International Journal of Korean History(Vol.8, Aug. 2006) 85
Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the 4th-7th Centuries*
Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong)**
Introduction
According to the Samguk sagi(三國史記 , History of Three Kingdoms) and Samguk yusa(三國遺事 , Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), Koguryŏ was founded by Chu Mong in 37 BC.1 Koguryŏ was originally founded in the Hwanin(Huanren) area of China. The capital was established in the basin of a river called the Cholbonch΄ŏn or Piryusu. Despite the fact that he never even constructed a royal palace, Chu Mong, who had escaped from Puyŏ and resettled in the Cholbon area, was elevated to the status of founder of Koguryŏ and received the title of King Tongmyŏngsŏng(Tongmyŏngsŏng wang; r. 37 BC~19 BC). According to the Samguk saki, Koguryŏ was able to expand its territory during the reigns of the Tongmyŏngsŏng wang and King Yurimyŏng(r. BC 19~AD 18) by subjugating smaller neighboring polities such as the Malgal(Mohe; 靺鞨), Piryu(沸流國 ), Haengin(荇人國), and North Okchŏ(北沃沮 ). Koguryŏ set out to find a new capital which would possess the economic(fertile land and an abundance of natural resources) and military(impregnable geography) attributes usually associated with a capital area during the Three Kingdoms era 2 ; a process which was
* This study was supported by a generous international cooperation research grant provided by the Education and Research Group for Korean Studies of Korea University as part of its 2002 BK 21 Project. ** Associate Professor, Dept. of Archaeology and Art History, Korea University 86 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ completed with the relocation to Kungnaesŏng(presently in the Jian area of China) during the reign of King Yurimyŏng. In AD 13, Koguryŏ used an ambush strategy to repel a large-scale attack by Puyŏ at Hakbannyŏng.3 This success not only showcased Koguryŏ’s ability to respond to the pressure being applied by one of the strongest powers at that time in Puyŏ, but also helped cement the foundation of its power. This turn of events also paved the way for Koguryŏ’s conquest of the Yangmaek(梁貊國) the following year. Koguryŏ subsequently set out to conquer neighboring polities such as Kaema, Kuda, and Nangrang (Lolang) during the reign of King Taemusin(r.18~44 AD) The foundation of Koguryŏ by Chu Mong and his supporters, who had acquired the ability to produce iron weapons and war strategies from a Puyŏ that was itself based on an iron culture, made it possible for the new state to, from the outset, consistently secure new sources of tribute for itself as it expanded its territory using its military might against neighboring polities. Koguryŏ’s acts of aggression against its neighbors were carried out as part of a strategy of military expansionism designed to overcome a poor natural environment and weak economic basis, thus guaranteeing the fledgling state’s lebensraum.4 During the early stages of its policy of military expansionism, Koguryŏ rearranged the areas it had conquered into political structures known as huguk(侯國 ), sokguk(屬國 ), sŏngŭp(城邑), and kunhyŏn(郡縣 ). While those areas that were designated as huguk and sokguk, which mainly served as sources from which tributes could be levied, were subjected solely to an indirect control method, the areas designated as sŏngŭp, and kunhyŏn, names given to those territories which Koguryŏ had incorporated into its own, fell under the direct control of the center. As such, the driving force behind Koguryŏ’s growth was military expansionism, a phenomenon that also became the main characteristic of its international relations as well. Historians have long been fascinated by the topic of Koguryŏ’s international relations.5 This particular study attempts to, based on the inherent characteristics of Koguryŏ’s international relations which were formed during the early stages of the kingdom, analyze Koguryŏ’s Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 87 relations with Paekche and Silla after the 4th century. The overarching reason why the 4th century is selected as the cutoff point in this paper revolves around the fact that the events surrounding relations between the three kingdoms only began to be recorded in the Samguk sagi from the second half of the 4th century onwards. Furthermore, Koguryŏ’s diplomatic and military responses to Paekche and Silla after the 4th century serve as important variables with which to gain a better understanding of Koguryŏ’s constant attempts to extend its influence to Liaoxi province. With Koguryŏ serving as the main focus, this study will analyze the periodic changes in the three kingdoms’ relations, as well as the causes of these changes. The development of a better understanding of the periodic trends and changes in the three kingdoms’ relations over time is expected to provide some much needed insight into how Koguryŏ’s military expansion policy came to be extended to the northern and western areas.
Conflicts between Koguryŏ and Paekche during the latter half of the 4th century
The period immediately following its foundation was one which saw Koguryŏ focus on the use of a diplomatic strategy towards neighboring polities and various Chinese kingdoms that alternated between amicable and hostile relations. As a result of this focus on its immediate neighbors, Koguryŏ only began to turn its attention to relations with kingdoms located in the southern part of the Korean peninsula such as Paekche, Silla, and Kaya at a relatively later date. Although there has been much debate about the interpretation of the relevant historical materials, the Samguk sagi makes it clear that Koguryŏ first began to have direct and indirect contacts with Paekche and Silla in the period immediately following the advent of the modern Christian era. For example the book tells us that 1,000 citizens of Paekche were forced to migrate towards Koguryŏ because of a famine that affected villages along the northeast region of the Han River,6 and that King Taemusin’s destruction of Nangrang 88 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ resulted in 5,000 of its residents surrendering to Silla, which allowed these refugees to resettle in the six administrative districts(6-pu).7 Silla’s failure to effectively fend off King Tongch΄ŏn(r. 227-248) of Koguryŏ’s attack in 245, led to the former’s dispatch of an envoy to establish friendly ties with Koguryŏ in 248. As such, direct relations between Koguryŏ and Silla have their origins in Silla’s acceptance of Koguryŏ’s military superiority. In turn, the ongoing cycle of war and rapprochement between Paekche and Silla appeared to have finally been restored during the reigns of King Namul(r. 356-402) of Silla and King Kŭnch΄ogo(r. 346-375) of Paekche.8 However, these close ties were once again severed when the Commander of Doksan Fortress surrendered to Silla in 373 and the latter refused Paekche’s request9 that he be repatriated at once. The surrender of the Commander of Doksan Fortress to Silla was in all likelihood caused by his belief that he would be severely reprimanded by the rulers of Paekche for his defeat and subsequent forfeit of the fortress to Koguryŏ.10 Conversely, Silla’s response can be regarded as having constituted a deliberate attempt on its part to sever its friendly ties with Paekche while simultaneously improving relations with Koguryŏ. From that point on, Silla went to great lengths to maintain amicable relations with Koguryŏ. This assertion is supported by a historical document which states that with the help of Koguryŏ,11 Silla was able to dispatch an envoy in 381 to the Former Qin in China12 in order to establish diplomatic ties between the two states. Meanwhile, Koguryŏ and Paekche’s march towards war is also described in some detail in the Samguk sagi. This conflict has its origins in the formation of a new border between Paekche and Koguryŏ following the latter’s expansion of its influence to Hwanghae province at the beginning of the 4th century. The war between Koguryŏ and Paekche began with a preemptive strike launched by Koguryŏ. This sudden attack was in large part the result of Koguryŏ’s decision to change course and expand southwards; a decision which was in turn influenced by its inability to make headway in the Liaodong area as a result of the growing influence of the Former Yan in the area in the middle of 4th century.13 In 369, 20,000 troops under the Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 89 command of King Kogukwŏn(r. 331-371) of Koguryŏ began to lay siege to Paekche’s Ch΄yang Fortress. This attack was however pushed back by Paekche forces under the command of Prince Kŭn΄gusu, whose troops managed to kill 5,000 members of the invading force. To avenge this preemptive strike launched by Koguryŏ King Kŭnch΄ogo and Prince Kŭn΄gusu of Paekche launched their own attack on Koguryŏ’s the Pyŏngyang Fortress in 371. While managing to fend off the invaders, Koguryŏ suffered tremendous losses, which included the death of King Kogukwŏn himself.14 King Sosurim(r. 371-384), who ascended the throne after the demise of King Kogukwŏn, seized Paekche’s Sugok Fortress in 375. In turn, King Kŭnch΄ogo of Paekche organized a large military expedition that had as its goals punishing Koguryŏ and retaking the Sugok Fortress. However, a bad harvest forced him to abandon this plan.15 The following year saw King Sosurim of Koguryŏ launch another attack along the northern frontier of Paekche. Paekche initiated another attack on the Pyŏngyang Fortress in 377 which involved 30,000 soldiers; however, Koguryŏ was able to not only defend the Pyŏngyang Fortress, but to simultaneously launch attacks in Paekche-controlled areas. It is a well-known fact that during the reign of King Sosurim, Koguryŏ was busy stabilizing its national structure, a process which was accompanied by the acceptance of Buddhism, the establishment of the T΄aehak(National Academy), and the proclamation of new legal system. These moves had their origins in the fact that Koguryŏ, having lost its king on the battlefield, decided to pursue a policy of focusing first and foremost on the heightening of its domestic security, which included the establishment of a new ruling structure, before seeking to expand its power further. The cycle of attack and counterattack which characterized Koguryŏ and Paekche relations during this period continued during the reign of King Kogukyang(r. 384-391), who ascended to the throne after King Sosurim. For example, King Kogukyang’s attack on Paekche in 386 was followed three years later by a Paekche invasion along the southern frontier of Koguryŏ, and the subsequent capture of 200 prisoners during the siege of 90 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ the Toap Fortress. As such, the two kingdoms found themselves in a continuous state of war which involved neither side willing to make any concessions to the other. However, the balance of power was broken with the emergence of King Kwanggaet΄o(r. 391-413). King Kwanggaet΄o, whose rise to power coincided with the onset of the glory days of Koguryŏ, began from the moment he gained power to pursue a wavy military strategy towards Paekche. This approach made it possible for Kwanggaet΄o to seize several Paekche fortresses, including the highly strategic Kwanmi Fortress along the western coast in 392. During his reign, Koguryŏ was able to not only repel Paekche’s incursions, but to follow that up with successful attacks of its own on Paekche territory. This assertion is supported by the records found in the Monument of King Kwanggaet΄o, in which it is stated that King Kwanggaet΄o conquered 58 fortresses and 700 Paekche villages during his reign. 16 Meanwhile, Silla remained on the outside during this competition between the other two kingdoms. The stance adopted by Silla, which attempted to maintain amicable relations with Koguryŏ through the adoption of so-called ‘hostage diplomacy’,17 was in large part predicated on its perception of the latter as the dominant power. As such, the wars which broke out between Koguryŏ and Paekche during the second half of the 4th century were largely the result of Koguryŏ’s decision to cease its attempts to expand its influence in the Liaodong area, and change the direction of its expansion policy southwards towards the Korean peninsula following the severe losses it incurred as a result of the attack of the Former Yan in 342, losses which included the fall of the Kungnaesŏng. Paekche’s aggressive response to Koguryŏ’s incursions plunged relations between the two kingdoms into a seemingly never-ending cycle of attack and retreat. For its part, Silla had no intention to launch a full-scale war against Koguryŏ during this period, nor did it want to be involved in the warfare between Paekche and Koguryŏ. Rather, Silla pursued a policy that was aimed at improving relations with Koguryŏ. To this end, Silla decided to sever its heretofore friendly relations with Paekche, and used the exile of the Commander of Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 91
Doksan Fortress in 373 as the opportunity to do so. Thereafter, Silla focused on forging amicable ties with Koguryŏ while maintaining a certain distance from the wars which raged on around it. This strategy allowed Silla, with the help of Koguryŏ, to engage in diplomatic exchanges with Former Qin in China, as well as to engage in ‘hostage diplomacy’ with Koguryŏ itself.
