committed to both church and fel- The separatists wing of the Revival lowship, he was particularly sensitive movement were those who advocated to the need to respect impartially all secession from the main-line denomi- sections of the church.’83 nations, and thus did not attend their The various wings of the revival meetings since, in their view, the movement could be grouped in three established churches compromised main categories: the ‘moderates’, the their religious and moral standards ardent RFB members, and the sepa- and therefore needed to be ‘saved’. The ratists. The ‘moderate’ Revivalists separatists felt that the only way for were committed to maintaining the revival was through separation from revival influence within the Church. the established churches—Anglican, Thus they attended their regular Methodist, Presbyterian, etc.87 church services, and also met, In the aftermath of Luwum’s mar- although not regularly, with the RFB in tyrdom by Amin and members of his their fellowship meetings. The moder- regime, the Church appointed Silvanus ates placed less emphasis on revival Wani, who was also a ‘member of the outside the established Church.84 The moderate wing of the Revival move- ardent members of the RFB were the ment that worked for cooperation with Revivalists who placed greater empha- the institutional church’.88 Robin sis on the revival’s influence through Church recollected the effect of the

82 Interview with Rev. John Haselden Dob- 85 See Mambo, ‘Revival Fellowship son, Norwich, 7 February 2003. (Brethren) in Kenya’, pp. 110-127. 83 Ward, ‘Archbishop Janani Luwum’, in 86 See Church, Quest for the Highest, pp. 5- Christianity and the African Imagination, pp. 196. 210-211. 87 See Barrett et al., Kenya Churches Hand- 84 See Osborn, Pioneers in The East African book, pp. 40-125; John Gehman, ‘East African Revival, pp. 15-260; Ruanda Notes, No. 56 p. Revival’, pp. 37-54. 12; No. 57, p. 8; No. 59, p. 16; No. 47, pp. 16- 88 Ward, ‘Archbishop Janani Luwum’, in 90; Obadiah Kariuki, A Bishop Facing Mount Christianity and the African Imagination, pp. Kenya, pp. 46-59. 220. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 87 revival’s theology: of salvation is based on the atonement When the Revival came, there was of the death of Christ and his resurrec- 93 a real change in the lives of those tion for the believer. The RFB taught who were affected. There was that one must persist in the faith in repentance, public confession and Christ on a daily basis without a 94 joyful testimonies of the forgive- relapse into sin or complacency. ness and peace of God, which came Bishop Bill Butler wrote from Kenya, with the repentance. This was fol- after his speech at the Kitale lowed by restitution, reconciliation ‘Keswick’: ‘The Blood of Jesus has of relationships in families, commu- made Victory gloriously available to nity, workplace, with authorities, me and entering experimentally into between missionaries and Africans, that victorious life is dependent on just and across tribal barriers.’89 one thing: my willingness to keep saying “Yes” to Jesus!’95 He cited Hebrews The effect of the implementation of 12:2 to validate this teaching, ‘Where- this theology, was that they ‘became fore,… let us lay aside every weight, public examples of a Christian way of and the sin which so easily besets us; living the whole of their lives, with joy, and let us run the race that is set before righteousness and Godly ways’.90 us. Looking unto Jesus, the Author and Perfector of our faith.’96 This doctrine 6. Salvation: Assurance of of making sure one was ‘saved’ was a Conversion major theological emphasis of the revival movement.97 The theology of salvation was based on In analysis of the theology of salva- the Pauline doctrine that it was by tion, the Revival Brethren doubted as ‘faith in Christ’ and not merely by good to whether one was saved if one’s life works.91 This theology of the Revival- did not comprise a constant ‘habit of ists required good works after repen- yielding… to the warnings of the Holy tance and faith to demonstrate that Spirit’ in a ‘daily walk with God’ and conversion had occurred.92 Assurance ‘cleansing by faith through the Blood of

