S Election Through the Black Americas:Ethnographic Perspectives As a Mirror

Home , Kamari Maxine Clarke, Magical Negro

Mark Schuller INTRODUCTION TO SPECIAL ISSUE:SEEING OBAMA’S ELECTION THROUGH THE BLACK AMERICAS:ETHNOGRAPHIC PERSPECTIVES AS A MIRROR

Abstract pantheon of freedom fighters. Large white buses that began to appear shortly after the election— Based on fieldwork in Argentina, Ecuador, Jamaica, imported from Taiwan or Korea—were anointed and Martinique during the 2008 campaign and the the name “Obama.” The previous U.S. president 2009 inauguration, extended to the 2012 election whose name became generalized was for used cycle, these articles build on anthropological schol- clothing, “rad Kenedi.” The kreyol version of arship on Diaspora. Local communities’ responses Obama’s slogan, “wi nou kapab” (yes we can) was to the election and inauguration provide a look “be- quickly absorbed (some say re-absorbed) into the hind the mirror” (Gregory 2007). Specifically, political discourse, as Haitian president Rene building on insights from Kamari Maxine Clarke Preval’s political platform shared another name- (2010), this transnational connection imagined and sake, Lespwa, or “Hope.” called into being networks of black linkages, what Four years later, following a deepening reces- she has called “humanitarian diasporas.” The dis- sion and an enduring military presence in the Mid- cussions, analyses, and political claims-making are dle East, Obama was re-elected. Following examples of Gilroy’s (1987; 1993) articulation of eight years of an exhausting War on Terror and a the Black Atlantic, particularly networks that botched—racialized—response to Hurricane transnationally or “outer-nationally” link black Katrina, not to mention the financial crisis just communities to one another. Taking ethnographic hitting, Obama’s first election inspired astronomi- subjects’ own transnational reflection of the mean- cally high hopes. Writing in Time, Toure said that ings of Obama as a starting point, these articles the re-election was the real marker of racial pro- analyze and extend our understandings of diaspora gress. For a Black person to win a re-election while offering a solid understanding of the many demoted from superhero to ordinary human being ways blackness is being defined and redefined in par- was the real history-making event (Toure 2012). ticular national and regional contexts. [Diaspora, For Obama’s re-election, people reported a pride Blackness, Humanitarian Diasporas, Obama, Latin and solidarity but not the air of celebration. In the America, Caribbean] interim was an earthquake that shook the country to its foundations. Obama was overshadowed by INTRODUCTION his Democratic predecessor, United Nations Spe- November 4, 2008. A wave of cheers passed cial Envoy Bill Clinton, whose presence was ubiq- through the city of Port-au-Prince, as if the Brazil- uitous and whom many Haitian people call ian national team had just won the World Cup. “governor general,” a racialized term referring to Individuals shot fireworks in the sky like January a nineteen-year U.S. occupation begun in 1915. 1, Haiti’s Independence Day. Those still in the Obama’s 2008 election was indeed historic, for street honked their horns. The U.S. presidential many reasons. Based on a highly successful on-the- election has just been called. Barack Hussein ground community organizing effort aimed at gen- Obama was elected as the first African American erating a record voter turnout of younger and Afri- president. It was a day of celebration in the can American voters, Obama’s elevation to world’s first free Black republic. president represented the “audacity of hope” to Quickly Obama’s face adorned walls and tap- many. The fact that Obama became the first non- tap (colorful public transportation), often next to white president of the U.S. and indeed racial minor- international icons of Martin Luther King and ity head of state for any nation in the Global North Bob Marley—but never next to Haiti’s national contributes to this singularity. But what does his

Transforming Anthropology, Vol. 23, Number 2, pp. 63–68, ISSN 1051-0559, electronic ISSN 1548-7466. © 2015 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/traa.12044. 