Amicable relations between Koguryŏ and Silla during the first half of the 5th century
Silla, which had been able to steer clear of the warfare which engulfed the Korean peninsula during the second half of the 4th century by adopting a policy of pursuing amicable relations with Koguryŏ, suddenly found itself being faced with difficulties as a result of the attack of Japanese marauders in 400. There is a very high probability that this attack on Silla perpetuated by Japanese marauders was in fact a covert military operation undertaken by Paekche, who were based in Kaya, which would have mobilized the Japanese forces.18 King Kwanggaet΄o responded to this attack by mobilizing 50,000 soldiers, which included both infantry corps and cavalry, to come to the rescue of Silla.19 In a show of gratitude, King Namul of Silla traveled to Koguryŏ to pay homage to its ruler, thus effectively establishing a tributary relationship between the two kingdoms.20 As a result, Koguryŏ’s influence over Silla expanded considerably. Shortly thereafter, King Silsŏng(r. 402-417) replaced King Namul on the throne of Silla. King Silsŏng had once been dispatched to Koguryŏ as an envoy taking part in the so-called ‘hostage diplomacy’. King Silsŏng himself dispatched King Namul’s son, Pokho, as a hostage to Koguryŏ in 412. Such actions represent an example of Silla’s desire for friendly ties with Koguryŏ, as well as of its subjugation to the latter, but also reflect Koguryŏ’s perception of itself as the center of the world(ch΄ŏnhakwan).21 Koguryŏ’s influence over Silla during this period was so great that it even intervened in the latter’s royal succession process. 92 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
King Silsŏng had long resented King Namul for having dispatched him to Koguryŏ as a hostage, and planned to use a Koguryŏ assassin to eliminate King Namul’s son, Prince Nulchi. However, the assassin, impressed with the prince’s personality, warned Nulchi about King Silsŏng’s evil intentions towards him. This set off a series of events that culminated with Nulchi’s assassination of King Silsŏng and his subsequent ascension to the throne of Silla(r. 417-458).22 Seen differently, Koguryŏ can be said to have played a decisive role in helping King Nulchi rise to power. The presence of a Koguryŏ faction in the capital of Silla, Sŏrabŏl(presently Kyŏngju), made it possible for Koguryŏ to influence Silla’s royal succession process. The assertion that Koguryŏ was able to embed some of its forces within territories controlled by Silla, including Kyŏngju, is clearly supported by various historical materials. For example, one finds in the Nihon Shoki(日 本書紀, Chronicle of Japan) a reference to an event in which Koguryŏ forces stationed in Kyŏngju were massacred.23 Meanwhile, the Samguk sagi chiriji(三國史記 地理志) claims that Koguryŏ controlled some territory along the inland and coastal areas of what is now Kyŏngsangbukdo. In addition, it is claimed in the Chungwŏn Koguryŏ Monument(中原高句麗碑), which provides us with much insight into the situation in 449,24 that a military forces, so-called tangju(幢主), of Koguryŏ were stationed on Silla territory. We can thus see that Koguryŏ was not only actively involved in the central politics of Silla, including in the succession process, but also exercised significant influence in local areas of Silla by stationing its forces there. The Samguk sagi chiriji also includes a record in which it is claimed that some areas in Kyŏngsangbukdo which were clearly included as part of Silla’s territory had originally been under the control of Koguryŏ. All of this is closely related to the fact that Koguryŏ exercised an inordinate amount of influence over Silla during the first half of the 5th century.25 There is every reason to believe that a Koguryŏ Tangju and his corps were stationed in such areas nominally under Silla control.26 During this period, King Changsu(r. 413-491) relocated the capital of Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 93
K oguryŏ to Pyŏngyang. The relocation of the capital was designed to restrain the power of the aristocracy27 while simultaneously establishing an offensive-based defensive capacity to respond to the growing threat emanating from Silla and Paekche to Koguryŏ’s efforts to expand westwards of the Liao River.28 King Changsu, desiring to continue the westward expansion policy and to show that the Liao River Basin was under the effective control of Koguryŏ, attempted to make use of the Northern Yan to restrain the newly emerging Northern Wei.29 During this period, Koguryŏ focused on using its friendly ties with Silla to strengthen its control over the latter, while avoiding any direct confrontation with Paekche. Paekche responded to the increased pressure created by Koguryŏ’s relocation of the capital to Pyŏngyang by forging close ties with Chinese kingdoms as a part of its policy of attempting to diplomatically isolate its neighbor to the north.30 Meanwhile, a serious backlash against the repressive measures of Koguryŏ began to ferment within Silla society. At the same time Paekche, which had witnessed firsthand the military might of Koguryŏ during the reign of King Kwanggaet΄o, set out to offset the growing pressure from Koguryŏ by improving its relationship with Silla. Diplomatic negotiations in 433 and 434 led to an agreement between Silla and Paekche which cemented the existence of mutual interests between the two sides.31 These friendly negotiations between Silla and Paekche resulted in the establishment of a Silla-Paekche Alliance against Koguryŏ, which in turn presaged serious confrontation between Koguryŏ and the Silla-Paekche Alliance during the second half of the 5th century.
Confrontation between Koguryŏ and the Silla-Paekche Alliance during the latter half of the 5th century
The close relationship established b etween Silla and Paekche during the 430s served as the basis of Silla’s efforts to mitigate Koguryŏ influence. Koguryŏ’s desire to maintain its supremacy over Silla is well 94 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ exemplified by its erection of the Chungwŏn Koguryŏ Monument during this period.32 However, an incident emerged in 450 which would foil Koguryŏ’s designs. The incident involved the death of a Koguryŏ soldier who had been out hunting in Silchik(presently Samchŏk) at the hands of the Commander of Hasŭlla(presently Kangnŭng) Fortress.33 Although an accident, this incident demonstrates the societal atmosphere which prevailed in Silla at this time. This period was one in which Koguryŏ had established a base of operations in the Chungju area.34 While Koguryŏ launched a retaliatory strike along Silla’s western borders to show its displeasure about the above-mentioned incident, it however cancelled the military operation after having received an apology from the Silla king. This move was in large part predicated on both kingdoms desire to ensure that this incident did not cause the heretofore amicable relations between the two to fray. However, this incident did have the effect of bringing the growing animosity between Koguryŏ and Silla to the surface, and in 454 Koguryŏ attacked Silla35 for the first time since the establishment of amicable relations between the two kingdoms. Silla, which was becoming increasingly aware of the growing military threat emanating from Koguryŏ, helped Paekche deter a Koguryŏ attack in 455 by dispatching reinforcements.36 Given this series of incidents, and the claim that the Chungwŏn Koguryŏ Monument was erected in 450,37 it becomes obvious that a significant change took place in the relationship between Koguryŏ and Silla from 450-454. Although the exact details are murky, it is apparent that the effectiveness of the Silla-Paekche defensive alliance38 against Koguryŏ had by then begun to increase significantly.39 Silla, becoming gradually more aware of the strength of the Silla-Paekche Alliance, began to adopt a more aggressive attitude towards Koguryŏ that was intended to remove the latter’s influence, and which involved the taking of such harsh steps as the mass killing of the Koguryŏ forces stationed in the capital of Silla in 464.40 Nevertheless, Koguryŏ opted to refrain from taking any immediate punitive actions against Silla. This decision was in large part based on the Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 95 strength of the deterrent to any such Koguryŏ action that was the Silla- Paekche Alliance. In addition, while Koguryŏ had been able to take advantage of its cavalry to roll up victories in battle and expand its territory up until the early stages of the first half of the 5th century, Silla had by the second half of the 5th century made use of its ability to emulate its neighbor to the north to field an impressive cavalry of its own. This turn of events made it impossible for Koguryŏ to unilaterally exercise its power any longer.41 This insight is supported by documents which show that although Koguryŏ attacked Silla’s northern stronghold of Silchik from their bases in Chungju a few years later42, its efforts proved to be unsuccessful. However, Koguryŏ’s main reason for not launching a massive attack on the Silla capital boils down to its desire to alter the balance of power along the frontlines by seizing Silla’s strongholds in the north in order to maintain its influence in the inland and east coast areas of Kyŏngsangbuk- do.43 Having witnessed Silla’s successful absorption of the Koguryŏ attack, Paekche decided to launch a preemptive strike along the southern border of Koguryŏ in 469, its first such action of the 5th century.44 Paekche carried out this attack, thus activating the Silla-Paekche Alliance with the backing of Silla. Meanwhile, Silla, which had warded off the invading Koguryŏ forces, decided to circumvent the Choryŏng and Chukryŏng areas which had been seized by Koguryŏ by constructing the Samnyŏn Fortress in Poŭn in the Ch΄up΄ungryŏng area.45 The construction of the Samnyŏn Fortress was undertaken as part of a joint effort on the part of Silla and Paekche to limit Koguryŏ influence in the Chungju area. As part of this effort to establish a defensive network against Koguryŏ, King Chabi of Silla constructed many fortresses.46 However, Koguryŏ was able to offset these moves by Silla and Paekche. Koguryŏ, which had consistently sought the diplomatic isolation and internal collapse of Paekche, 47 launched an attack on the capital of Paekche, Hansŏng(modern-day Seoul), in 475 that resulted in the city falling to its forces. Although Paekche was able to recapture Hansŏng 96 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ with the help of Silla48, it nevertheless suffered severe losses in this war, including the death of King Kaero(r. 455-475). This outcome was an important factor in the eventual decision to relocate the capital to Ungjin(presently Kongju). 49 Thus, while Koguryŏ and Paekche had previously been divided by a north-south border in the form of the Han River, the relocation of the center of Paekche power to the Kongju area50 had the effect of greatly facilitating Koguryŏ’s activities in the central region of the peninsula. The relocation of the capital to Ungjin ushered in a period in which Paekche was forced to deal with the forces unleashed by the unsatisfactory outcome of the war, which included challenges to the monarchy itself in the form of the assassination of King Munju(r. 475-477) and the growing dissension within the central government itself as the king and aristocracy faced off against one another.51 Meanwhile, Silla, which had managed to avoid being scathed by Koguryŏ’s military power, began to attempt to encroach on Koguryŏ territory through such actions as moving its forces northwards along the east coast to capture Piyŏl Fortress and King Sochi’s(r. 479-500) own visits to these areas. For its part, Koguryŏ, which was loath to allow Silla encroachment on its territory, followed up its stinging defeat of Paekche with a large-scale attack on Silla that involved a large number of its troops and the mobilization of the Malgal(Mohe) in 481. During this campaign, Koguryŏ was able to take the battle into Silla territory by capturing seven fortresses, including the Homyŏng Fortress, and marching towards the Michilbu(presently Hŭnghae) area located on the outskirts of the Silla capital.52 Koguryŏ forces appear to have been able to spread out rapidly in such a short period of time because the attack routes which they employed were situated near areas such as Sunhŭng, Ponghwa, and Yean in which their Tangju were already stationed.53 In the end, the invasion was repelled as a result of the combination of Koguryŏ’s forces being spread out too thinly across a wide swathe of territory and the strong resistance put up by an alliance of Paekche-Silla-Kaya forces.54 The outcome of this war had the effect of removing all vestiges of Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 97
Koguryŏ military influence from Silla territory south of the Sobaek mountain range. This particular campaign having proved to be a failure, Koguryŏ began to focus its attacks on areas immediately across the border with Silla. Meanwhile, Silla, having pushed back Koguryŏ’s large-scale attack with the help of Paekche,55 focused its energy on repairing the Samnyŏn Fortress 56 in order to strengthen its defensive capabilities in the Ch΄up΄ungnyŏng area. The growing defensive strength of the allied forces of Silla-Paekche meant that from that point on only a limited number of Koguryŏ’s attacks proved to be successful,57 while the majority ended up in failure as Koguryŏ found itself unable to counter the increasingly sophisticated defensive strategies being employed by the allied forces.58 To sum up, the conflicts between Koguryŏ and the Silla-Paekche Alliance during the second half of the 5th century were increasingly marked by the latter’s ability to successfully ward off Koguryŏ’s military volleys with their growingly effective defense system. Furthermore, despite having much of its territory leading up to the capital area of Kyŏngju destroyed, Silla was eventually able with the help of its allies to remove all Koguryŏ military influence from areas south of the Sobaek mountain range. Meanwhile, this period saw Paekche not only lose its king in the war with Koguryŏ, but be forced as a result of the damage inflicted on Hansŏng to relocate the capital to Ungjin. This turn of events at the very least increased the stability of the long-standing Koguryŏ military base in the Chungju area.