89 Interview with Robin Church, Cambridge, 20 February, 2003. 93 Osborn, Pioneers, pp. 58-59. 90 Interview with Robin Church, Interview 94 Osborn, Pioneers, pp. 50-60; Obadiah Kar- notes, p. 2. iuki, A Bishop Facing Mount Kenya, pp. 70-80; 91 See Obadiah Kariuki, A Bishop Facing Mambo, ‘Revival Fellowship (Brethren) in Mount Kenya, pp. 46-80; Mambo, ‘Revival Fel- Kenya’, pp. 110-112. lowship (Brethren) in Kenya’, pp. 110-127. 95 Bill Butler, ‘News From Kenya’, CMS, 92 See Osborn, Pioneers, pp. 25-250; Ruanda Front-line News, July 1945, No. 3, Guillebaud, Notes, No. 56 p. 12; No. 57, p. 8; No. 59, p. 16; A Grain of Mustard Seed: The Growth of the No. 47, pp. 16-90; Obadiah Kariuki, A Bishop Ruanda Mission of C.M.S., p. 14-20. Facing Mount Kenya, pp. 46-59; Mambo, 96 Guillebaud, A Grain of Mustard Seed: The ‘Revival Fellowship (Brethren) in Kenya’, pp. Growth of the Ruanda Mission of C.M.S., p. 14. 110-127; Church, Quest for the Highest, pp. 20- 97 Joe E. Church, ed., Ruanda Notes, No. 47. 90. p. 140. 88 Emmanuel Hooper

Christ’.98 Joe Church summarised the striving by the Believer;100 the effects of process leading to salvation as follows: such striving could also be anxiety for Salvation is a complete whole… It salvation, instead of faith in Christ. is complete in Him…there is the act In the theological perspective of the (sic) of repentance, the coming out Revival Brethren, there was more of the pit, and there is the attitude emphasis on the word, ‘saved’ than (sic) of repentance, the abiding ‘Born-again’, since the latter had con- habit of yielding, or being broken, notations with baptism. Although to the warnings of the Holy Spirit in many evangelical missionaries used our daily walk with God. There is both inter-changeably, the Revival the act of being cleansed from all brethren were determined to make past sin, which is called justifica- their theological distinctives on ‘salvation, and there is the attitude of tion’ unequivocal. Bowen expanded on daily cleansing by the Precious the reason for emphasis: Blood in keeping fellowship unhin- You wouldn’t call them (Balokole) dered, which is Sanctification. Christians. To them the Christians There is the act of prayer, such as are the ones who have been bap- Peter’s cry, “Lord save me!” and tized. The Balokole, are the saved there is the abiding attitude of ones. They would say, and many prayer, when the Lord is very near people have said this to me, ‘Oh, and real. This is the place of true yes, I am a Christian, but I am not communion with God, the place of saved yet.’ They all know what you real intercession.99 are talking about. Even today, if you go to Africa you will hear peo- This theology can be located in the ple say, ‘I am a Christian, but I am broader Christian theological tradition not saved yet.’ And they also say of the Keswick Holiness movement, in ‘yet’, ‘I am not saved yet.’ Meaning which the process of sanctification that one day it might happen, but results in a pietistic life-style for the not yet. Ever so clear, totally clear. Believer. Although this challenged the They didn’t use the word ‘born- complacency of the Calvinist theology again’ very much, just ‘saved.’ The of election, where salvation was based reason they didn’t use the word on predestination—those already cho- ‘born-again’ very much was sen by God for salvation, with little because with Lutherans, anyone ‘born-again’ is connected with baptism. When you are baptized as a baby that is the sacrament of 98 Joe E. Church, ed., Ruanda Notes, No. 47. pp. 140ff.; Guillebaud, A Grain of Mustard Seed: The Growth of the Ruanda Mission of C.M.S., pp. 13-20. 100 Weber, Max, Protestant Ethic and the 99 Joe E. Church, Out of the Pit: An allegory in Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Scribner, picture form showing man’s redemption from the 1948), pp. 95-127; Calvin expounded this the- pit of sin (London: Marshall Morgan and Scott, ology in his Calvin’s Institutes: Chapter III (of 1958), p. 14. God’s Eternal Decree), No. 3, No. 5. The Theology of Trans-Atlantic Evangelicalism 89

