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Hurrell Froude and the Development of His Ideal of the Church

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Hurrell Froude and the Development of His Ideal of the Church Durham E-Theses Hurrell Froude and the development of his ideal of the church Crowe, Eric Anthony How to cite: Crowe, Eric Anthony (1998) Hurrell Froude and the development of his ideal of the church, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4741/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk Eric Anthony Crowe: Hurrell Froude and the Development of his Ideal of the Church MA 1998 Froude was born in 1803 into a Devon clerical family of social standing and High Church tradition. The godly Keble, his tutor at Oriel, affected him profoundly. In 1826 he became a Fellow of Oriel and there met Newman. Froude's ideas soon began to show a clear Catholic tendency which he expressed in his writing with outspoken vigour. New Government Acts, which allowed non-Anglicans to sit in Parliament and so influence the Church's life, were strongly opposed by Froude and his friends. Poor health led Froude to spend six months in the Mediterranean with his father and Newman. There, the Church of Rome both attracted and repelled them. Froude increasingly felt the necessity for the Church to be free from State interference. After Keble's Assize sermon, the incipient Oxford Movement came to life with the publication of the Tracts for the Times by Newman who emphasised the apostolic succession and the Church as the creation of God. Froude's ideas, meanwhile, continued in an ever more Catholic direction and with increasing rejection of the Reformers. His influence on Newman was substantial. At the end of 1833, he went to Barbados for 18 months for his health. He increasingly felt the necessity for holiness within the Church and the dangers of rationalism and liberalism. He believed that the Church possessed authority in the world. He frequently looked to the Nonjurors and increasingly towards Rome. While accepting the infallibility of the Apostolic Church, he rejected that of the Papacy and also transubstantiation which he understood as rationalistic. He believed deeply in the Real Presence and the centrality of the Eucharist in worship. After his death in 1836, Keble and Newman collected and published his Remains, which aroused anger and scorn, with some joyous agreement. HURRELL FROUDE AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIS IDEAL OF THE CHURCH ERIC ANTHONY CROWE The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without the written consent of the author and information derived from it should be acknowledged. MA University of Durham Department of Theology 1998 r 1 DEC 1988 CONTENTS I Early influences 2 n To Oriel-and Keble 11 III At Oriel - with Newman 18 IV Home Thoughts Abroad 25 V 'Isaac, we must make a row in the world' 34 VI Church and State 50 VII Barbados 63 VH1 The Search for a Paradigm 72 DC Church Discipline and Authority 90 X Eucharist: Mystery and Miracle 96 XI Rome 107 XII The Ethos of Catholicism 118 XIII References 130 XIV Bibliography 139 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without their prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. 1 I EARLY INFLUENCES The tremors caused by the French Revolution reverberated throughout many countries of the world and still do to-day. In nineteenth-century England they brought a sense of unease to those whose lives were dependent on the old settled ways of life and thinking. They brought a tingle of excitement to those whose imaginations were fired with the possibility of a new order. But revolutions seldom bring just and permanent solutions to the problems of an unjust society. Post-Revolutionary France gave birth to Napoleon, military power and war. The Napoleonic wars had little real effect on the lives of the majority of English people. Those who fought suffered; some who remained at home mourned. Daily life continued to be affected by nature. Good harvests towards the end of the war depressed the price of wheat and with it the farmers. Depression of a different kind was experienced by those who lived and worked in the squalid industrial towns of recent growth. Even so, England remained outwardly a green and pleasant land. In the early part of the century England was ripe for a fresh awakening and renewal in many parts of its life. Hearts and imaginations were being stirred by the warmth and freedom of the spirit of romanticism. The novels of Sir Walter Scott brought delight and Wordsworth found many an echo with his new kind of appreciation of nature. There was also the stirring of many hearts by the Evangelical Revival. This concurrence of feelings and desires brought forth results. The obvious and immediate need was for political reform. The Church was also in desperate need of organisational and pastoral re-ordering. 2 It has long been assumed that the Church which the nineteenth century inherited should be dismissed as typifying idleness compounded with a cold and jaded rationalism. This has now been shown to be too depressing and shallow a judgement. It also ignores the very real fears felt by many within the Church. This is pointed out by J.CD. Clark: What was chiefly viewed with alarm in eighteenth-century England was the threat of the extension of a Papist monarchy's claims into the life of the individual, not the nature of the Hanoverian monarchy's title in a Protestant, Anglican, political theology. The nature of the Church establishment was therefore of considerable importance, and the conventional caricature of it as somnolent, corrupt, and unthinkingly subservient to the civil power is particularly distorting. Even Low Churchmen of the eighteenth century sought, as their ideal, not a subordination of the sacred to the secular but a purposeful identity, a close connection between Church and State. (1) In his study of the background to Tractarian thinking, Peter Nockles demonstrates with a wealth of contemporary material that the Tractarians themselves went too far in dismissing that century as being cold and empty of Church teaching and life. He shows too, the extent to which there was continuity of ideas throughout the period up to the Oxford Movement. 'In their church principles, sacramental teaching, spirituality and even political theology, they owed more than they usually acknowledged, not only to the Caroline phase of the High Church tradition but to the eighteenth- and early- nineteenth-century witnesses to that tradition.' (2) Among the clergy of this earlier century there is plenty of evidence of pluralism and non-residence, but these were inheritances of long standing reaching back through the Caroline period to the Middle Ages. Patronage was also a marked feature of much clerical life, although it could well claim not to be without some merit. In The Passing of Barchester Clive Dewey traces the use and effects of patronage within and stemming from the Lyall family in the earlier part of the nineteenth century. No doubt it was flourishing a hundred years before. What Dewey calls 'this dense web of personal contacts', although not commendable as a normal means of clerical appointments, 3 nevertheless did have the virtue of promoting a meritocracy and helping to preserve continuity of doctrine. Bishops were not all given to idleness. 'There is considerable evidence that they were competent administrators, who discharged diligently the episcopal tasks of visitation, confirmation and ordination. In 1718 Archbishop Wake wrote that "the confirmations had never been so regular throughout this kingdom as within the last thirty years, nor the episcopal visitations and that by the bishops in person , so constant".' (3) His view of episcopal duties was not over-demanding, but neither was it indifferent. Nor among the clergy were all in the mould of Parson Woodforde. Many were active in the way they best understood. 'It is likely that most eighteenth century clergy saw themselves first as foremost not as priestly mediators between God and man, dispensing the sacraments, but as pastoral educators, spiritual and moral teachers and guides'. (4) Two surveys of Church life in different localities around the turn of the century reveal a surprising vitality. Peter Virgin's survey of rural north Norfolk in The Church in an Age of Negligence discounts the implication of his title. There was, he finds, 'a surprisingly vigorous spiritual revival. Services, especially services of Holy Communion, were becoming more frequent; congregations were growing; catechising was on the increase; and schools were springing up everywhere'. (5) In his survey of Canterbury Diocese, Jeremy Gregory finds a similar growth in the provision of education through charity schools and later through the Sunday School movement. He makes the general point that 'in speaking in terms of an "Evangelical revival" as the main leaven in the dough of the eighteenth century Church, historians have misjudged the significance of mainstream Anglican churchmanship and its ability to initiate pastoral developments'.
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