63 election and presidency say about race, blackness, links that are of interest to anthropologists (Rah- Pan Africanism, and the African Diaspora? How do ier 2010). various constituencies across the Black Atlantic These articles offer very rich ethnographic understand these phenomena? This special issue analyses to deconstruct blackness from a critical offers a unique set of ethnographic groundings to vantage point. This exemplifies Faye Harrison’s interpret and disentangle the multiple meanings of important call to “decolonize” (1991) and “global- this still ongoing chapter in world black history. ize” (2008) anthropology, as people from the South Based on fieldwork in Argentina, Ecuador, have perspectives, points of view, and analyses of Jamaica, and Martinique during the 2008 campaign their own, and can return our gaze. The gaze may and the 2009 inauguration, extended to the 2012 not be so much directed at the United States as election cycle, these articles build on anthropologi- much as it is back at home, challenging Brazil’s cal scholarship on Diaspora. Local communities’ ideology of a “racial democracy” (Freyre 1957 responses to the election and inauguration provide [1933]), helping darker-skinned Martiniquans chal- a look “behind the mirror” (Gregory 2007). Specifi- lenge the hegemony of the white bek e elites, or sim- cally, building on insights from Kamari Maxine ply demanding recognition (Fraser 1997) for Clarke (2010), this transnational connection imag- African descendants in Argentina or Ecuador. As ined and called into being networks of black link- agents/actors/activists, people from the African ages, what she has called “humanitarian Diaspora are writing a hopeful transnational black diasporas.” The discussions, analyses, and political narrative onto Obama to make claims and advance claims making are examples of Paul Gilroy’s (1987, racial justice at home. These claims and advances, 1993) articulation of the Black Atlantic, particu- if won, will be done at the cost of “strategic essen- larly networks that transnationally or “outer-na- tialism” (Spivak 1987) running the risk of fixing tionally” link black communities to one another. blackness in a U.S. mold and letting racial progress Taking ethnographic subjects’ own transnational be measured by a U.S. yardstick, as Page alludes to reflection of the meanings of Obama as a starting perceived responsibilities for a U.S. Black leader- point, these articles analyze and extend our under- ship. As one of Main’s interlocutors argued, it also standings of diaspora while offering a solid under- runs the risk of depoliticization. standing of the many ways blackness is being defined and redefined in particular national and MULTIPLE MEANINGS OF OBAMA regional contexts (Clarke 2013; Rahier 2010, 2011). Obama’s election is literally rewriting black his- This collection asks what shifts, if any, in racial tory. A colleague in sociology recounted that her praxis are heralded by Obama’s election. intro-level textbook—published in 2008—began with the phrase “no racial minority has ever held TRANSNATIONAL DISCOURSES OF RACE the highest office, the highest level of power in the These articles address the shifts in the transna- U.S.” While it is definitely true that this particular tional elements of blackness, how people in the glass ceiling on our dreams has been shattered, African Diaspora outside the United States and a generation of U.S. Americans will grow up understand race, racism, and blackness, both in seeing a Black person on television not only as a the United States and at home, and how the two sport or entertainment star but also as the Presi- reflect one another. Importantly, several articles dent, African American Studies scholars, students build on Kamari Clarke’s and Deborah Thomas’s and indeed people outside the academy are forced (2006) ethnographic grounding of the concept of to continue theorizing race and racism. In 2009, the Black Atlantic. As Maddox (this volume) U.S. Blacks were twice as likely to be unemployed paraphrased Gilroy, “black subjects of the dias- and three times as likely to be without health care pora share a history of colonialism, slavery, and as U.S. whites, and in 2009, the world-renowned contemporary practices of state-repression and chair of a Harvard University department can be institutional racism—black communities are arrested trying to enter his own house. This is to always going to be linked transnationally because say nothing of the events that transpired in Fergu- of these mutual perceptions.” While the world son, Missouri in 2014 that galvanized a generation events that brought African peoples to the “New of activists asserting that Black lives matter. World” cannot be understated, this conflation of Obama’s race and not just his color challenge experiences of African Americans and Caribbean an essentialist blackness. Some commentators people with those on the continent homogenizes believe that Obama, with a white mother (an and takes for granted the very meanings and anthropologist, no less) fit into the myth of the