regeneration… The whole society impact was through influence of the knew that if you were ‘saved’ you Revival Fellowship Brethren within were different.101 the home, workplaces, the community, The emphasis in the theology of sal- and the wider society. The Revival was vation was that the Revival Brethren a major challenge to the decadence and had to persevere in their faith in Christ. corruption within the Kenyan society. Redemption by the grace of God The contributions of the revival implied a daily cleansing by faith include endeavours to alleviate the suffering of their society, such as the through the Blood of Christ towards oppression of the lower classes by the greater sanctification—’The utmost upper classes through bribery and cor- for the Highest.’102 ruption. This included their participation in programs towards social and 7. Conclusion political justice, assistance to the poor, needy, elderly, and the sick, and other The significant contributions of the philanthropic and benevolent activities trans-Atlantic theology of the East such as refugee work, and medical and African Revival and its subsequent educational programs. impact on East African Protestantism Furthermore, the education of the were in terms of the rapid growth of the Revival Fellowship Brethren espe- churches through the multiplication of cially in phase two and the early stages fellowship groups, resulting in the for- of phase three of the Revival, provided mation of the Revival Fellowship its participants with prominent educa- Brethren. The subsequent social tional, social and political leadership positions in the society. This subsequently provided the means for a wider 101 Interview with J. Roger Bowen, Cam- engagement of the participants of the bridge, 9 February 2003. Fellowship in efforts to curb corruption 102 Joe E. Church, ‘My Utmost for His High- est’, CMS, Front-line News, July 1945, No. 3, and bribery, and enforce moral stan- C.M.S. Ruanda Mission, ‘Private Circulation,’ dards of fidelity, integrity, and law and pp. 2-3; Osborn, Pioneers, pp. 176-186. order in the society.

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Reviewed by David Parker Reviewed by Adriaan Verwijs Andrew Walker and Kristen Aune Tharcisse Gatwa (eds.) The Churches and Ethnic Ideology in the On Revival: a critical examination Rwandan Crisis 1900-1994 Reviewed by John Lewis Reviewed by David Parker John Howard Yoder edited by Mark Ian Stackhouse Thiessen Nation The Gospel-Driven Church—Retrieving Karl Barth and the Problem of War: and Classical Ministry for Contemporary other Essays on Barth Revivalism Book Reviews

ERT (2007) 31:1, 90-91 relationship between them remains largely unilluminated. On Revival: a critical examination A biblical basis for revival is even more Edited by Andrew Walker and difficult. As one essayist puts it, ‘biblical Kristen Aune scholars are mostly honest enough to admit that we cannot—except by some Carlisle: Paternoster, 2003 ISBN 1-84227-201-2 hermeneutical sleight of hand—derive Pb pp 251 much information from their principal academic subject matter’. He therefore Reviewed by David Parker, Editor of suggests that ‘the task devolves to Evangelical Review of Theology church historians to plunder the 2,000 years since and to weigh up what phe- On Revival is a collection of 15 papers nomena might, or might not, answer to from a conference in London run by the that description’. But even as a church two editors, covering a wide range of historian, he has to concede that ‘most of material and approaches—theological, those 2,000 years are scarcely more use- biblical, historical, contemporary and ful to us than the biblical records in this multi-disciplinary. All of the authors are search…’. William Kay, in his study of British, and several of them, especially in the Welsh Revival and the Azusa Street the first part, struggle to find appropriate revival, is no more optimistic about the techniques to analyse and even to define value of sociological and psychological revival. In fact one essay proposes six dif- approaches in understanding revival ferent levels or kinds of revival, naming Even so, the historical essays (in Part them ‘R1’ (personal renewal) all the way 2—the longest of the three) prove to be through to ‘R6’ (the ‘revival’ of more realistic and helpful in explaining Christendom)! At least there is a fairly revival since they deal with observable common agreement that some distinction and definite phenomena. The advantage should be made between revival (God’s of this is seen in the way that some focus action) and revivalism (human attempts on very particular instances—for exam- to foster and produced revival), but the ple, there is a study of the founder of the Book Reviews 91