Competition between Koguryŏ and Paekche during the first half of the 6th century
Silla’s successful removal of Koguryŏ military influence from the areas south of the Sobaek mountain range, and King Sochi’s daring visit to the Yŏngju area in 500 resulted in making Paekche increasingly concerned about Silla’s growth and its encroachment on Paekche territory. King 98 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
Tongsŏng(r. 479-501) attempted to counter Silla’s moves by constructing an earthen fortress in T΄anhyŏn(presently around Taejŏn) and the Karim Fortress(presently Puyŏ). 59 King Tongsŏng’s attitude towards Silla is significant in light of the fact that Silla did not join in on the side of Paekche in the subsequent wars between Koguryŏ and Paekche. Meanwhile, Paek Ka’s assassination of King Tongsŏng can be regarded as having been motivated by his opposition to the monarch’s stated goal of relocating the capital to Sabi(presently Puyŏ). What’s more, he may very well have belonged to a faction that advocated focusing on emerging victorious from the ongoing conflict with Koguryŏ rather than preparing for a potential conflict future with Silla somewhere down the road. Insight into this issue is provided by an analysis of the wars in which Paekche engaged during the reign of King Munyŏng(r. 501-523). King Munyŏng, who ascended to the throne following the demise of King Tongsŏng, launched an attack against Koguryŏ in 502 that was designed to recapture the Sugok Fortress. However, the state consciousness of those residing in border areas during the Three Kingdom Era appears to have been relatively undeveloped; an assertion supported by the flight of 3,000 Paekche residents living in these areas to Koguryŏ during one particularly harsh famine.60 Paekche’s intention was to secure a stable base of operations for itself and to strengthen its defensive posture around Hansŏng by seizing border areas through such means as recapturing the Sugok Fortress. However, Paekche’s designs were eventually thwarted by Koguryŏ. From the 6th century onward, Koguryŏ launched a succession of attacks against Paekche. Although ultimately unsuccessful, King Munja attacked Hansŏng and other Paekche fortresses located on the border with the Malgal.61 During this period, Paekche was already facing the daunting task of repatriating its citizens who had been expelled by a rapidly advancing Silla from areas previously belonging to Kaya into Paekche proper.62 This situation, combined with Koguryŏ’s continuous attacks, implies that Paekche was under tremendous pressure at this time. Meanwhile, while Silla launched several military campaigns under the Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 99 leadership of Yisabu during the reign of King Chichŭng(r. 500-514), during the reign of King Pŏphŭng(514-540) it focused on improving relations with Kaya leaders by establishing blood ties through marriage and arranging a summit of kings.63 This strategy would eventually result in Kŭmgwan΄guk’s formal surrender to Silla in 532. For its part, Paekche’s seemingly never-ending war with Koguryŏ showed no signs of abating even during the reign of King Sŏng(r. 523-554), who assumed the throne after King Munyŏng. Unlike what we find in the Samguk saki, the Nihon shoki tells us that this period was one in which the relationship between Silla and Paekche walked a tightrope between cordiality and open hostility. 64 King Sŏng’s dispatch of envoys to Silla in 525, ostensibly to improve relations, represents a perfect example of this phenomenon. While it is believed that King Sŏng intended to emphasize Silla’s obligations as an ally to provide military support to Paekche against any encroachment by Koguryŏ, he may very well have used the opportunity to stress his opposition to the expansion of Silla’s activities in the Kaya area as well.65 It was amidst these circumstances that King Anjang(r. 519-531) of Koguryŏ, despite his previous failure to secure a victory in the skirmish which erupted in the P΄aesu area in 523,66 launched an assault on Hyŏl Fortress with 30,000 or so infantry and cavalry troops that left 2,000 of Paekche’s dead.67 While Paekche launched its own preemptive attack against Koguryŏ’s Usan Fortress,68 its forces were pushed back by the troops of King Anwŏn(r. 531-545). This chain of events provided the impetus for King Sŏng’s dispatch of another envoy to Silla entrusted with the task of restoring amicable relations.69 Paekche’s entreaty was looked upon favorably by King Chinhŭng(r. 540-576) of Silla. This outcome was in large part based on Paekche’s willingness to resolve all outstanding issues with Silla over events in the Kaya area and Silla’s reaffirmation of its duty to come to the aid of Paekche in the case of an attack by Koguryŏ. After a certain lull, Koguryŏ reopened its military campaign against Paekche, going as far as mobilizing Hui(濊) to come to its aid. King Yangwŏn’s(r. 545-559)70 siege of the Toksan Fortress located north of the 100 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
Han River spurred Paekche to request Silla military assistance. The dispatch of Silla forces in support of Paekche soon ensued.71 While Paekche had been involved in many battles with Koguryŏ during the initial stages of the 6th century, none had featured the allied forces of Silla-Paekche. In other words, Paekche was left to fend for itself during the early period of the 6th century. However, Koguryŏ’s siege of the Toksan Fortress was the straw that broke the proverbial camel’s back, in that it prompted Paekche to request military assistance from Silla, a request which the latter immediately accepted. According to the Samguk saki, the Silla-Paekche Alliance undertook a total of six joint defensive military campaigns during its history. Five of these campaigns occurred during the second half of the 5th century, with the battle of Toksan Fortress being the only such joint campaign undertaken during the first half of the 6th century, and the last ever involving the Silla-Paekche Alliance. As such, while Koguryŏ was focusing its military might on Paekche during the first half of the 6th century, Silla stood on the sidelines. In other words, Silla, which was able to extricate itself from the conflicts engulfing the other kingdoms during this period, used this situation to strengthen its power through such means as expanding its influence into what had previously been Kaya territory. Koguryŏ’s siege of Paekche’s Toksan Fortress appears to have been ultimately designed to bring about the capture of Hansŏng. However, Paekche and Silla, aware of the importance of Hansŏng, were able to combine forces to repel Koguryŏ’s attack. This long-drawn out war with Koguryŏ provided Silla with the opportunity to actively develop its military influence in areas in which it had previously been shut out from. As such, while Silla had heretofore chosen not to abide by the terms of its alliance with Paekche and take part in the war of attrition between Koguryŏ and Paekche which raged throughout most of the first half of the 6th century, it had by this point become confident enough of its power to enter the fray, thus tipping the balance of power between the three kingdoms clearly in its favor.
Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 101
Struggle between Koguryŏ, Paekche, and Silla during the latter half of the 6th century
Silla’s decision to come to the rescue of Paekche in the battle of Toksan Fortress in 548 suddenly made it possible for it to exercise military influence in the lower reaches of the Han River. The rupture of the alliance between Silla-Paekche soon thereafter officially marked the onset of the intensification of the struggle between the three kingdoms to secure control of the Han River basin. The incident which sparked the outbreak of this all-out struggle was Silla’s occupation of the Tosal and Kŭmhyŏn Fortresses. Koguryŏ responded to Paekche’s seizure of the Tosal Fortress in January 550 by occupying Paekche’s Kŭmhyŏn Fortress in March of that same year.72 In turn, Silla was able to make use of the inordinate amount of energy which Koguryŏ and Paekche had depleted during these two battles to seize these two fortresses for itself. Silla, which was at that point still officially allied with Paekche, appears to have been able to secure its own interests by arguing that the stationing of its forces in these fortresses had been made necessary by the vacuum created by Paekche’s military decline.73 A look at the Chŏksŏng Stone Monument in Tanyang(丹陽新羅赤城碑) reveals that Silla had by 551 already extended its power beyond the Sobaek mountain range and into the Tanyang area.74 Therefore, Silla, which had secured a bridgehead for itself in the upper reaches of the Namhan River in the Tanyang area and another in the lower reaches of the Han River in the form of the Tosal and Kŭmhyŏn Fortresses, established a strategy that was focused on removing all Koguryŏ military influence from the middle and upper realms of the Namhan River and lower realms of the Han River. Already engaged in a battle with the Tolkwŏl(Tuchueh) who had attacked the Shin and Paekam Fortresses in 551,75 Koguryŏ found itself unable to respond appropriately to the moves made by the forces of the Silla-Paekche Alliance. The internal and external struggle faced by 102 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
Koguryŏ during this period was in large part the result of the internecine struggle being waged amongst the aristocracy for control of the succession to the throne, as well as of the military threat emanating from the above-mentioned Tolkwŏl and North Qi(北齊). 76 Aware of this opportunity, the allied forces of Silla and Paekche chose this moment to strike at Koguryŏ. In the ensuing battle, Silla occupied ten counties(郡) located in the upper reaches of the Namhan River, effectively occupying the area ranging from the north of Chungnyŏng to the south of Kohyŏn.77 For its part, Paekche recaptured the territory around Hansŏng as well as six of its former counties as it marched on Pyŏngyang the capital of Koguryŏ.78 Meanwhile, according to the Samguk yusa, Silla, aware of the significant military capacity of Koguryŏ, appears to have halted its advance on Koguryŏ territory despite Paekche implorations to the contrary.79 Koguryŏ, having to strengthen its military position on the northwestern front, scurried to reach a secret agreement with Silla in which it acquiesced to the latter’s occupation of the areas along the lower reaches of the Han River which had been seized by Paekche.80 As such, Koguryŏ opted for a strategy which was based on driving a wedge between Silla and Paekche in order to be able to prevent an attack from Silla. Meanwhile, Silla occupied the northeastern area of Paekche with Koguryŏ’s tacit support and incorporated the lower reaches of the Han River into its territory through the establishment of a new province called Sinju.81 Meanwhile, a protracted struggle amongst the aristocracy as to what should be done about the Han River basin effectively made it impossible for Paekche to strengthen its control over the area.82 Koguryŏ attempted to sever the Silla-Paekche Alliance and prevent an attack from Silla by granting control of the areas it had taken from Paekche to the latter. Conversely, by conspiring with Koguryŏ while isolating Paekche, thus manipulating the dynamic relations between the three kingdoms, Silla was able to seize control of the Han River basin. The Silla-Paekche Alliance having been completely severed, King Sŏng of Paekche, in conjunction with Kaya forces, launched an attack on Silla. Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 103
However, King Sŏng’s efforts to storm the Kwansan Fortress, thus blocking Silla’s access to the Han River,83 ended in disaster as Silla forces dispatched from Sinju and Samnyŏn Fortress trapped his forces in a pincer-like move which resulted in the loss of 30,000 soldiers and the death of King Sŏng himself.84 As a result, Paekche had no choice but to recognize Silla’s occupation of the lower reaches of the Han River, thus establishing the foundation for Silla’s future unification of the three kingdoms.85 Paekche had already been damaged in the battle for the Kwansan Fortress. Koguryŏ seized this opportunity to mobilize its troops en masse and attack Paekche’s Ungch΄ŏn Fortress. However, Koguryŏ’s efforts once again came to naught. 86 In the immediate aftermath of these favorable developments, Silla set about incorporating the new territory which had fallen under its control, rearranging its provinces nationwide, and establishing the Kukwŏn sokyŏng(國原小京, in modern-day Ch΄ungju). Paekche’s attacks along Silla’s frontline during the reign of King Widŏk(r. 554-598) also met with failure.87 Silla responded to Paekche’s attacks by constructing fortresses and launching attacks of its own on the beleaguered Paekche.88 Silla’s conquest of the Kaya area following the fall of Taekaya in 562 increased the military threat to Paekche by making the transportation routes between Kaya and Paekche available to Silla.89 In order to redress this situation and ward off potential Silla attacks, Paekche constructed the Unghyŏn and Songsul Fortresses.90 The construction of these fortresses represented a defensive measure taken to deter any military action which Silla might be contemplating, and not an aggressive military action on the part of Paekche. This period, which coincided with the zenith of King Pyŏngwŏn’s(r. 559-590) rule, was one in which Koguryŏ managed to restore internal and external stability through the removal of the military threat in the northwest. However, the emergence of Sui(隋), and their subsequent destruction of the Chen(陳) came as a major shock to a Koguryŏ which had long maintained the balance of power by implementing a policy of 104 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ equidistant diplomacy towards the South and North Dynasties(南北朝). Searching for measures to respond to the threat emanating from the rise of the Sui dynasty, Koguryŏ opted to go on the offensive against Silla and Paekche. In other words, Koguryŏ attempted to restore stability along its southern border by recapturing the territory where had fallen into the hands of the Silla-Paekche Alliance. The societal atmosphere within Koguryŏ at the time of King Yŏngyang’s(r. 590-618) ascension to the throne made it such that General Ondal was placed at the forefront of the movement to recapture the territory lost north of the Han River, and the western regions of Kyeriphyŏn(presently Choryŏng) and Chungnyŏng.91 However, Koguryŏ’s designs were frustrated by stronger than expected Silla resistance and the death of Ondal. As a result, Koguryŏ and Silla entered another hostile phase of their relationship. Koguryŏ, which had stayed on the sidelines of the conflict engulfing the three kingdoms since the conclusion of the intense struggles of the beginning of the second half of the 6th century, suddenly found itself becoming involved in battles with Silla and Paekche. As such, the full-scale wars which began between the three kingdoms in the second half of the 6th century resulted in the collapse of the Silla-Paekche Alliance and in growing cooperation between Koguryŏ and Silla. Thereafter, a temporary lull set in that was only broken by sporadic fighting between Silla and Paekche. This turn of events was in large part the result of Koguryŏ’s desire to avoid conflict with Silla and Paekche while it stabilized its northwestern border. However, Koguryŏ’s intent to recapture the territory lost at the end of the 6th century eventually led to a resumption of hostilities between Koguryŏ and Silla. Furthermore, Silla’s request for military assistance from the Sui and Tang dynasties effectively transformed the competition between the three kingdoms into an international war in East Asia.
Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 105
Development of an international competition structure in East Asia during the 7th century
Paekche used the opportunity created by the Sui dynasty’s unification of the mainland to dispatch an envoy charged with securing support for the isolation of Koguryŏ. Paekche also offered to join hands with the Sui dynasty after the latter had launched a massive attack involving 300,000 troops to punish Koguryŏ for its attack on Liaoshi(遼西). Koguryŏ responded to these moves by Paekche by going to war with it once again in 598.92 Koguryŏ, eager to restore its control over the area north of the Han River, also attacked Silla’s Pukhansan Fortress; however, its forces went into full retreat once news began to filter in that King Chinp΄yŏng(r. 579-632) of Silla himself was crossing the Han River to defend the fortress.93 From that point on, Koguryŏ focused its attention of restoring its control over the areas adjacent to the Han River, as exemplified by its failed siege of Paekche’s Songsan Fortress, and its more auspicious capture of 3,000 prisoners at the battle of Sŏkdu Fortress. This strategy on the part of Koguryŏ is also evidenced by its capture of prisoners along the northern border of Silla and its occupation of the latter’s Wumyŏngsan Fortress.94 Koguryŏ’s intensified attacks jolted Silla into requesting military assistance from the Sui dynasty in the form of the dispatch of a Kŏlsap΄yo(乞師表, a letter requesting military support) written by Buddhist monk Wŏn Kwang in 608. Paekche, which was engaged in its own border skirmishes with Silla, also petitioned the Sui dynasty for military aid against Koguryŏ in 612. In the aftermath of the foundation of the Tang dynasty following the downfall of the Sui dynasty in China, both Silla and Paekche, by then still very much at each other’s throats, nevertheless took the time to dispatch envoys to Tang to inform the latter that Koguryŏ obstruction was greatly complicating the exchange of envoys with Tang. However, Tang showed no inclination towards intervening in any conflict or war between the three kingdoms at that time, but rather encouraged Silla and Paekche to establish amicable relations with Koguryŏ.95 106 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
In 629 Koguryŏ lost the Nangbi Fortress along its eastern border to an invading force led by General Kim Yusin of Silla. Moreover, its own assault on Silla’s Ch΄ilchung Fortress ended in failure in 638. While actively engaged in open warfare with Silla, Koguryŏ completed the construction of the Ch΄ŏlli changsŏng designed to strengthen its defensive posture vis-à-vis the Tang dynasty in 631. The Tang dynasty, which had emerged following the destruction of the Sui dynasty, initially sought to coexist with Koguryŏ. 96 However, Tang’s growing stability both internally and externally and its increasingly brazen attempts to exercise influence over Koguryŏ prompted the latter to strengthen its defensive posture against Tang by constructing the Ch΄ŏlli changsŏng. Yŏn΄gaesomun’s seizure of power through a coup ushered in a period in which Koguryŏ adopted a hard line policy toward Silla and Tang. Yŏn΄gaesomun, filled with an ardent desire to recapture the territory which Koguryŏ had lost to Silla during the second half of the 6th century, launched a full frontal attack on Silla in 644.97 For its part, Silla was during this period very much immersed in attempting to improve its security by rallying Tang to its side through such means as dispatching envoys armed with ominous news of the budding coalition between Paekche and Koguryŏ.98 In other words, Silla felt the need to actively embellish its relationship with the Tang dynasty. During this period Paekche was rocked by a large-scale political coup that saw King Ŭicha(r. 641-660), wanting to strengthen the monarchical power which had been weakened after the debacle at the Kwansan Fortress, exile 40 high-ranking members of the aristocracy to remote islands. In the aftermath of this incident, King Ŭicha adopted a pro- Koguryŏ policy that saw him remove policies which had heretofore restrained Koguryŏ from cooperating with Sui and Tang.99 This move was predicated on Paekche’s intention to further restrain a Silla which was already subjected to intense Koguryŏ pressure. As a result, it appears that a military pact was established between Koguryŏ and Paekche. With this relationship having bolstered his position, King Ŭicha successfully snagged 40 fortresses along the western border away from Silla in 642. Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 107
This move was followed up by Koguryŏ’s capture of Silla’s Tanghang Fortress(presently Hwasŏng), thus effectively blocking the transportation routes between Silla and Tang. Queen Sŏndŏk(r. 632-647) responded to these moves by requesting military assistance from Tang, while informing the latter that Koguryŏ and Paekche had established a coalition and attacked Silla’s fortresses on several occasions. During this tumultuous period, Paekche launched an independent attack on Silla that killed Kim P΄umsŏk, who was Kim Ch΄unch΄u’s son-in-law, during the battle for Taeya Fortress(presently Hapch΄ŏn). Silla, by now in the throes of a significant crisis, dispatched Kim Ch΄unch΄u to request military assistance from Koguryŏ against Paekche. However, Koguryŏ refused to entertain Silla’s proposal until the latter returned all the territory located north of Chungnyŏng.100 Silla, which suddenly found itself facing pressure from both Koguryŏ and Paekche,101 had no other choice but to forge closer relations with Tang. For its part, Tang, which had seen its military operations against Koguryŏ relatively easily quelled, appears to have recognized the need to establish a coalition with a Silla which was then under pressure from Paekche.102 It appears that Tang promised military support to Silla at this time in the form of a secret deal through which Silla would be entitled solely to the areas south of Pyŏngyang following the destruction of Koguryŏ and Paekche. 103 In accordance with this secret deal, Tang changed course and ceased its seemingly endless attacks on Koguryŏ, attacks which had continued even after the failure of Taizong(r. 627-649) to take Ansi Fortress in 645, and set out to conquer Paekche, a task which it completed in 660. The change in the Tang dynasty’s policy toward the three kingdoms was based on an agreement with Silla that the latter would help it destroy Koguryŏ once the destruction of the biggest threat to Silla, Paekche, was assured. Unable to properly assess the changes in the international environment which were afoot, King Ŭicha of Paekche made the crucial mistake of cutting off diplomatic relations with Tang after 652.104 As a result, Paekche began to fall into a tailspin that would eventually result in 108 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ its destruction. The Silla-Tang coalition saw Kim Yusin’s troops defeat the Paekche General Kye Baek at the battle of Hwansanbŏl(presently Nonsan), and Su Dingfang(蘇定方) land at Kipŏlp΄o to occupy Sabi, the capital of Paekche. In 660, despite support from Japan, Paekche collapsed.105 The Silla-Tang coalition then turned their attention to their planned conquest of Koguryŏ. However, Koguryŏ was able to push back an attack involving 350,000 Tang soldiers, as well as additional forces provided by Silla, under the leadership of Su Dingfang. Koguryŏ subsequently launched an attack on the Pukhansan Fortress as retribution for Silla’s role in the above- mentioned attack.106 However, the death of Yŏn΄gaesomun in 665 saw the ruling class of Koguryŏ descend into a paralyzing internal struggle. The emergence of serious conflicts between Yŏn΄gaesomun’s brothers and his sons had the effect of accelerating the collapse of local power groups. The Silla-Tang coalition used the opportunity provided by these internal struggles to attack Koguryŏ. Tang, rather than directly attacking the Pyŏngyangsŏng, used a tactic which involved conquering the local fortresses which represented the actual foundation of Koguryŏ power before marching on the Pyŏngyangsŏng. In other words, Tang adopted a strategy of making full use of the consternation which had emerged amongst local groups as a result of the internal conflicts which erupted amongst the aristocracy.107 Koguryŏ held out against the Silla-Tang coalition for about a month before its collapse was made official by the surrender of King Pochang(r. 642-668) in 668. Tang’s desire to break the secret deal it had struck with Silla that involved the latter taking the territory south of Pyŏngyang and to occupy all the former territory of Koguryŏ and Paekche itself soon became apparent. In reality, Tang planned to use Silla, which had become isolated in the ongoing conflicts between the three kingdoms, to destroy Paekche and Koguryŏ, thus facilitating its own eventual conquest of the entire Korean peninsula. This unexpected turn of events forced Silla to join hands with refugees from Koguryŏ and wage war on Tang. While these former residents of Koguryŏ joined in the battle against Tang in the Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 109 hopes of reviving Koguryŏ, Silla’s decision to join hands with the people of Koguryŏ against Tang was motivated by its own national interests, not the revival of Koguryŏ.108 The war between Silla and Tang over the right to occupy the old territory of Paekche and Koguryŏ ended in 676. Almost 80 years had passed since this international war had first broken out as a result of Koguryŏ’s preemptive attack on the Sui dynasty in 598. During this period, the three kingdoms did their utmost to preserve their national interests under a state of international war. Viewed from the standpoint of the overall situation, international politics in East Asia during the 7th century were characterized by the tumultuous struggle between the Koguryŏ-Paekche-Japan coalition and the Silla-Tang coalition. During this period, Koguryŏ focused on warding off attacks from Sui and Tang, in the process becoming the protector of Korean history and culture. However, unable to ward off the attacks of the Silla-Tang coalition after the fall of Paekche, Koguryŏ eventually faded into history.