64 TRANSFORMING ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 23(2) United States being “post racial” (Baker 2010). As creolization and pre-existing intermediate racial Trouillot (1994) and others (e.g., Harrison 1995; categories. So the racial undertones of Obama’s Mullings 2005) argue, there are important social elections are also mixed. In both Jamaica and factors to race besides color, such as class and Martinique, darker-skinned majorities tend to be education. As Anderson points out Obama is “em- poorer and excluded from positions of authority. braceable” because of his Harvard law degree. His Language of patwa in Jamaica as well as Martini- ancestors were not “house slaves”—his ancestors quan kreyol —spoken by the lower-income major- were not slaves at all. As the increasingly powerful ity and blending European words with African and shrill “birther” groups pointed out, Obama’s syntax—are marginalized. The enthusiasm behind father was not an African American but an Afri- the fist bump in Martinique to Camee Maddox, a can, inviting people like Donald Trump to bully lighter-skinned U.S. black woman because of her the president into presenting his birth certificate. citizenship and president is matched by the Jamai- What meanings of Obama are being made can taxi driver shouting “That’s your president!” within the Diaspora outside the United States? to white Sarah Page. Articles in this volume also Citing an Ecuadorian activist, Meredith Main offer contemporary examples of the Caribbean dis- outlines the “Obama effect,” which she borrows course of reputation and respectability (Wilson from one of her interlocutors to mean the contra- 1973), critiqued and modified by anthropologists dictory set of ideologies associated with Obama’s of the Caribbean (e.g., Freeman 2007; Thomas election. At once, it is a symbol of hope and pro- 2004; Ulysse 2008). In both Jamaica and in Mar- gress for black peoples the world over on the one tinique, higher status people identify with Obama’s hand, as well as a “bootstraps” individual respectability—his eloquence, his Harvard degree achievement and a mystification of existing struc- and Chicago law professorship. Maddox discusses tural racism on the other. Ecuadorian President reactions from a middle-status mixed-race group, Rafael Correa’s “people’s revolution” and “21st metis , who refract Obama’s mixed-race identity century socialism” included a strategy of incorpo- with their own, claiming Obama as “president of rating Afro-Ecuadorians into positions of visible the world” because of his mixed-raced heritage. leadership, an element of what Lani Guinier (1994) called the “triumph of tokenism.” Many LOCAL/TRANSNATIONAL MEANINGS local activists grasped this double-edged sword OF “RACE” that Obama personified, as an attempt to further These essays build on this rich discussion of the their activism while at the same time reaping complex interplay of race, class, and color in the political capital for the Correa regime. Across the region. What “color” is Obama? Citing a consul- continent in another center-left regime in Argen- tant in her title, Page answers that he is “not tina, Judy Anderson discusses a similar situation black,” at least in Jamaica’s color calculus, but in “Obama drama,” wherein his election at once “brown.” In the United States—because of the energized black communities and sidestepped the hypodescent “one-drop rule”—Obama can be conversation about race; African descendent peo- none other than “Black” (Baker 2010). Despite ples were officially invisible. Obama’s election this one-drop rule, there are important social dis- offered an opportunity for recognition and tinctions based on color in the United States. inspired mobilization, and coincidentally a shift Some commentators in these series of articles go in leadership that could potentially portend so far as to say that it is no accident that the first greater unity among the various factions—the Black president is mixed. Race or “color” has an more established colonials and the recent migrants independent relationship with class but in general, from Africa, especially Cape Verde. To what lighter-skinned people—the former planter class of extent race and blackness are being reformulated bek e in Martinique and lighter-skinned Jamaicans because of leftward political winds blowing like the first independent leaders of Bustamante strongly in the continent (most evident in Hugo and Manley—tend to be disproportionately Chavez’s Venezuela and his close ally in Bolivia’s wealthier and more powerful, and darker-skinned first indigenous president Evo Morales) or people tend to be disproportionately poor. Haitian because of Obama’s presidency remain open anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot (1994) dis- questions, as is the future of regional collabora- cusses how class and race simultaneously operate, tion after Chavez’ passing. and how one’s “color” can be re-read, and lack of In the insular Caribbean, blackness is both somatic capital countered, with rising educational taken for granted and complicated by factors of and economic capital. Obama’s election may thus

