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The Removal of Whitlam
MAKING A DEMOCRACY to run things, any member could turn up to its meetings to listen and speak. Of course all members cannot participate equally in an org- anisation, and organisations do need leaders. The hopes of these reformers could not be realised. But from these times survives the idea that any governing body should consult with the people affected by its decisions. Local councils and governments do this regularly—and not just because they think it right. If they don’t consult, they may find a demonstration with banners and TV cameras outside their doors. The opponents of democracy used to say that interests had to be represented in government, not mere numbers of people. Democrats opposed this view, but modern democracies have to some extent returned to it. When making decisions, governments consult all those who have an interest in the matter—the stake- holders, as they are called. The danger in this approach is that the general interest of the citizens might be ignored. The removal of Whitlam The Labor Party captured the mood of the 1960s in its election campaign of 1972, with its slogan ‘It’s Time’. The Liberals had been in power for 23 years, and Gough Whitlam said it was time for a change, time for a fresh beginning, time to do things differently. Whitlam’s government was in tune with the times because it was committed to protecting human rights, to setting up an ombuds- man and to running an open government where there would be freedom of information. But in one thing Whitlam was old- fashioned: he believed in the original Labor idea of democracy. -
2 Australia, Japan and the Region
AUSTRALIA, JAPAN AND THE REGION 31 2 AUSTRALIA, JAPAN AND THE REGION THE WEST NEW GUINEA DISPUTE, 1952–1962 David Walton Indonesian and Dutch claims over West New Guinea in the period 1949 to 1962 presented one of the first opportunities for regional dialogue in post-war Australia-Japan relations. The aims of this chapter are to chart changes in the Australian attitude towards Japan’s role in regional affairs and to examine how dialogue on West New Guinea assisted in laying the foundations for further regional cooperation and consultation between the two countries. The chapter examines the beginnings of post-war consultation between Australia and Japan. It is argued that the diplomatic intrigues involving the West New Guinea dispute (1952 to 1962) led to a substantial effort by Australian officials to bring Japan into closer alignment with Australian foreign policy objectives. As part of this initiative, regular meetings between Australia and Japan resulted in the relatively rapid development in the quality and scope of discussions and exchange of information on regional issues. Accordingly this chapter provides evidence of the formative processes towards institutionalising regular bilateral consultation and exchange of sensitive political information on regional issues. Regular diplomatic consultation on regional issues was important as it provided a basis for broadening the structure of the bilateral 32 JAPAN’S FUTURE IN EAST ASIA AND THE PACIFIC relationship and improved both countries’ understanding of contemporary bilateral relations. Overview of the West New Guinea dispute The political landscape of early post-war Asia was dominated by the notions of nationalism and demands for independence from European colonial powers. -
Geschichte Neuerwerbungsliste 3. Quartal 2009
Geschichte Neuerwerbungsliste 3. Quartal 2009 Geschichte: Einführungen........................................................................................................................................2 Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtstheorie ..........................................................................................................2 Teilbereiche der Geschichte (Politische Geschichte, Kultur-, Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte allgemein) ........4 Historische Hilfswissenschaften ..............................................................................................................................6 Ur- und Frühgeschichte; Mittelalter- und Neuzeitarchäologie.................................................................................7 Allgemeine Weltgeschichte, Geschichte der Entdeckungen, Geschichte der Weltkriege......................................10 Alte Geschichte......................................................................................................................................................15 Europäische Geschichte in Mittelalter und Neuzeit ...............................................................................................16 Deutsche Geschichte..............................................................................................................................................18 Geschichte der deutschen Laender und Staedte .....................................................................................................24 Geschichte der Schweiz, Österreichs, -
Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity Australia in Asia, 1944–74
COMMONWEALTH RESPONSIBILITY AND COLD WAR SOLIDARITY AUSTRALIA IN ASIA, 1944–74 COMMONWEALTH RESPONSIBILITY AND COLD WAR SOLIDARITY AUSTRALIA IN ASIA, 1944–74 DAN HALVORSON Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760463236 ISBN (online): 9781760463243 WorldCat (print): 1126581099 WorldCat (online): 1126581312 DOI: 10.22459/CRCWS.2019 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover image courtesy of the National Archives of Australia. NAA: A1775, RGM107. This edition © 2019 ANU Press Contents Acknowledgements . vii Abbreviations . ix 1 . Introduction . 1 2 . Region and regionalism in the immediate postwar period . 13 3 . Decolonisation and Commonwealth responsibility . 43 4 . The Cold War and non‑communist solidarity in East Asia . 71 5 . The winds of change . 103 6 . Outside the margins . 131 7 . Conclusion . 159 References . 167 Index . 185 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Cathy Moloney, Anja Mustafic, Jennifer Roberts and Lucy West for research assistance on this project. Thanks also to my colleagues Michael Heazle, Andrew O’Neil, Wes Widmaier, Ian Hall, Jason Sharman and Lucy West for reading and commenting on parts of the work. Additionally, I would like to express my gratitude to participants at the 15th International Conference of Australian Studies in China, held at Peking University, Beijing, 8–10 July 2016, and participants at the Seventh Annual Australia–Japan Dialogue, hosted by the Griffith Asia Institute and Japan Institute for International Affairs, held in Brisbane, 9 November 2017, for useful comments on earlier papers contributing to the manuscript. -
Does the Media Fail Aboriginal Political Aspirations?
DOES THE MEDIA 45 years of news media reporting of FAIL ABORIGINAL key political moments POLITICAL Amy Thomas Andrew Jakubowicz ASPIRATIONS? Heidi Norman AIATSIS Research Publications DOES THE MEDIA FAIL ABORIGINAL POLITICAL ASPIRATIONS? 45 years of news media reporting of key political moments Amy Thomas Andrew Jakubowicz Heidi Norman DOES THE MEDIA FAIL ABORIGINAL POLITICAL ASPIRATIONS? First published in 2019 by Aboriginal Studies Press Copyright @ New South Wales Government All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by an information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing form the publisher. The Australian Copyright Act 1968 (the Act) allows a maximum of one chapter or 10 per cent of this book, which ever is the greater, to be photocopied by any educational institution for its education purposes provided that the educational institution (or body that administers it) has given a remuneration notice to Copyright Agency Limited (CAL) under the Act. The opinions expressed in this book are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the view of AIATSIS or ASP. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are respectfully advised that this publication contains names and images of deceased persons and culturally sensitive information. ISBN: 9780855750848 (pb) ISBN: 9780855750855 (ePub) ISBN: 9780855750862 (kindle) ISBN: 9780855750930 (ebook PDF) Printed in Australia by Ligare Design and Typsetting by 33 Creative Cover image: Tessa Ferguson and Edwin Jangalaros presenting the Larrakia petition outside Government House, Darwin. The petition was 3.3 metres long, featuring one thousand signatures and thumbprints collected by Gwalwa Daraniki. -
Odgers' Australian Senate Practice
Chapter 21 RELATIONS WITH THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES N A BICAMERAL SYSTEM the conduct of relations between the two houses of the legislature is of I considerable significance, particularly as the houses must reach full agreement on proposed legislation before it can go forward into law, and action on other matters also depends on the houses coming to agreement. In practice, under the system of government as it has developed in Australia, relations between the two Houses are relations between the Senate and the executive government, as the latter, through its control of a disciplined party majority, controls the House of Representatives. This chapter could well have been combined with Chapter 19, Relations with the Executive Government. There is value, however, in treating the matter on the basis of the constitutional assumption of dealings between two representative assemblies, as this pattern may in certain circumstances, for example, a government in a minority in the House, reassert itself. The