Fighting Hate and Injustice in Trump Era
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The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
Rec Center Gets a Makeover Dordt Instructor Challenges Steve King for Congress Concert Choir Tour: Ain't No Sickness Can Hold
Dordt NISO Dordt Changes media concert theatre to DCC truck Piano in ACTF Dreamer page 3 page 3 page 4 page 8 January 31, 2019 Issue 1 Follow us online Concert Choir tour: ain’t no sickness can hold them down Haemi Kim -- Staff Writer could incorporate this beautiful language into our piece. I loved the excitement on people’s During winter break, Dordt College Concert faces in the audience—or fear among the high Choir and its conductor Ryan Smit went on a schoolers—when we did this song and I had tour, sharing their talents to many different people at almost every stop come up to me audiences. It was a week-long tour going afterwards and thank me for it.” around Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, and Indiana. Even though the choir tour was a blast to Many of the choir students enjoyed being on many of the choir members, this year, the tour because it was an opportunity to meet other stomach flu spread within the choir, affecting choir members and build relationships with around 14 students, and even the conductor other choir members. during their last concert before coming back. “It’s a unique opportunity to get to know the Because of this, TeBrake and Seaman stepped other choir members outside of the choir room,” up to conduct the last concert, each taking half said senior soprano Kourtney TeBrake. of the performance. “Before tour, you recognize people in the As music education majors, it wasn’t their first choir, maybe know their names, but when you time conducting for a choir. -
FUNDING HATE How White Supremacists Raise Their Money
How White Supremacists FUNDING HATE Raise Their Money 1 RESPONDING TO HATE FUNDING HATE INTRODUCTION 1 SELF-FUNDING 2 ORGANIZATIONAL FUNDING 3 CRIMINAL ACTIVITY 9 THE NEW KID ON THE BLOCK: CROWDFUNDING 10 BITCOIN AND CRYPTOCURRENCIES 11 THE FUTURE OF WHITE SUPREMACIST FUNDING 14 2 RESPONDING TO HATE How White Supremacists FUNDING HATE Raise Their Money It’s one of the most frequent questions the Anti-Defamation League gets asked: WHERE DO WHITE SUPREMACISTS GET THEIR MONEY? Implicit in this question is the assumption that white supremacists raise a substantial amount of money, an assumption fueled by rumors and speculation about white supremacist groups being funded by sources such as the Russian government, conservative foundations, or secretive wealthy backers. The reality is less sensational but still important. As American political and social movements go, the white supremacist movement is particularly poorly funded. Small in numbers and containing many adherents of little means, the white supremacist movement has a weak base for raising money compared to many other causes. Moreover, ostracized because of its extreme and hateful ideology, not to mention its connections to violence, the white supremacist movement does not have easy access to many common methods of raising and transmitting money. This lack of access to funds and funds transfers limits what white supremacists can do and achieve. However, the means by which the white supremacist movement does raise money are important to understand. Moreover, recent developments, particularly in crowdfunding, may have provided the white supremacist movement with more fundraising opportunities than it has seen in some time. This raises the disturbing possibility that some white supremacists may become better funded in the future than they have been in the past. -
Testimony of Lecia Brooks Chief of Staff, Southern Poverty Law Center
Testimony of Lecia Brooks Chief of Staff, Southern Poverty Law Center before the Subcommittee on National Security, International Development and Monetary Policy Committee on Financial Services United States House of Representatives Dollars against Democracy: Domestic Terrorist Financing in the Aftermath of Insurrection February 25, 2021 My name is Lecia Brooks. I am chief of staff of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). Now in our 50th year, the SPLC is a catalyst for racial justice in the South and beyond, working in partnership with communities to dismantle white supremacy, strengthen intersectional movements, and advance the human rights of all people. SPLC lawyers have worked to shut down some of the nation’s most violent white supremacist groups by winning crushing, multimillion-dollar jury verdicts on behalf of their victims. We have helped dismantle vestiges of Jim Crow, reformed juvenile justice practices, shattered barriers to equality for women, children, the LGBTQ+ community, and the disabled, and worked to protect low-wage immigrant workers from exploitation. The SPLC began tracking white supremacist activity in the 1980s, during a resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan and other organized extremist hate groups. Today, the SPLC is the premier U.S. nonprofit organization monitoring the activities of domestic hate groups and other extremists. In the early 1990s, the SPLC launched its pioneering Teaching Tolerance program to provide educators with free, anti-bias classroom resources, such as classroom documentaries and lesson plans. Now renamed Learning For Justice, our program reaches millions of schoolchildren with award-winning curricula and other materials that promote understanding of our nation’s history and respect for others, helping educators create inclusive, equitable school environments. -
Pursuit of an Ethnostate: Political Culture and Violence 22 in the Pacific Northwest Joseph Stabile