Elim Church, and then there is Mark ence papers, lacks unity and focus, but as Patterson’s study of ‘the Albury Circle’ revival is undoubtedly ‘an exhilarating led by Henry Drummond; Kenneth word for a Christian’, it is well worth Jeffrey’s description of the 1859 revival in studying. There are plenty of references north east Scotland shows the remark- cited at the end of each chapter but no able variations that can occur in a revival index. by depicting events in the urban setting of Aberdeen, compared with those in the rural hinterland and, finally, those in the ERT (2007) 31:1, 91-93 fishing villages of Moray Firth. David Bebbington brings forward good evidence Karl Barth and the Problem of to dissolve the myth that the War: and other Essays on Barth Enlightenment and revival are polar oppo- John Howard Yoder edited by sites. Nigel Wright raises interesting Mark Thiessen Nation questions about the after-effects of Cascade Books, Eugene, OR, 2003 revival by comparing the Welsh revival ISBN: 1-59244-357-5 with the Wimber movement, suggesting Pb, pp188 that the outcome may well be the oppo- site of what is expected—the ‘deadening’ Reviewed by John Lewis, Adelaide, South of the church rather than its ‘quickening’! Australia The third and final section contains Mark Thiessen Nation, Associate papers that are more general, and more Professor of Theology at Eastern imaginative, highlighting as they do Mennonite Seminary, Virginia, has edited insightful interpretations and possibili- this important collection of works penned ties. So Pete Ward shows how modern by the late John Howard Yoder (1927- revivalism as seen in the Christian music 1997). Yoder was without doubt one of movement is in fact ‘selling worship [to North America’s most learned commenta- the committed] and not evangelism [to tors on Barth’s theology. He earned his the unbeliever], and intimacy rather than Ph.D. from the University of Basel and conversion’. Ian Stackhouse’s paper, taught theology at the University of Notre which closes the book, highlights the Dame. He was also Professor of theology problems that a contemporary version of and President of Mennonite Bible revivalism, ‘Christian faddism’, create for Seminary. a proper understanding of the church and As a Mennonite, Yoder was particularly proper reliance on the gospel. concerned with Barth’s thoughts on war While it is clear, as the editors realize, and pacifism. He begins with a study of that ‘there exists no consensus’ about the Barth’s ethics, which he rightly sees as meaning of ‘revival’, or we might add, of being ‘provided by God in his revelation’. many of its characteristics, these papers Christian action, therefore, just as in represent a deep, personal commitment Christian thinking, ‘must begin by admit- on the part of their authors, a wide range ting the priority of God’s speaking over of knowledge and skills, and a determina- our speaking about God’. Yoder encapsu- tion to deal rigorously—even ‘critically’, lates Barth’s agenda well when he states as the subtitle has it—with the subject. It that in ‘Christian moral decision, just as is certainly not a book for the beginner, in Christian preaching, the basic event is and by its nature as a collection of confer- the Word of God, and that Word is not in 92 Book Reviews human hands’. Indeed, Yoder notes that not advocate pacifism. To be sure, Barth, in the final section of Church ‘(n)either pacifism nor militarism requires Dogmatics II/2, is ‘preoccupied with the the exercise of much insight’. What is difference between an ethic rooted in the required is the insight to see that the Word of God and the way philosophical issue is to do with keeping the peace. ethics normally proceeds’. Barth under- What is required is the elimination of stood the Word as that which is spoken those conditions that lead to war. Indeed, to humanity in Christ and makes ‘(w)ar is a sign of the state’s failure’. Christian ethics possible because it Consequently the church is bestowed with includes his commandments which is spo- a task in putting these vital questions to ken to every time and place. the state, and every individual: ‘Do you Yoder discusses foundational assump- see the horror of war? Have you worked tions about humanity that Barth estab- for peace?’ lished for his work on ethics. There are Positively, Yoder believes that Barth ‘is four ethical lines. ‘First, man is man in far nearer to Christian pacifism than he is that he is free before God for fellowship to any kind of systematic apology for with God. Second, man is man in that he Christian participation in war. For him it exists in togetherness with other human is theologically not possible to construct creatures: with woman, with his neighbor, a justification for war.’ Where Barth dif- with the community, with the nation. fers from the pacifist, claims Yoder, is in Third, man is man in that he is alive. He his ‘readiness to foresee exceptions to the is the soul of his body. Fourth, it is con- generally admitted wrongness of war’. stitutive of man to be limited.’ Yoder pro- Barth’s term for this was Grenzfall, which ceeds to discuss the third of these, ‘that can be translated as ‘borderline case’, which deals with man as a life, as alive ‘limiting case’, or ‘extreme case’. Yet this (CD III/4, 324-564).’ This gives him the is not a concept with which Yoder has context he needs to discuss the general much sympathy. Indeed, it is at this point ethical question of the protection of life, that Yoder is most critical of Barth’s the- before contemplating the protection of life ology. Yoder feels driven ‘to conclude that in relation to the problem of war. the Grenzfall is not a formal concept with Yoder refers to Barth as stating that to validity in the discipline of ethics. It is ‘wage war means not only to kill, but to simply the label which Barth has seen fit kill without glory, without dignity, with- to attach to the fact that, in some situa- out chivalry, without limit, without tions, he considers himself obliged to reserve; it also means to steal, to ran- make a choice which runs against what sack, to burn, to lie, to deceive, to dishon- all the formal concepts of his own ethics our, and to fornicate (CD 454)’. According would seem to require.’ to Yoder, Barth’s revolution was in pro- To explicate his point Yoder turns to claiming that this form of killing is worse Barth’s case study of Switzerland against than abortion and suicide. Yoder’s reflec- Nazi Germany. It was Barth’s conviction tion on this is that ‘(i)n reversing the that an ultimate armed resistance against order of importance of these various Hitler’s Germany would have constituted kinds of disobediences to the order of the lesser of two evils. However, Yoder God, Barth has already made a tremen- finds fault in Barth’s proposition on three dous step toward a wholly new apprecia- fronts. First, Barth was naïve in assuming tion of the problem’. However, Barth does that there were only two choices; then Book Reviews 93

Barth’s proposal was inconsistent with is that this crime occurred in a country his earlier comments that all means pos- where the vast majority—about 80 %— sible must be investigated and exhausted was baptized and belonged to a church. before war is contemplated, and finally, The question Dr Gatwa tries to answer in Barth made too many assumptions about his PhD study which he finished in the need for the Swiss state to continue Edinburgh 1998 is what the role of the as it was. Therefore, Yoder believes that churches was in the whole process that a Swiss surrender should have been con- preceded the genocide. This book, pub- sidered as a possible solution. Ultimately lished in 2005, is close to the literal text he appears disappointed that Barth’s ear- of his dissertation while the French ver- lier pacifist position should be under- sion, published in 2001, is more popular mined by his concept of Grenzfall. To be and less detailed than the English edition. sure, while Yoder is content to believe Gatwa begins by investigating identity that Barth should go to war if God com- and ethnicity in Rwanda before the colo- mands it, he is totally unconvinced that nial period (roughly from 1900-1960). any such command would be given. Both the unifying and dividing factors Indeed, Yoder cautions everyone to ‘give between the clans and ethics are men- heed whether, being called to disciple- tioned. He explains how the terms Tutsi ship, it is either possible for him to avoid, and Hutu were mainly related to the or permissible for him to neglect becom- social position and thus the number of ing…[a]…pacifist’! cows people possessed. The ethnic conno- tation came in when different Tutsi clans ERT (2007) 31:1, 93-94 started to profile themselves and exclude others. This exclusion took place through the use of myths, which controlled one The Churches and Ethnic group and justified the privileges of the Ideology in the Rwandan Crisis other group. This polarization was sup- 1900-1994 ported and even propagated as a racial Tharcisse Gatwa ideology by the Belgian Colonialists. The Milton Keynes, UK /Waynesboro, Belgians generally exported their own USA, Paternoster: Regnum Studies in problems to Rwanda (the division Mission 2005 between Flemings and Walloons) and ISBN 1-870345-24-X used physical characteristics to distin- Pb, pp 276, Index, Glossary, bibliog.. guish Hutus, Tutsis and Twa, measuring Reviewed by Adriaan Verwijs, Eglise among other things their skulls, noses Episcopale au Rwanda, Diocese Kigali and body length. The Tutsis were supposed to be the born rulers: they were, The Hutu, Tutsi and Twa tribes have apart from their skin, white people. lived together in Rwanda for ages and The Church (Gatwa refers mainly to the share the same language, culture and his- powerful Catholic Church in Rwanda) did tory in one of Africa’s oldest realms. In not protest against these practices, but 1994 hundreds of thousands of Hutu- used a Hamitic theory to built a racial extremists killed their fellow country- theology. This Hamitic theory is not the men—most of them Tutsis—in a geno- notorious one used to support the cide lasting one hundred days. Rwanda apartheid by saying that all black people today is still recovering. A bizarre detail derive from Ham and are therefore 94 Book Reviews cursed. In this Hamitic theory (related to by the Catholic hierarchy. The African the theory of Social Darwinism) the idea Evangelical Enterprise (AEE) dared to is that the Tutsis cannot be Bantu people speak prophetically during the as the Hutus are; they have to originate Habyarimana regime in the 1990s. AEE from elsewhere, from Europe or the member, Israël Havugimana, is one of the Middle East via Ethiopia probably. They people mentioned in the list of Gatwa’s must be the descendents of Ham, in spite friends who were murdered during the of the Bantu language they speak, and 1994 genocide. are thus superior to the Hutus. The book concludes with a chapter about The church privileged the Tutsis and dis- the healing of the church in the post-94 criminated against the Hutus. This meant context of Rwanda. Repentance is a condi- that in daily life Tutsi people got the tion for real forgiveness and reconciliation. opportunity to study and to receive the Gatwa’s study is an essential tool for his- best jobs, while the Hutus (the 85 % torians, theologians, church leaders, mis- majority in Rwanda) and Twa were mar- sionaries and others who are interested in ginalized. The church changed her focus Rwanda or other places marked by a his- on the Tutsis and started to favour the tory of violence, colonialism and bad lead- Hutus just before independence in 1962, ership. The report given on the Protestant mainly because of the Tutsi opposition to revival deserves in my opinion a more the Belgian government and the church, profound and positive evaluation and is partly as an effect of Liberation theology. not always convincing. But in general I Suddenly, the Hutu people recieved all feel that it is amazing how Gatwa has the attention and privileges they had been able to give a balanced report on the lacked for such a long time. complex Rwandan history, even though The fifth chapter deals with the role of the he took an active part in the human media and seems at first sight to be out of rights movements on the eve of the geno- place in this study. However, the media cide and lived and survived the atrocities. played a key role in spreading the hatred It is shameful to see how literally all par- of the Hutu extremists and the church ties involved failed. failed to address it. Only during the crisis Tharcisse Gatwa challenges the churches in the 1990s did the church release a to fulfil their prophetic role and to focus series of pastoral letters at two key on good leadership. Religious and politi- moments—one series related to the visit cal groups have to ‘humbly confess and of the pope and another related to the repent of their misdeeds and together invasion of the Rwanda Patriotic Front. become the means of reconciliation and These pastoral letters were, as Gatwa put reconstruction as foundations of a new it, letters that introduced a number of relationship, even a new community’. burning issues without analysing the real What the role of the church has to be in a causes or proposing a solution. dictatorial environment is clear. But the Recapitulating, Gatwa shows how the cost is high, according to Gatwa: ‘In Catholic and Protestant churches failed to choosing not to be the carriers of sin in speak prophetically and to act according- the world and not to hold back in the face ly. However, a few exceptions are men- of absolute power and living ideologies of tioned. In the period before the genocide, power, in choosing to oppose evil a group of Roman Catholic laymen took a regimes, we must choose the route of clear and firm position, although hindered martyrdom’ (p. 253). Book Reviews 95