Constitution contains some provisions regulating relations between the Houses: • section 53 provides some rules relating to proceedings on legislation • section 57 provides for the resolution of certain disagreements between the Houses in relation to proposed legislation by simultaneous dissolutions of the Houses. The rules contained in section 53 are dealt with in Chapter 12, Legislation, and Chapter 13, Financial Legislation. Simultaneous dissolutions under section 57 are dealt with in this chapter. The standing orders of the Senate provide more detailed rules for the conduct of relations between the Houses, particularly in relation to legislation. In so far as these rules regulate relations between the Houses generally, they are also dealt with in this chapter, and in so far as they relate to legislation they are dealt with in more detail in chapters 12 and 13. -
ACHIEVEMENT and SHORTFALL in the NARCISSISTIC LEADER Gough Whitlam and Australian Politics
CHAPTER 12 ACHIEVEMENT AND SHORTFALL IN THE NARCISSISTIC LEADER Gough Whitlam and Australian Politics JAMES A. WALTER Conservative parties have dominated Australian federal politics since the Second World War. Coming to power in 1949 under Mr. (later Sir) Robert Menzies, the Liberal-Country party (L-CP) coalition held office continuously until 1972, when it was displaced by the reformist Aus tralian Labor party (ALP) government of Mr. Gough Whitlam. Yet the Whitlam ALP government served for only three years before losing office in unusual and controversial circumstances in 1975, since which time the conservative coalition has again held sway. It is my purpose here to examine the leadership of Gough Whitlam and the effects he had upon the fortunes of the ALP government. But first, it is essential to sketch briefly the political history of the years before Whitlam carne to power and the material conditions which the ALP administration en countered, for rarely can the success or failure of an administration be attributed solely to the qualities of an individual. In this case, the con tingencies of situation and history were surely as relevant as the charac teristics of leadership. In Australia, the period from the late 1940s until the late 1960s was, in relative terms, a time of plenty. Prices for Australian exports (agri cultural and later mineral products) were high, foreign investment in the economy flourished, and Robert Menzies' conservative government capitalized by astutely presenting itself as the beneficent author of these conditions. In reality, the government played little part, and develop- 231 C. B. Strozier et al. -
House of Representatives By-Elections 1902-2002
INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Current Issues Brief No. 15 2002–03 House of Representatives By-elections 1901–2002 DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1440-2009 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 2003 I NFORMATION AND R ESEARCH S ERVICES Current Issues Brief No. 15 2002–03 House of Representatives By-elections 1901–2002 Gerard Newman, Statistics Group Scott Bennett, Politics and Public Administration Group 3 March 2003 Acknowledgments The authors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Murray Goot, Martin Lumb, Geoff Winter, Jan Pearson, Janet Wilson and Diane Hynes in producing this paper. -
Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional
BenvenutiAustralia’s Miandlitary Martin Wit Joneshdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor’s Regional Mythology and Australia’s Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973 ✣ Andrea Benvenuti and David Martin Jones Introduction The decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singa- pore constitutes a neglected but deªning episode in the evolution of Austra- lian postwar diplomacy against the backdrop of the Cold War.1 A detailed ex- amination of this episode sheds interesting light on Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, the years when Gough Whitlam of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) served as prime minister. The Whitlam government’s policy in Southeast Asia was not as much of a watershed as the secondary literature suggests. The dominant political and academic orthodoxy, which developed when the ALP was in power from 1983 to 1996 and has subsequently retained its grip on Australian academe, holds that the Whitlam government transformed Australian foreign policy and established the basis for Australia’s successful en- gagement with the Asian region. Proponents of this view claim that Whitlam ended his Liberal predecessors’ uncritical support for U.S. and British Cold War policies in Southeast Asia and turned Australia into a more credible, reli- able, and valuable regional partner.2 The foreign policy editor of The Austra- 1. Little has been written on the Whitlam government’s approach to the Five Power Defence Arrange- ments. See Henry Albinski, Australian External Policy under Labor: Content, Process and the National Debate (Brisbane: University of Queensland, 1977), pp. 241–245; John Ingleson, “South-East Asia,” in W. -