Conclusion
Koguryŏ, which was founded by Chu Mong and his supporters and had acquired iron weapons and war strategies from Puyŏ, began right after its foundation to carry out its quest to conquer neighboring polities. Using its military might, Koguryŏ not only expanded its territory but also established tributary relations with some of its neighbors. This drive for expansion had its origins in Koguryŏ’s goal of overcoming its inherently poor natural environment and economic conditions through military expansionism in order to ensure its own independent lebensraum. This desire became the driving force behind Koguryŏ’s growth, and the main characteristic of Koguryŏ’s diplomacy. Koguryŏ, which came to share a common border with Paekche as a result of the expansion of its influence into the Hwanghae-do area at the beginning of the 4th century, adopted an approach towards Paekche and 110 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
Silla that vacillated between the forging of amicable ties and open hostility. Koguryŏ’s relationship with Paekche and Silla until the 7th century can be divided into six periods: 1) conflict with Paekche; 2) amicable relations with Silla; 3) confrontation with the Silla- Paekche Alliance; 4) competition with Paekche; 5) the struggle between the three kingdoms and the formation of alliances and coalitions; 6) the onset of an international war as a result of Tang and Japanese intervention in the confrontation on the Korean peninsula. The 1st period began with the conflict between Koguryŏ and Paekche which erupted during the second half of the 4th century. Koguryŏ, which faced difficulties expanding its power in the Liaodong area as a result of the emergence of the Former Yan, sought to expand southwards. However, Koguryŏ’s attempts to march south were met with vociferous opposition from Paekche. Thus, the second half of the 4th century was a period that saw the intensification of the conflict between Koguryŏ and Paekche. Despite the death of King Kogukwŏn, Koguryŏ was finally able to gain the upper hand and break the balance of power between the three kingdoms during the reign of King Kwanggaet΄o, who came to power following the settling down of the domestic situation during the reign of King Sosurim. While King Namul of Silla had maintained amicable relations with King Kŭnch΄oko of Paekche during the second half of the 360s, Silla, sharply aware of the growing military strength of Koguryŏ, began to pursue the improvement of relations with Koguryŏ. By the middle of the 3rd century, Silla, having recognized the superior military position of Koguryŏ, was ready to establish friendly relations with Koguryŏ. Silla used the opportunity provided by the surrender of the Commander of Doksan Fortress to Silla to sever its ties with Paekche and establish amicable relations with Koguryŏ. This conjecture is supported by the fact Silla was able with the help of Koguryŏ to dispatch envoys to Former Qin in 381. Since then, Silla was engaged in a subordinate relationship with Koguryŏ that was characterized by the use of hostage diplomacy. The 2nd period unfolded during the first half of the 5th century and was Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 111 marked by Koguryŏ’s maintenance of close ties with Silla. Despite having managed to stay aloof of the wars which raged on the Korean peninsula between Koguryŏ and Paekche during the second half of the 4th century, Silla suddenly found itself in a compromising position as a result of an attack by Japanese marauders in 400. King Kwanggaet΄o mobilized 50,000 infantry and cavalry troops to come to the rescue of Silla. King Namul’s visit to Koguryŏ to express his gratitude further strengthened the latter’s influence over Silla. Koguryŏ was able during this particular period to not only influence Silla’s succession process, but also to station its Tangju within Silla territory in places such as Kyŏngju, the inland areas of Kyŏngbuk province lying south of the Sobaek mountain range, as well as on the east coast. King Changsu of Koguryŏ adopted an offense-based defensive strategy towards Paekche and Silla during this period that included the relocation of the capital to Pyŏngyang in 427 in order to mitigate the effect of these potential sources of insecurity while Koguryŏ focused on expanding westwards. What’s more, King Changsu intended to strengthen his control over the Liaoshi area in order to restrain the influence of the North Wei. Therefore, Koguryŏ used its amicable relations with Silla to heighten its control over the latter, while avoiding a direct confrontation with Paekche. However, resistance to Koguryŏ influence soon began to emerge within Silla society. Paekche, which had experienced firsthand the strength of King Kwanggaet΄o’s military, set out to counter Koguryŏ influence by improving relations with Silla. To this end, Paekche and Silla engaged in diplomatic negotiations in 433 and 434 which ultimately resulted in the establishment of the Silla-Paekche Alliance. The 3rd period which occurred during the second half of the 5th century was marked by the confrontation between Koguryŏ and the Silla-Paekche Alliance. The movement within Silla society to remove Koguryŏ influence finally bubbled to the surface in the form of an incident which emerged in 450 in which the Commander of Hasŭlla Fortress murdered a Koguryŏ soldier while the latter was hunting in the Silchik area. This incident came to a close with little more than an apology from Silla, as 112 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ both sides deemed that the full-fledged rupture of ties was in neither kingdom’s interest. These efforts on the part of Koguryŏ to maintain amicable relations with Silla while preserving its influence over the latter are evidenced in the Chungwŏn Koguryŏ Monument which depicts the situation which prevailed in 449. However, contrary to Koguryŏ’s wishes, Silla eventually established a military alliance with Paekche. The defensive nature of this new Silla-Paekche Alliance was brought to the forefront with their successful deterrence of a Koguryŏ attack in 455. In 464, Silla continued to turn up the heat by murdering the Koguryŏ forces stationed in Kyŏngju. However, Koguryŏ was unable to take any punitive measures as Silla had by this point been able to replicate Koguryŏ’s weapons and armed forces system and establish an armed cavalry of its own. From its sphere of influence in the Ch΄ungju area Koguryŏ continued to apply pressure on Paekche and Silla. Paekche relocated its capital to Ungjin after Hansŏng, the capital of Paekche, was damaged during a Koguryŏ attack in 475. The Silla territory lying in the vicinity of Kyŏngju also found itself becoming a battlefield in 481 as Koguryŏ increased its attacks emanating from its base in Tangju. Despite incurring widespread losses, the Silla-Paekche Alliance was eventually able to turn the tide and thwart Koguryŏ’s military campaign, with Silla even managing to push the Koguryŏ forces north of the Sobaek mountain range in the process. The 4th period unfolded in the first half of the 6th century and was marked by the intensification of the competition between Koguryŏ and Paekche. King Tongsŏng of Paekche followed up Silla’s successful removal of Koguryŏ influence from the areas south of the Sobaek mountain range with the construction of a fortress in T΄anhyŏn in 501. Although the two kingdoms were officially allied, Paekche nevertheless felt the need to prepare for any possible transgressions on the part of Silla. This suspicion of Silla’s motives had its origins in the fact that while its ally Paekche was actively engaged in a military confrontation with Koguryŏ, Silla choose to stay on the sidelines. Rather, Silla was by then focused on expanding its influence into the Kaya area, a move which Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 113 immediately put it at odds with Paekche. King Sŏng of Paekche dispatched envoys to Silla in 525 to remind the latter of its treaty obligations and to call for the restraint of its expansion into the Kaya area. The war between Koguryŏ and Paekche continued to rage. King Sŏng followed up the resolution of the situation in the Kaya area by dispatching an envoy to Silla in 541 to reaffirm the existence of amicable ties and remind Silla of its obligations as an ally. This assumption is supported by the fact that Silla forces came to the rescue of their Paekche allies following the onset of Koguryŏ’s attempts to capture the Toksan Fortress located north of the Han River in order to eventually capture Hansŏng in 548. This joint defense of the Toksan Fortress marked the first and last such joint operation of the Silla-Paekche Alliance during the first half of the 6th century. Silla’s refusal to abide by its alliance obligations was in large part the result of the strengthening of its power which occurred during this period through such means as its expansion into the Kaya area. The 5th period, which occurred during the second half of the 6th century, saw Silla actively become involved in the struggles between the other two kingdoms. Silla, whose involvement in the defense of Toksan Fortress had allowed it to gain experience in doing battle in the lower reaches of the Han River, was able to make use of the conflict between Koguryŏ and Paekche to secure a bridgehead for itself in that particular region by occupying the Tosal and Kŭmhyŏn Fortresses. The Chŏksŏng Stone Monument in Tanyang reveals that Silla had already by this point moved beyond the Sobaek mountain range and expanded its influence into the Tanyang area. In 551 Silla and Paekche launched their first combined attack on Koguryŏ. This attack resulted in Silla occupying the upper reaches of the Namhan River, while Paekche was able to recapture the Hansŏng area by conquering six counties which belonged to Koguryŏ. Because of the growing instability in the areas around its northwestern border caused by such factors as the Tolkwŏl invasion of 551, Koguryŏ found itself unable to properly respond to the moves made by the Silla- Paekche Alliance. With this in mind, Koguryŏ set out to drive a wedge between Silla and Paekche by making a secret agreement with Silla 114 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~ through which Koguryŏ ceded control of the lower reaches of the Han River to Silla. With the tacit support of Koguryŏ, Silla occupied the lower reaches of the Han River and the northeastern area of Paekche in 553 establishing Sinju in the process. King Sŏng of Paekche’s siege of the Kwansan Fortress in 554, which was designed to punish Silla and block its access to the Han River, proved to be a failure which would cost the king his life. Thereafter, the Han River basin fell under the effective control of Silla, as Koguryŏ opted to stay out of the struggles engulfing the other two kingdoms in order to focus on improving the security along its northwestern border. The restoration of Koguryŏ’s internal and external stability at the end of the 6th century saw King Yŏngyang, who had come to the throne in 590, dispatch General Ondal to recapture the territories lost to Silla; however, his endeavor ended in failure as he encountered heavier than expected resistance from Silla. The 6th period was one marked by the onset of an international war in East Asia. The rise of the Sui and Tang dynasties in China saw Silla and Paekche scramble with one another to establish military alliances with these new Chinese dynasties and Japan. In 608, Silla, through Wŏn Kwang’s
Ch΄unch΄u to Tang with a request for military assistance in 648. This shuttle diplomacy led to the signing of a secret agreement between the two kingdoms as part of which Silla would be granted the right to occupy all areas south of Pyŏngyang following the destruction of Koguryŏ and Paekche. Meanwhile, King Ŭicha, failing to properly respond to the change in the international environment, effectively cut off diplomatic ties with Tang after 652. The internal conflicts which emerged within the ruling class after the death of Yŏngaesomun not only weakened Koguryŏ’s military foundation but caused the local power groups to falter as well. This inauspicious turn of events eventually resulted in the destruction of Paekche and Koguryŏ in 660 and 668 respectively at the hands of the Silla-Tang coalition. Thereafter, Silla joined hands with refugees from Koguryŏ to quash Tang’s efforts to control the entire Korean peninsula; a denouement which caused the international war raging around the Korean peninsula to drag on until 676.