ERT (2007) 31:1, 95-96 One central argument of the book is that the charismatic movement is totally The Gospel-Driven Church— focused on an immediate experience of Retrieving Classical Ministry for God, making instant responses a necessi- Contemporary Revivalism ty. In worship, for example, this reveals Ian Stackhouse itself as a focus on ‘intensity’ which ‘dis- places traditional concepts of Christian Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2004 assurance by becoming the dispenser of ISBN 1-84227-290-X grace itself…. [O]nly in and through the Pb pp291 Bibliog experience of worship, and the way we Reviewed by David Parker, Editor, perform in worship, can grace be appro- Evangelical Review of Theology priated; hence, the pressure to make something happen.’ The serious outcome In this book, Ian Stackhouse, pastor of of this state of affairs is that ‘Worship as Guildford Baptist Church, addresses the spiritual formation is sidelined in favour charismatic renewal movement in UK. He of worship as effect’. Charismatics have, is deeply concerned that, as it moves on to therefore, lost sight of the church’s dis- the second generation, it has lost its way, tinctive identity as the transformed peo- especially since the time of the Toronto ple of God, which, Stackhouse argues, is Blessing, which he views as a crisis point. the proper basis and dynamic for mission He contends that the original charismatic and outreach. Ironically, mission pursued renewal has now turned into revivalism. on the charismatic basis using numerical In this mode, it uses ‘innovative strate- success as the motivating force destroys gies’ which have ‘little in common with any claim to distinctiveness and authen- classical modes of revival’ but have been ticity, and will thus destroy the church. employed in the ‘hope of bringing about This argument is tied in with another the [expected] revival in very tangible and equally important one—the charismatic practical ways’ and to ‘maximise the movement is too much focused on expect- impact of the gospel and realise substan- ing to see revival and the vision of the tial growth’. He concludes: ‘In short, they kingdom fully realized in the present. No are attempts from within the charismatic effort is spared to produce this outcome movement to make the revival occur.’ As which is where the lack of theological a result, the charismatic movement is and historical rootage proves disastrous. now largely controlled by faddism and a This ‘spiritual utopianism’ is naïve, and pragmatic approach to Christian life and in the end frustrating, leading to despair ministry. It is dominated by the need for which has disastrous pastoral and per- success (measured by numerical growth) sonal consequences. It also shows a lack which, he shows, is a fatal compromise of confidence in the gospel which wit- with secular values. He puts this failure nesses to the victory of Christ already, down to ‘theological amnesia’ and a loss although there is the hope of full redemp- of connection with the gospel. tion at the end. This is a strong criticism, which is well In the body of the book, these themes are informed by years of personal experience courageously and insightfully explored in in the movement, and detailed knowledge several key inter-related areas, such as of numerous leaders, programs and worship, prayer, pneumatology, preaching, trends. the sacraments, pastoral ministry and 96 Book Reviews ecclesiology. The author makes a strong sents a much broader and more compre- case for retrieving the classical ministries hensive view of the role of the Spirit than to reconnect with the gospel as the anti- the reductionist version typical of charis- dote to the despair evident in the second matics. generation of charismatics who have been If the situation is as serious as this book disappointed by the failure of the alleges, the charismatic movement should promised revival throughout the land. take its critique very seriously indeed. These classical ministries, which have