Mark Schuller 65 symbolize not so much an “end to blackness” but vey’s United Negro Improvement Association a Caribbeanization or creolization of race. became primarily known for one of its planks sim- According to the two articles on the South plified as “back to Africa.” Negritude, a cultural American context, the question of race and Afri- and social reflection and valorization of blackness can heritage has been interwoven with that of cul- in a post-colonial context, spread across the ture and ethnicity, suggesting differential claims to French Caribbean and French West Africa. Many “cultural citizenship” (Clarke 2013). Main dis- of Negritude’s leading scholars were in direct dia- cusses a recent recognition in the Ecuadorian con- log with U.S.-based African American writers and stitution of African descended people as an ethnic intellectuals who were engaging their own Harlem group, within a logic of multiculturalism. Activists Renaissance. Zora Neale Hurston as a student of share suspicions articulated by Charles Hale (2005, Franz Boas went to Jamaica and Haiti to conduct 2006) about multiculturalism (see also Gordon ethnographic research, and Langston Hughes 1997) and promote a concept of “intercultural- translated Haitian novelist and founder of the ism.” Anderson recounts a politically charged Faculte d’Ethnologie Jacques Roumain’s master meeting when heretofore quiet individuals asserted work (Baker 2000; Fluehr-Lobban 2000; Magloire their claims to leadership and began to question a and Yelvington 2005). Millery Polyne (2010) light-skinned intellectual who “passed” as white details the exchanges between U.S. Blacks and and her “irrelevant” writings on African culture, Haitian movements and leaders of many political some even challenging her authority to write on stripes (including collaborators of U.S. imperialism the subject. While constituting a numerical major- and its opponents). This Pan African exchange, ity, black Martiniquans’ African-derived culture which shaped African intellectuals such as Almicar continues to be challenged and threatened by both Cabral and Leopold Senghor, aggravated by colo- local bek e as well as metropolitan France since the nialism’s overt racism within the world wars, island became an official Departement d’Outre- encouraged a wave of independence struggles. Mer (DOM), akin to statehood in the United Civil rights leaders of different orientations such States, in 1946. This set of articles offer contempo- as Malcolm X and Martin Luther King identified rary reflections on the multiple and often contra- decolonization and solidarity with Africa as inter- dictory meanings of blackness, as they are twined with struggles in Selma and the de-industri- refracted through the Obama presidency. All four alizing urban north. The following wave helped to articles assess these from a “glocal” perspective bring down South African apartheid through (Ritzer 2003) how the global is embedded with the divestment, with groups such as TransAfrica local (Kearney 1995). Whether or not the “Obama Forum founded to institutionalize the movement. effect” represents a rupture in local meanings of There are many other examples but these suffice to race in these ethnographic contexts remains to be demonstrate that Obama’s election does not repre- seen, but these timely analyses offer us an impor- sent an “end to history” nor exceptionalism so tant ethnohistorical record for future analysis. much as a concrete manifestation of this continued diasporic exchange, undergirded by neoliberal DIASPORIC CURRENTS globalization (Clarke and Thomas 2006). The Whether or not Obama’s ascension will have a essays that follow inspire us to ask questions transformative impact on local racialization pat- about the continuities and changes within this terns, it represents a transnational dialog and transnational community, and they ask what sig- interconnection nonetheless, and thus constitutes a nificance a Black first world leader has on this moment of “humanitarian diaspora” (Clarke exchange and the local meanings of race. 2010). These articles detail transnational conversa- tions, most directly in Martinique with the THIS VOLUME women’s organization asking Maddox to share This special issue arose from a panel at the 2009 “this new concept of womanism,” but shared American Anthropological Association, “The End throughout as the expressions “Obama effect” and of Blackness? Notes from the Field on U.S. Racial “Obama drama” suggest. Obama’s election as Politics,” for which I served as discussant. Begin- president is no doubt a unique opportunity but it ning the series, Judy Anderson offers a compelling is far from a singular phenomenon, as scholars of case study of the ways in which the pending elec- Diaspora have long pointed out (Rahier 2010). In tion of Barack Obama offered a useful refractive addition to the slave revolts and the first person lens for the various “black” communities in advocacy of Equiano, Jamaican-born Marcus Gar- Argentina, long declared to be the “most Euro-