Key Words: Tanju, relocated the capital to Pyŏngyang, Silla-Paekche Alliance, Han River, Kwansan Fortress, Silla-Tang coalition, the War between Silla and Tang
Notes :
1 North Korean scholars have argued that as five of the earliest kings of Koguryŏ were never included in historical documents, the actual year in which Chu Mong’s founded Koguryŏ was actually 277 B.C., some 240 years earlier than the widely accepted date of 37 B.C. Son Yŏngjong, 1990, History of Koguryŏ(Koguryŏ sa), The Science and Encyclopedia Publishing House(Kwahak paekgwa sachŏn ch΄ulp΄ansa), pp.50-51. 2 Kim Yŏngha, December, 2004, “The meaning of transfer of the capital in the ancient history(Kodae ch΄ŏndoŭi yŏksachŏk ŭimi)”, The Journal of Korean Ancient History(Han΄guk kodaesa yŏn΄gu), Vol. 36, Society for Korean Ancient History(Han΄guk kodae sahakhoe), p.7. 3 Samguk sagi , Vol. 13, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 1, the 32nd year of King Yurimyŏng 116 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
(AD 13). 4 Pak Kyŏngch΄ŏl, December 1998, “The logistic capacity of the Koguryŏ state(Koguryŏ kunsa yŏngnyangŭi chaegŏmt΄o)”, Paeksan hakbo, Vol. 35, The Paeksan Society, p.140. 5 For studies on Koguryŏ’s international relations, please refer to Pak Sŏngbong, 1995, Koguryŏ’s Management of its Southward Expansion Policy(Koguryŏ namjin kyŏngyŏngsaŭi yŏn΄gu), Paeksan Archives(Paeksan charyowŏn); Kong Sŏkgu, 1998, Koguryŏ’s Territorial Expansionism (Koguryŏ yŏngyŏk hwakjangsa yŏn΄gu), Sŏkyŏng Munhwasa; Yi Inch΄ŏl, 2000, Koguryŏ’s Foreign Conquests(Koguryŏŭi taewoe chŏngbok yŏn΄gu), Paeksan Archives(Paeksan charyowŏn). 6 Samguk sagi , Vol. 14, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 2, the 2nd year of King Taemusin(AD 19); Samguk sagi , Vol. 23, Paekche pon΄gi 1, the 37th year of King Onjo(AD 19). 7 Samguk sagi , Vol. 1, Silla pon΄gi 1, the 14th year of Yuri Yisagŭm(AD 37). 8 Samguk sagi , Vol. 24, Paekche pon΄gi 2, the 21st and 23rd year of King Kŭnch΄ogo(AD 366)(AD 368). 9 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 18th year of Namul yisakŭm(AD 373). 10 Rho C hungguk, May 1994, “Paekche’s political management during the 4th- 5th centuries – With a special focus on the reigns of King Kunch΄ogo and King Asin(4-5 segi Paekcheŭi chŏch΄I unyŏng - Kunch΄ogowang –Ashinwang taerŭl chungsimŭro)”, Collection of Essays on Korean Ancient History (Han΄guk kodaesa nonch΄ng), Vol. 6, Research Institute of Korean Ancient Society(Han΄guk kodaesahoe yŏn΄guso), p.173. 11 Kim Chaewŏn and Yi Pyŏngdo, 1959(1965), Korean History(Han΄guksa), Ŭlyu Munhwasa, p.401. 12 Samguk sagi, Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 26th year of Namul Yisakŭm(AD 381). 13 Rho Chungguk, September 1981, “Changes in the dynamic relationship between Koguryŏ, Paekche, and Silla(Koguryŏ, Paekche, Silla saiŭi yŏkgwangye pyŏnhwae Taehan ilkoch΄al)”, Tongbang hakji, Vol. 28, Institute of Oriental Studies(Tongbanghak yŏn΄guso), p.54. 14 Samguk sagi , Vol. 24, Paekche pon΄gi 2, the 26th year of King Kŭnch΄ogo(AD 371); Samguk sagi , Vol. 18, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 6, the 41st year of King Kogukwŏn(AD 371). Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 117
15 Samguk sagi , Vol. 18, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 6, the 5th year of King Sosurim(AD 375); Samguk sagi, Vol. 24, Paekche pon΄gi 2, the 30th year of King Kŭnch΄ogo(AD 375). 16 Samguk sagi , Vol. 18, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 6, the 2nd(AD 392), 3rd(AD 393), 4th(394), 5th(AD 395) years of King Kwanggaet΄o; Monument of King Kwanggaet΄o, the 6th year of King Kwanggaet΄o(AD 396). 17 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 37th of King Namul(AD 392). 18 Kim Hyŏngu, 1993, Japanese Occupation of Mimana(Kaya) –A critical analysis of Japan’s claim to have controlled the southern part of the Korean Peninsula(Imna ilbonbu yŏn΄gu – hanbando nambu kyŏngyŏngron pip΄an), Ilchogak, p.101. 19 Monument of King Kwanggaet΄o, the 10th year of King Kwanggaet΄o(AD 400). 20 Kim C hŏngbae, September 1988, “The territorial Problem of Koguryŏ and Silla –With a special focus on the archeological materials uncovered in the Sunhŭng area(Koguryŏwa Sillaŭi yŏngyŏk munje –Sunhŭng chiyŏkŭi kogohak charyowa kwanryŏnhayŏ)”, The Journal of Korean History (Han΄guksa yŏn΄gu), Vol. 61 and 62, The Association for Korean Historical Studies(Han΄guksa yŏn΄guhoe), p.9. 21 Yang Kisŏk, November 1981, “The significance of hostages during the Three Kingdom Era(Samguk sidaeŭi injilŭi sŏngkyŏke taehayŏ)”, Sahakchi, Vol. 15, Tan΄guk University, pp.46-47. 22 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 1st year of King Nulji(AD 417). 23 Nihon Shoki, Vol. 14, the 8th year of Yuryaku Tenno(AD 464). 24 Im Ch΄angsun, November, 1979, “Analysis of the Chungwŏn Koguryŏ Monument(Chungwŏn Koguryŏpi soko)”, Shakji, Vol. 13; Kim Chŏngbae, November, 1979, “Issues related to the Chungwŏn Koguryŏ Monument (Chungwŏn Koguryŏpiŭi myŏt kkachi munjechŏm)”, Sahakchi, Vol. 13. 25 Kim Chŏngbae, October 1988, ibid, p.6. 26 Chŏng Unyong, June 1986, “The southern border of the Koguryŏ sphere of influence in the 5th century(5 segi Koguryŏ seryŏkkwŏnŭi namhan)” Sach’ong, Vol. 35, The Historical Society of Korea University, pp.22-23. 27 Sŏ Yŏngdae, December 1981, “ The motivation behind Koguryŏ’s decision to relocate the capital to Pyŏngyang –With a special focus on the strengthening of the monarchial and central ruling structure(Koguryŏ 118 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
Pyŏngyang ch΄ŏndoŭi tongki –wangkwŏn mit chungang chipkwŏnjŏk chibae ch΄eheŭi Kanghwa kwachŏnkwa kwalryŏnhayŏ)”, Korean Studies(Han΄guk munhwa), Vol. 2, Institute of Korean Studies, Seoul National University, pp.126-128. 28 Pak Kyŏngch΄ŏl, June 1989, “Analysis of Koguryŏ’s military strategies – Focusing on Koguryŏ’s military strategic goals after the relocation of the capital to Pyŏngyang(Koguryŏ unsa chŏlryak koch΄alŭl wihan ilsiron – Pyŏngyang ch΄ŏndo yihu Koguryŏ kunsa chŏlryakŭi chihyangjŏmŭl chungsimŭro)”, The Review of Korean History(Sahak yŏn΄gu), Vol.40, The Historical Society of Korea(Han΄guk sahakhoe), p.56. 29 Yi Sŏngjae, November 2002, “On the western policy of Koguryŏ in the 5th-6th century – with a special focus on its confrontation and coexistence-based relationship with Northern Wei(5-6 segi Koguryŏŭi sŏbang chŏngch΄aek yŏn΄gu –bukwiwaŭi taeripkwa kongjon kwangyeŭl chungsimŭro)”, Ph.D dissertation, Sogang University, pp.46-47. 30 Yang Kisŏk, February 1994, “Relationship between Silla and Paekche first half of the 6th century(5-6 segi chŏnban Sillawa Paekcheŭi kwan΄gye)”, The Research of Silla Culture(Silla munhwache haksul palp΄yohoe nonmunjip). Vol. 15, Association for the Enhancement of Silla Culture(Silla munwha sŏnyanghoe) pp.78-80. 31 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 17th year of Nulchi Maripkan (AD 433); Samguk sagi , Vol. 25, Paekche pon΄gi 3, the 7th year of King Piyu(AD 433); Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 18th year of Nulchi Maripkan(AD 434); Samguk sagi , Vol. 25 Paekche pon΄gi 3, the 8th year of King Piyu(AD 434). 32 Chŏng Unyong, June 1989, ibid, p.7; Im Kihwan, December, 2000, “The relationship between Koguryŏ and Silla as viewed from the Chungwŏn Koguryŏ Monument(Chungwŏn Koguryŏpirŭl t΄onghae pon Koguryŏwa Sillaŭi kwan΄gye)”, Koguryŏ Studies(Koguryŏ yŏn΄gu), Vol. 10, Koguryŏ History Association(Koguryŏ yŏn΄guhoe), p.430. 33 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 34th year of Nulchi Maripkan (AD 450). This article, however, was compiled in the 28th year of King Changsu(AD 440), Koguryŏ pon΄gi of the Samguk sagi . Nevertheless, the majority of researchers have based their understanding of this incident of ADV 450 on the record found in the Silla pon΄gi. Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 119