However, the author is not optimistic that been so decisively jettisoned by the charis- his theologically and pastorally sound matic movement, are in fact the God-given suggestions will be adopted. But more ways of producing the maturity needed by generally, this is an important book for the church for its wellbeing and witness. everyone because the call to strengthen In line with the ‘Deep Church’ series (of the church in its distinctive identity as which this book is the initial volume), it the people of God through remembrance is the author’s conviction that the and re-presentation of the gospel is an Christian faith is historically grounded important task for all Christians today. and Christian experience is mediated. The book is not always easy to read, Hence he emphasizes the importance of especially in the early part; as a pub- the sacramental, not only in terms of the lished version of a doctoral thesis, it biblical sacraments of baptism and the needs tighter editing for better direction, Lord’s Supper, but also by showing how smoother flow and avoidance of repeti- preaching, worship, church and even tion. Yet there is plenty of scope for the tongues can be seen as ‘sacramental’ in reader to wrestle with the many valuable the sense of being channels of grace and insights it contains on almost all aspects bringing Christ to the people. of church life and witness. The Gospel-Driven Church is not all nega- Perhaps the key question raised by this tive, like many books of this type. In fact, insider’s critique is whether he really one of its significant strengths is the way remains a charismatic himself? The way it shows how key Pentecostal and charis- he integrates distinctive charismatic and matic beliefs and practices (such as glos- Pentecostal ideas (Spirit baptism and solalia and Spirit baptism) which have glossolalia) with the gospel and other key been detached from their biblical roots elements of traditional Christian belief can be linked strongly with the gospel, as and practice such as the sacraments they often were in the earlier days of the makes him sound like an evangelical with charismatic renewal. So now there is the a hearty practical confidence in the opportunity and the urgent need for them gospel and the power of the Spirit to be re-focused (or recovered) to provide indwelling and empowering the believer better theological grounding. and church. Stackhouse does realize that Of great significance for charismatics, his proposal and the dominant ideas Stackhouse shows how the Spirit ‘is the against which he is contending have ‘very indispensable link’ between the reality of different theological presuppositions’ but salvation and call to discipleship: ‘all he does not resolve this point. Christian imperatives are predicated upon Finally, it is unfortunate that the binding the indicative of grace in Christ, leading of this paperback book has not stood up to the oft-quoted summary of Pauline the intensive study needed to digest its ethics: “Be what you are”.’ Overall he pre- contents. ERT cover 31-1 21/11/06 14:40 Page 2

ABSTRACTS/INDEXING This journal is abstracted in Religious and Theological Abstracts, 121 South College Street (P.O. Box 215), Myerstown, PA 17067, USA, and in the Christian Periodical Index, P.O. Christology in Dialogue with Muslims Box 4, Cedarville, OH 45314, USA. A Critical Analysis of Christian Presentations of Christ for It is also indexed in the ATLA Religion Database, published by the American Theological Muslims form the Ninth and Twentieth Centuries Library Association, 250 S. Wacker Dr., 16th Flr., Chicago, Illinois 60606-5834 USA, E- I. Mark Beaumont mail: [email protected], Web: www.atla.com/ This book analyses Christian presentations of Christ for Muslims in the most creative periods of Christian–Muslim dialogue, the first half of the ninth century and the second MICROFORM half of the twentieth century. In these two periods, Christians made serious attempts to present their faith in Christ in terms that take into account Muslim perceptions of This journal is available on Microform from UMI, 300 North Zeeb Road, P.O. Box 1346, him, with a view to bridging the gap between Muslim and Christian convictions. Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346, USA. Phone: (313)761-4700 Mark Beaumont is Director of Mission Studies at Birmingham Christian College, UK

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