GEORGETOWN SECURITY STUDIES REVIEW Published by the Center for Security Studies at Georgetown University’s Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service Editorial Board Rebekah H. Kennel, Editor-in-Chief Samuel Seitz, Deputy Editor Stephanie Harris, Associate Editor for Africa Kelley Shaw, Associate Editor for the Americas Brigitta Schuchert, Associate Editor for Indo-Pacific Daniel Cebul, Associate Editor for Europe Simone Bak, Associate Editor for the Middle East Eric Altamura, Associate Editor for National Security & the Military Timothy Cook, Associate Editor for South and Central Asia Max Freeman, Associate Editor for Technology & Cyber Security Stan Sundel, Associate Editor for Terrorism & Counterterrorism The Georgetown Security Studies Review is the official academic journal of Georgetown University’s Security Studies Program. Founded in 2012, the GSSR has also served as the official publication of the Center for Security Studies and publishes regular columns in its online Forum and occasional special edition reports. Access the Georgetown Security Studies Review online at http://gssr.georgetown.edu Connect on Facebook at http://www.facebook.com/GeorgetownUniversityGSSR Follow the Georgetown Security Studies Review on Twitter at ‘@gssreview’ Contact the Editor-in-Chief at [email protected] Table of Contents Understanding Turkey’s National Security Priorities in Syria 6 Patrick Hoover Pursuit of an Ethnostate: Political Culture and Violence 22 in the Pacific Northwest Joseph Stabile Learn to Live With It: The Necessary, But Insufficient, -
How Indirect Intermediaries Shape Online Speech
Mitchell 1 Anna Mitchell Professor Nate Persily INTLPOL 323 December 16, 2018 Hidden Censors: How Indirect Intermediaries Shape Online Speech 1. Introduction “Literally, I woke up in a bad mood and decided someone shouldn’t be allowed on the internet. No one should have that power.” After a whirlwind five days of social media protests and internal tension, Matthew Prince, the CEO of Cloudflare, an Internet-services company, decided to terminate its contract with The Daily Stormer. The Internet’s most popular neo-Nazi website had vanished from the Web.1 Cloudflare’s content distribution network (CDN), improving the Stormer’s performance and protecting it from distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks, had allowed the site to stay afloat for months or years. But that changed in 2017 during a period of tense racial relations in the United States. From August 11 to 12, the Daily Stormer helped organize the white supremacist Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. Soon after, it published articles calling murdered protestor Heather Heyer a “sloppy lard ass” and labeling her death an accidental heart attack.2 Reaction was swift. The next day, activist Amy Suskind tagged web hosting service GoDaddy in a Twitter post: “@GoDaddy you host The Daily Stormer - they posted this on their site. Please retweet if you think this hate should be taken down & banned.”3 Within 24 hours, GoDaddy responded by withdrawing hosting services. When the Stormer tried to switch to Google, it soon followed suit.4 Zoho refused to provide email service,5 and Twitter shut down Mitchell 2 associated accounts.6 With multiple major companies withdrawing services, it became increasingly difficult for the Stormer to host and propagate content. -
Defending the Indispensable: Allegations of Anti- Conservative Bias, Deep Fakes, and Extremist Content Don’T Justify Section 230 Reform
Defending the Indispensable: Allegations of Anti- Conservative Bias, Deep Fakes, and Extremist Content Don’t Justify Section 230 Reform Matthew Feeney CSAS Working Paper 20-11 Should Internet Platform Companies Be Regulated – And If So, How? Defending the Indispensable: Allegations of Anti-Conservative Bias, Deep Fakes, and Extremist Content Don't Justify Section 230 Reform Matthew Feeney Director of the Cato Institute’s Project on Emerging Technologies Introduction When President Clinton signed the Telecommunications Act of 1996 it’s unlikely he knew that he was signing a bill that included what has come to be called the “Magna Carta of the Internet.”1 After all, the law was hundreds of pages long, including seven titles dealing with broadcast services, local exchange carriers, and cable. The Internet as we know it didn’t exist in 1996. Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg was 11 years old, and two Stanford University PhD students, Larry Page and Sergey Brin, had only just begun a project that would come to be known at Google. Some didn’t even think that the Internet would last, with Ethernet co-inventor Robert Metcalfe predicting in 1995 that “the internet will soon go supernova and in 1996 will catastrophically collapse.”2 The U.S. Supreme Court would rule much of Title V of the law, otherwise known as the Communications Decency Act, to be unconstitutional in 1997.3 However, a small provision of the law – Section 230 – survived. This piece of legislation” stated that interactive computer services could not be considered publishers of most third-party content or be held liable for moderating content. -
The Fringe Insurgency Connectivity, Convergence and Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right
The Fringe Insurgency Connectivity, Convergence and Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right Jacob Davey Julia Ebner About this paper About the authors This report maps the ecosystem of the burgeoning Jacob Davey is a Researcher and Project Coordinator at ‘new’ extreme right across Europe and the US, which is the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), overseeing the characterised by its international outlook, technological development and delivery of a range of online counter- sophistication, and overtures to groups outside of the extremism initiatives. His research interests include the traditional recruitment pool for the extreme-right. This role of communications technologies in intercommunal movement is marked by its opportunistic pragmatism, conflict, the use of internet culture in information seeing movements which hold seemingly contradictory operations, and the extreme-right globally. He has ideologies share a bed for the sake of achieving provided commentary