34 Chŏng Unyong, June, 1989, ibid, pp.19-21. 35 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 38th year of Nulchi Maripkan(AD 454). 36 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 39th year of Nulchi Maripkan(AD 455). 37 Yi Toh ak, December 2000, “Motives for the establishment of the Chungwŏn Koguryŏ Monument(Chungwŏn Koguryŏpiŭi kŏllip mokjŏk)”, The Journal of Koguryŏ Studies(Koguryŏ yŏn΄gu), Vol. 10, p.278; Im Kihwan, December 2000, ibid, p.429. 38 Kim Pyŏngju, September 1984, “Study of the Silla-Paekche Alliance(Nache tongmaenge kwanhan yŏn΄gu)”, The Journal of korean History(Han΄guksa yŏn΄gu), Vol. 46, p.43. 39 This is why I have claimed that the Silla-Paekche Alliance was in effect begun in ADV 455. Chŏng Unyong, June, 1996, “Relationship between Silla and Baekje during the Period of Silla-Baekje Alliance(Naje tongmaenggi sillawa Paekche kwan΄gye)”, Paeksan Hakbo, Vol. 46, pp.102-104. 40 Nihon Shoki, Vol. 14, the 8th year of Yuryaku Tenno(AD 464). 41 Yi Inchŏl, December 1996, “Koguryŏ’s southward expansion and armed cavalry system(4-5 segi Koguryŏŭi namjinkwa chungjang kipyŏng)”, Military History(Kunsa), Vol. 33, Institute for Military History Compilation (kukpang kunsa yŏn΄guso), Ministry of National Defense; 2000, Koguryŏ’s Military Expansionism(Koguryŏŭi Taewoe chŏngbok yŏn΄gu), Paeksan Archives(Paeksan charyowŏn), p.282. 42 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 11th year of Chabi Maripkan(AD 468). 43 Chŏng Unyong, February 1994, “Relational transition between Silla and Koguryŏ from 5th and 6th Century -in connection with historic ruins and excavated materials(5-6 segi Silla Koguryŏ kwan΄gyeŭi ch΄ui –yujŏk yumulŭi haesŏkkwa kwallyŏnhayŏ-)”, Research of Silla Culture, Vol. 15, City of Kyŏngju, p.52. 44 Samguk sagi , Vol. 25, Paekche pon΄gi 3, the 15th year of King Kaero(AD 469). 45 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 13th year of Chabi Maripkan(AD 470). 46 Chang Ch΄angŭn, December 2004, “A study on the area of fortifications and 120 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
battles in the period of Silla Kingdom between King Jabi and Soji and its meaning –With a special focus on Silla and Koguryŏ’s spheres of influence in the Sobaek mountain range area during different phases(Silla Chabi- Sochiwangdae ch΄uksŏng. Kyochŏn chiyŏkŭi kŏnt΄owa kŭ ŭimi – Sobaek sanmaek ildae Silla. Koguryŏŭi yŏngyŏk hyangbangkwa kwallyŏnhayŏ)”, Sillasa Hakbo, Vol. 2, The Society for the Studies of Silla History(Silla Sahakhoe), p.8. 47 Kim Sut΄ae, 2000, “The war between Paekche and Koguryŏ during the reign of King Kaero(Paekche Karowangdaeŭi tae Koguryŏchŏn)”, Wars Throughout the History of Paekche(Paekchesa sangŭi chŏnjaeng), Sŏkyŏng munhwasa, p.235. 48 Yi Namsŏk, December 1997, “Significance of Paekche ruins during the Ungjin era(Ungjin sidae Paekche yuchŏkŭi chonjae ŭimi), The Journal of Paekche Culture(Paekche Munhwa), Vol. 26, Institute of Paekche Culture (Paekche munhwa yŏn΄guso), Kongju National University, p.31 49 Samguk sagi , Vol. 18, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 6, the 63rd year of King Changsu(AD 475); Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, The 1st year of King Munju(AD 475). 50 Kang Chongwŏn has argued that Paek Ka was the main architect of the construction of the ancient tomb located in Suchon-ri, Kongju, and that he had played an important role in the relocation of the capital to Ungjin following the downfall of Hansŏng. Kang Chongwŏn, August 2005, “Analysis of the main actors behind the construction of the ancient Paekche tomb in Suchon-ri(Suchon-ri Paekche kobunkun choyŏng seryŏk kŏmt΄o)”, The Journal of Paekche Research Institute(Paekche yŏn΄gu), Vol. 42, Paekche Research Institute(Paekche yŏn΄guso), Ch΄ungnam National University, p.52. 51 Rho Chungguk, March 1978, “The relocation of the Paekche royal family southwards and the changes in the ruling structure(Paekche wangsilŭi namch΄ŏngwa chibae seryŏkŭi pyŏnch΄ŏn)”, Han΄guksaron, Vol. 4, History Department of Seoul National University, pp.68-69. 52 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 3rd year of Sochi Maripkan(AD 481). 53 Chŏng Unyong, June 1989, ibid, p.13, p.22; Kim Hyonsuk, June 2002, “The territorial trend in the east region of the Sobaek mountains during the period of the fourth century to sixth century – Focusing on the
located in the Kyŏngbuk area as depicted in the Samguk sagi chiriji(4-6 segi Sobaek sanmaek yidong chiyŏkŭi yŏngyŏk hyangbang – Samguk sagi chirijiŭi Kyŏngbuk chiyŏk ‘Koguryŏ kunhyŏnŭl chungsimŭro)”, The Journal of Korean Ancient History(Han΄guk kodaesa yŏn΄gu), Vol. 36, p.103. 54 Yi Kangrae, December 1985, “Malgal’s military activities as viewed through the Samguk sagi(Samguk sagi e poinŭn Malgalŭi kunsa hwaldong), Territorial Problems Research(Yŏngt΄o munje yŏn΄gu), Vol. 1, Territorial Problems Research Project, Korean Cultural Research Center(Yŏngt΄o munje yŏn΄guso), Korea University, p.62. 55 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 6th year of Sochi Maripkan(AD 484). 56 Samguk sagi , Vol. 3, Silla pon΄gi 3, the 8th year of Sochi Maripkan(AD 486). 57 Samguk sagi , Vol. 18, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 6, the 77th year of King Changsu(AD 489); Samguk sagi , Vol. 19, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 7, the 6th year of King Munja (AD 497). 58 Samguk sagi , Vol. 19, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 7, the 3rd(AD 494), 4th(AD 495), 5th(AD 496) years of King Munja. 59 Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 23rd year of King Tongsŏng(AD 501). 60 Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 21st year of King Tongsŏng(AD 499). 61 Samguk sagi , Vol. 19, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 7, the 16th year of King Munja(AD 512). 62 Yi Ka ngrae, “Analysis of Paekche influence in the Pisabŏl area(Paekche Pisabŏlgo)”, Collection of Essays on Korean History to Commemorate the 60th Birthday of Choe Yŏnghui(Choe Yŏnghui sŏnseng hwakap kinyŏm han΄guk sahak nonch΄ong), T΄amgudang, p.42. 63 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 9th(AD 522) and 11th(AD 524) years of King Pŏphŭng. 64 Chŏng Unyong, December 2000, “Silla's Annexation of Kaya in the 6th Century and it’s Historical Significance(6 segi sillaŭi kaya pyŏnghapkwa kŭ ŭimi)”, Sach’ong, Vol. 52, The Historical Society of Korea University, pp.4-6. 65 Chŏng Unyong, June 1996, ibid, p.120. 66 Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 1st year of King Sŏng(AD 523). 67 Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 8th year of King Sŏng(AD 530); Samguk sagi , Vol. 19, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 7, the 11th year of King Anjang(AD 122 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
529). 68 Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 18th year of King Sŏng(AD 540); Samguk sagi , Vol. 19, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 7, the 10th year of King Anwŏn (AD 540). 69 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 2nd year of King Chinhŭng(AD 541). 70 The competition between the three kingdoms intensified during the reign of King Yangwŏn in the second half of the 6th century. Both Shin Hyongsik, who divided the periods of Koguryŏ history based on a metrical analysis of the Samguk sagi, and Roh T΄aedon, who based his division of the various periods of Koguryŏ history on political history, identified the reign of King Yangwŏn as the standard which should be used to divide these periods. Sin Hyŏngsik, 1981, A Study on the Samguk sagi(Samguk sagi yŏn΄gu), Ilchogak, p.120; Roh T΄aedon, 1999, Koguryŏ History(Koguryŏsa yŏn΄gu), Sakyejŏl, p.489. 71 Samguk sagi , Vol. 19, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 7, the 4th year of King Yangwŏn(AD 548); Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 26th year of King Sŏng(AD 548); Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 9th year of King Chinhŭng(AD 548). 