66 TRANSFORMING ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 23(2) pean nation within Latin America.” This provides mantra to redouble their activism; others read his a unique entree into a theoretically and ethno- color within Martinique’s tripartite black/metis/ graphically rich terrain of concepts of black self- beke racial categories to identify mixed-race Obama identity and organization. Anderson discusses the as president of the world; and yet others remain ways in which the conversation of “Obama skeptical of the possibility of rupturing from U.S. drama” at once frames and sidesteps the conversa- imperialism and global capitalism. Maddox argues tion about the various black populations in Argen- that the 2009 nationwide strike did not lead to tina. Explaining the provocative title, the author greater autonomy or independence in Martinique cites folk categories of race that distinguish “real” but it buttressed the marginalized majority in their from other negro populations. There are Afro- claims to what Renato Rosaldo (1994) called “cul- Argentines from the colonial line and African tural citizenship” (see also Clarke 2013). migrant communities, most visibly from Cape Meredith Main offers timely analysis of “the Verde. From here, Anderson takes us to everyday Obama effect” in Ecuador, which she borrows discussions of Obama and the glimpses of from one of her interlocutors to mean the contra- understandings of race and blackness that this dictory set of ideologies associated with Obama’s discussion provides. Following this discussion is election. At once, it is a symbol of hope and an ethnographically rich description of organiza- progress for black peoples the world over on the tions geared toward black populations, be they one hand, as well as a “bootstraps” individual community, cultural, or political, highlighting ten- achievement and a mystification of existing struc- sions between and even within groups and theoriz- tural racism on the other. The activists’ transna- ing what these tensions represent in terms of tionally inspired, locally grounded analyses cited in generational, gender, and cultural differences. the article tease apart these contradictory tenden- Sarah Page’s analysis of Obama’s election and cies, in the end offering a cautionary tale of state re-election from a Jamaican lens is provocative. co-optation of radical possibilities and movements Offering context for this discussion, the article pro- while acknowledging the notable progress from vides a brief summary of Jamaican socioracial/color Correa’s “citizen revolution” and “21st century categories followed by an analysis of the historical socialism.” The article weaves together Hale’s marginalization of Blackness by Brownness. The (2006) analyses of the multiple ways in which author presents political exclusion, and ties this neoliberalism deploys and depoliticizes discourses exclusion to the structural adjustment programs of multiculturalism, and Rahier’s (2011) analyses that obliterated the Jamaican economy and ren- of African descended peoples in Ecuador. Main dered the country poorer, more inegalitarian, and discusses a local concept of “interculturalism” as a thus more susceptible to the parallel state of dons, way to avoid the pitfalls of a zero-sum multicultur- such as “Dudus” whose extradition in 2010 led to alism predicated on neoliberal terms of citizenship. violence, with scores of individuals killed. Page also discusses the issue of reputation versus respectability as different strategies employed by brown and Mark Schuller Anthropology and NGO Leader- black peoples, and how these different groups use ship and Development, Northern Illinois these lenses to view Obama. University, DeKalb, IL, 60115; [email protected] Camee Maddox’s article builds on conversa- tions about diasporic identity, thinking, and con- sciousness. Situating the analysis in a nationwide mobilization in the French DOMs of Guadeloupe REFERENCES CITED and Martinique in early 2009—incidentally weeks Baker, Lee D. after Obama’s inauguration—Maddox’s article 2000 African American Pioneers in Anthropology. American Anthropologist 102(2):368–369. offers a critical discussion of how race is understood Baker, Lee D. locally, and how this concept is intertwined with an 2010 Notes on ‘Post-Racial’ Society (Plenary Session, SANA/ incomplete postcolonial project. The article also ABA Conference, 2010). 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