on the extreme right in a range common goals. It examines points of connectivity of media sources including The Guardian, The New York and collaboration between disparate groups and Times and the BBC. assesses the interplay between different extreme-right movements, key influencers and subcultures both Julia Ebner is a Research Fellow at the Institute for online and offline. Strategic Dialogue (ISD) and author of The Rage: The Vicious Circle of Islamist and Far-Right Extremism. Her research focuses on extreme right-wing mobilisation strategies, cumulative extremism and European terrorism prevention initiatives. She advises policy makers and tech industry leaders, regularly writes for The Guardian and The Independent and provides commentary on broadcast media, including the BBC and CNN. © ISD, 2017 London Washington DC Beirut Toronto This material is offered free of charge for personal and non-commercial use, provided the source is acknowledged. -
Prosecuting Domestic Terrorism
Boston College Law Review Volume 61 Issue 1 Article 8 1-29-2020 Our Inner Demons: Prosecuting Domestic Terrorism Michael Molstad Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Legislation Commons, and the National Security Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael Molstad, Our Inner Demons: Prosecuting Domestic Terrorism, 61 B.C.L. Rev. 339 (2020), https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol61/iss1/8 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. OUR INNER DEMONS: PROSECUTING DOMESTIC TERRORISM Abstract: The United States does not currently have a uniform framework for how it handles domestic terrorism. Although there is a terrorism section of the criminal code that criminalizes certain actions that are deemed terroristic, these laws are applied disproportionately to those with an Islamic ideology. Political motivations and protectionist interests within the United States tend to prevent similar crimes committed in the name of, for example, right-wing terrorism to be convicted under the terrorism section of the criminal code. In light of the threat posed by domestic terrorism and other trends in the political and cultural ethos, the current state of the law is inadequate to address the problem and unjustly places a stigma on one subsection of the population. -
How Wall Street Supports Racist Politicians and Enables White Supremacy
March 2019 BANKROLLING HATE: How Wall Street Supports Racist Politicians and Enables White Supremacy By Alyxandra Goodwin & Carrie Sloan EXECUTIVE SUMMARY White supremacy and white nationalism are ascendant in the Trump era,1 and many elected officials and candidates running for office have been emboldened to rip the mask of politeness off their racist, xenophobic, sexist, and homophobic ideologies.2 The finance industry is aiding and abetting the rise of violent white supremacy and nationalism by donating to the congressional campaigns of candidates who have expressed viciously racist, xenophobic, sexist, and homophobic views. Lobbying Groups Like the American Bankers Association Carry Water for Big Banks The financial sector—classified by the U.S. Census Bureau as finance, insurance, and real estate, or FIRE—is the largest donor to federal parties and candidates.3 Wall Street banks, like JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo, and Bank of America, make their own donations but also rely on trade and lobbying groups, such as the American Bankers Association (ABA) and the American Financial Services Association (AFSA), to carry water for them. THE FOUL FOUR: The Intersection of Wall Street’s Deregulation Agenda and Overt White Supremacy In this report, we identify four particularly repugnant candidates whom Wall Street has financially supported in recent election cycles. We call these candidates the Foul Four. The four GOP candidates we highlight all ran for election or reelection in November 2018, with substantial support from Wall Street. The four have all embraced Trumpism, and their campaigns received significant backing from the finance industry generally and the ABA especially. Lou Barletta (R-PA), Matt Gaetz (R-FL), Greg Gianforte (R-MT), and Steve King (R-IA) have voted in line with Trump between 80 and 99 percent of the time.4 All have cast votes that are anti-choice, anti-immigrant, or anti-Black, and each has aligned himself with or associated with known white supremacists or members of the racist so-called “alt-right”. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 104 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 104 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 141 WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 3, 1995 No. 72 House of Representatives The House met at 11 a.m. and was lead the membership in the Pledge of TIME TO BRING THE AMERICAN called to order by the Speaker pro tem- Allegiance. PEOPLE INTO THE BUDGET DE- pore [Mr. INGLIS of South Carolina]. Mr. DURBIN led the Pledge of Alle- BATE f giance as follows: (Mr. BENTSEN asked and was given DESIGNATION OF THE SPEAKER I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the permission to address the House for 1 PRO TEMPORE United States of America, and to the Repub- minute.) lic for which it stands, one nation under God, Mr. BENTSEN. Mr. Speaker, the Re- The SPEAKER pro tempore laid be- indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. publican majority is getting ready to fore the House the following commu- f make dramatic changes in the Medi- nication from the Speaker: care program. I am concerned that the WASHINGTON, DC, American people will not be included May 3, 1995. THE PRESIDENT'S RELEVANCE AND MEDICARE in this debate. I hereby designate the Honorable BOB The Republican majority has already INGLIS to act as Speaker pro tempore on this (Mr. DELAY asked and was given per- day. missed the deadline to submit a budg- mission to address the House for 1 NEWT GINGRICH, et. To balance the budget and save $1 Speaker of the House of Representatives.