72 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 11th year of King Chinhŭng(AD 550) 73 Chŏng Unyong, June 1996, ibid, p.125. 74 Pyŏn T΄aesŏp, November 1978, “The establishment and characteristics of King Chinhŭng’s Stone Monument in Tanyang(Tanyang Chinhŭng wang ch΄ŏk kyŏng piŭi kŏllip yŏndaewa kŭ sŏnggyŏk)”, Sahakchi, Vol. 12, p.33. 75 Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 7th year of King Yangwŏn(AD 551), for a critical analysis of this historical data, please refer to Noh Taedon, “On the loss of the Han River area in the late Koguryŏ dynasty(Koguryŏŭi Hansu yuyŏk sangsilŭi wŏnine taehayŏ), The Journal of Korean History (Han΄guksa yŏn΄gu), Vol. 13, pp.36-37. 76 Rho T΄aedon, October 1984, “International politics in East Asia during the 5th-6th centuries and Koguryŏ’s external and internal relations(5-6 segi tongasiaŭi kukche chŏngsewa Koguryŏŭi taewoe kwan΄gye)”, Tongbanghakji, Vol. 44, pp.48-50. 77 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 12th year of King Chinhŭng(AD 551); Samguk sagi , Vol. 44, Yŏlchŏn 4, Kŏch΄ilbu. 78 Nihon shoki, Vol. 19, the 13th year of Kimmei Tennou(AD 554). Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 123
79 Samguk yusa, Vol. 1, Kiyi(Wonder )1, the 3rd year of King Chinhŭng(AD 554). 80 Rho T΄aedon, July 1976, ibid, p.54. 81 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 14th year of King Chinhŭng(AD 553); Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 31st year of King Sŏng (AD 553). 82 Kim Chusŏng, 2000, “The occupation and loss of the Han River basin during the reign of King Sŏng(Sŏngwangŭi han΄gang yuyŏk chŏmnyŏnggwa sangsil)”, Wars Throughout the History of Paekche(Paekchesa sangŭi chŏnjaeng), Sŏkyŏng munhwasa, p.315. 83 Kim Yŏngha, 2002, The military and political structure of Korean ancient society(Han΄guk kodae sahoeŭi kunsawa chŏngch΄i), Korean Cultural Research Center, Korea University, p.132. 84 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 15th year of King Chinhŭng(AD 554) 85 Sin Hyŏngsik, December 1983, “The political and military characteristics of the Han River basin throughout ancient Korean history(Han΄guk kodaesae yissŏsŏ han΄gang yuyŏkŭi chŏngch΄I, kunsachŏk sŏnggyŏk)”, Hyangt΄o Seoul, Vol. 41, The City History Compilation Committee of Seoul; 1984, A New Syudy on the Ancient History of Korea(Han΄guk kodaesaŭi sinyŏn΄gu), Ilchogak, p.280. 86 Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 1st year of King Widŏk(AD 554). 87 Samguk sagi , Vol. 26, Paekche pon΄gi 4, the 8th(AD 561) and 24th(AD 577) year of King Widŏk. 88 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 2nd(AD 577) and 3rd(AD 578) year of King Chinji. 89 Chŏng Unyong, December 2000, ibid, p.28. 90 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 4th year of King Chinji(AD 579). 91 Samguk sagi , Vol. 45, Yŏlchŏn 5, Ondal. For more on the credibility of Ondal as it relates to historical materials and actual dates, please refer to Yi Hongjik, November 1959, “Analysis of the Koguryŏin chŏn in the Samguk sagi(Samguk sagi Koguryŏin chŏnŭi kŏmt΄o)”, Sach’ong, Vol. 4; 1971, Ancient Korean History(Han΄guk kodaesaŭi yŏn΄gu), Singu munhwasa, pp. 256-257; Yi Kibaik, November 1967, “Analysis of the Ondal Story (Ondalchŏnŭi kŏmt΄o)”, Paeksan hakbo, Vol. 3, p.149. 124 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
92 Samguk sagi , Vol. 20, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 8, the 9th year of King Yŏngyang(AD 598). 93 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 25th year of King Chinp΄yŏng(AD 603). 94 Samguk sagi , Vol. 20, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 8, the 18th(AD 607) and 19th(AD 608) year of King Yŏngyang. 95 Samguk sagi , Vol. 4, Silla pon΄gi 4, the 48th year of King Chinp΄yŏng(AD 626); Samguk sagi , Vol. 27, Paekche pon΄gi 5, the 27th year of King Mu(AD 626). 96 Noh C hoongkook, September 1981, ibid, p.93. 97 Samguk sagi , Vol. 21, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 9, the 3rd year of King Pochang(AD 644). 98 Samguk sagi , Vol. 5, Silla pon΄gi 5, the 12th year of Queen Sŏndŏk(AD 643). 99 Rho Chungguk, September 1981, ibid, p.95. 100 Samguk sagi , Vol. 5, Silla pon΄gi 5, the 11th year of Queen Sŏndŏk(AD 642); Samguk sagi , Vol. 21, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 9, the 2nd year of King Pochang(AD 643); Samguk sagi , Vol. 28, Paekche pon΄gi 6, the 2nd year of King Ŭicha(AD 642). 101 Jiu Tang shu(舊唐書, Former Tang history), Vol. 199(I), Yŏlchŏn 149(I), Tongyi Paekche. 102 Kim Yŏngha, September 2000, “The international background of Koguryŏ’s internal trouble –As it pertains to Tang’s strategic incremental changes (Koguryŏ naebunŭi kukchechŏk paekyŏng – Tangŭi tankyechŏk chŏllyak pyŏnhwawa kwallyŏnhayŏ)”, The Journal of Korean History(Han΄guksa yŏn΄gu), Vol. 110, p.44. 103 Samguk sagi , Vol. 7, Silla pon΄gi 7, the 11th year of King Munmu(AD 671). 104 Yi Kidong, 1995, “Summary of Paekche history(Paekchesa ch΄ongsŏl)”, History of Paekche(Paekcheŭi yŏksa), Ch΄ungnam Province; 1996, Studies in the Paekche History(Paekchesa yŏn΄gu), Ilchogak, p.34. 105 For more on the process leading up to Paekche’s fall and the Paekche revival movement, please refer to Rho Chungguk, 2003, “History of the Paekche Revival Movement(Paekche Puhŭng Undongsa), Ilchogak. Institute of Paekche Culture(Paekche munhwa yŏn΄guso), Kongju University, 2004, Study of the History of the Paekche Revival Movement(Paekche puhŭng Undongsa yŏn΄gu), Sŏkyŏng munhwasa; Kim Yŏnggwan, 2005, A Study on Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 125
the Restoration Movement of Paekche Dynasty(Paekche puhŭng undong yŏn΄gu), Sŏkyŏng munhwasa. 106 Samguk sagi , Vol. 6, Silla pon΄gi 6, the 1st(AD 661) and 2nd(AD 662) year of King Munmu; Samguk sagi , Vol. 22, Koguryŏ pon΄gi 10, the 20th(AD 661) and 21st(AD 662) year of king Pochang. 107 Im Kihwan, 1994, “Koguryŏ’s wars with Sui and Tang(Koguryŏwa Su, Tangŭi chŏnjaeng), Korean History(Han΄guksa) Vol. 4, Han΄gilsa, p.186. 108 Yang Pyŏngryong, December 1997, “Koguryŏ refugees fight against T’ang in the war between Silla and T’ang(Nadang chŏnjaeng chinhaeng kwachŏnge poinŭn Koguryŏ yuminŭi tae Tang chŏnjaeng)”, Sach’ong, Vol. 46, p.38.
<국문초록> 126 Trends in Koguryŏ's Relationship with Paekche and Silla during the~
4-7세기 고구려와 백제 · 신라 관계의 추이
정 운 용 (고려대학교)
이 글은 건국 이래 군사적 팽창정책을 국가 성장의 원동력으로 삼아 온 고구려가 4 세기 이래 백제와 신라를 상대로 수행한 대외관계를 通時的으로 살펴 본 것이다. 그 결과 고구려 중심의 삼국 관계는 대체로 아래와 같은 6시기로의 구분이 가능하다. 1期는 4세기 후반 고구려와 백제의 충돌로 시작되었다. 이는 遼東 방면으로의 진출 에 곤란을 겪던 고구려가 남쪽으로의 팽창을 통해 활로를 모색한 것에 기인한다. 당시 신라는 점증하는 고구려의 군사적 압력을 실감하고 고구려와의 관계 개선을 추구하였 다. 신라의 이러한 움직임은 결국 백제 禿山城主의 투항을 계기로 백제와의 관계를 단 절하고 고구려와 종속적 우호관계를 맺었다. 2期는 5세기 전반 고구려와 신라가 긴밀한 우호관계를 유지하던 때이다. 이 시기 고 구려는 신라 영토 내에 고구려 幢主를 주둔시키고 신라 왕위 계승에까지 영향력을 행 사하였다. 그러나 신라 사회에서는 점차 과도한 고구려의 압력에 대한 반발이 싹텄다. 그 결과 백제와 신라는 433년과 434년에 걸쳐 외교적 교섭을 바탕으로 羅濟同盟의 결 성을 추구하게 된다. 3期는 5세기 후반 고구려와 나제동맹이 대립하던 시기이다. 고구려의 압력에서 벗어 나고자 하는 신라 사회의 움직임이 결국 455년에 백제와 신라가 연합하여 고구려의 공 격을 막아냄으로써, 나제동맹으로 그 실체를 드러냈다. 이후 고구려는 忠州 지역을 거 점으로 勢力圈의 유지를 도모하면서 계속 백제와 신라를 압박하였다. 그러나 이 시기 에 고구려의 신라에 대한 영향력은 小白山脈 이북으로 위축되었다. 4期는 6세기 전반 다시 고구려와 백제가 치열한 접전을 벌이는 시기이다. 羅濟同盟 期임에도 불구하고 신라는 가야 방면으로 진출을 꾀하며 백제와 갈등을 야기하는 한편, 동맹국으로서의 의무를 放棄한 채 전쟁에 동참하지 않았다. 이에 백제는 신라에게 동 맹국으로서의 의무를 환기시키며 가야 방면으로의 진출 자제를 요청하였다. 그 결과 548년에 고구려가 漢城 공략을 염두에 두고 백제 獨山城을 공격할 때 6세기 전반 처음 이자 마지막인 羅濟同盟軍의 활동이 있게 되었다. 5期는 6세기 후반 삼국 상호 간 치열한 쟁패가 벌어지던 시기이다. 당시 고구려는 군사적 위기로 인하여 나제동맹군의 움직임에 적절하게 대응하지 못하였다. 이에 신라 Jung Woon Yong(Chŏng Unyong) 127
와 백제는 남한강 중·상류지역과 한강 하류 유역을 장악했다. 고구려는 나제동맹을 와 해시키고자 신라와 밀약을 맺고 신라의 한강 유역 장악을 묵인하였다. 백제는 신라의 漢水 유역 진출 교통로를 차단하고자 管山城을 공격하였으나 패하고 말았다. 고구려 또한 6세기 말 잃어버린 영토의 수복을 위해 溫達이 出征하였으나, 신라의 저항으로 뜻을 이루지 못하였다. 6期는 중국에서 隋唐· 통일 帝國 등장과 함께 백제와 신라가 경쟁적으로 수·당에 外 交戰을 펼치며 군사적 연합을 꾀함으로써, 결국 倭를 포함하여 동아시아 전체가 國際 戰의 와중에 빠지는 시기이다. 결과적으로 백제는 국제 관계의 변화에 제대로 대응하 지 못함으로써, 또 고구려는 지배층의 내분과 지방세력의 動搖로 인한 武力 기반의 취 약으로 인하여 羅唐聯合軍에 의해 멸망되었다.
주제어: 幢主, 평양 천도, 羅濟同盟, 漢水, 管山城, 羅唐聯合, 나당전쟁