Evaluating Australian Army Program Performance 106
Purdue University Purdue e-Pubs Libraries Faculty and Staff Scholarship and Purdue Libraries and School of Information Research Studies 4-14-2020 Australian National Audit Office:v E aluating Australian Army Program Performance Bert Chapman Purdue University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/lib_fsdocs Part of the Accounting Commons, Accounting Law Commons, Defense and Security Studies Commons, Government Contracts Commons, Information Literacy Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Military and Veterans Studies Commons, Military, War, and Peace Commons, National Security Law Commons, Other International and Area Studies Commons, Policy Design, Analysis, and Evaluation Commons, Policy History, Theory, and Methods Commons, Political Economy Commons, Political Science Commons, Public Administration Commons, Public Economics Commons, and the Public Policy Commons Recommended Citation Bert Chapman. "Australian National Audit Office:v E aluating Australian Army Program Performance." Security Challenges, 16 (2)(2020): 106-118. Note: the file below contains the entire journal issue. This document has been made available through Purdue e-Pubs, a service of the Purdue University Libraries. Please contact [email protected] for additional information. Security Challenges Vol. 16 No. 2 2020 Special Issue Plan B for Australian Defence Graeme Dobell John Blaxland Cam Hawker Rita Parker Stephen Bartos Rebecca Strating Mark Armstrong Martin White Bert Chapman Security Challenges Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2020 Security -
Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security
Origins of the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security CJ Coventry LLB BA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) School of Humanities and Social Sciences UNSW Canberra at ADFA 2018 i Table of Contents Acknowledgements iii Introduction & Methodology 1 Part I: ASIO before Whitlam 9 Chapter One: The creation of ASIO 9 Chapter Two: Bipartisan anti-communism 23 Chapter Three: ASIO’s anti-radicalism, 1950-1972 44 Part II: Perspectives on the Royal Commission 73 Chapter Four: Scholarly perspectives on the Royal Commission 73 Chapter Five: Contemporary perspectives on ASIO and an inquiry 90 Part III: The decision to reform 118 Chapter Six: Labor and terrorism 118 Chapter Seven: The decision and announcement 154 Part IV: The Royal Commission 170 Chapter Eight: Findings and recommendations 170 Conclusion 188 Bibliography 193 ii Acknowledgements & Dedication I dedicate this thesis to Rebecca and our burgeoning menagerie. Most prominently of all I wish to thank Rebecca Coventry who has been integral to the writing of this thesis. Together we seek knowledge, not assumption, challenge, not complacency. For their help in entering academia I thank Yunari Heinz, Anne-Marie Elijah, Paul Babie, the ANU Careers advisors, Clinton Fernandes and Nick Xenophon. While writing this thesis I received help from a number of people. I acknowledge the help of Lindy Edwards, Toni Erskine, Clinton Fernandes, Ned Dobos, Ruhul Sarkar, Laura Poole-Warren, Kylie Madden, Julia Lines, Craig Stockings, Deane-Peter -
Australia's Participation in the Pine Gap Enterprise
The Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainability Australia’s participation in the Pine Gap enterprise Desmond Ball, Bill Robinson and Richard Tanter Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainability Special Report June 9, 2016 I. Summary Australian participation in the operation of Pine Gap is effectively complete, with access to all areas of the base except the US National Cryptographic Room. The senior Australian Defence officials who negotiated the original implementing agreement with the CIA sought and obtained access to all ‘product’ from the facility. After initial discriminatory restrictions on Australians employed in the Operations Room, by the end of the 1970s Australians were employed in all of its sections. Compared with arrangements at Pine Gap’s companion station in the United Kingdom, RAF Menwith Hill, Australian officials believe they have achieved a much more genuinely ‘joint’ facility, with command and employment arrangements exemplifying this. However, the fundamental realities are that not only does the vast bulk of tasking of satellites come from the United States and reflect its strategic priorities, but Australian participation in the base’s greatly expanded range of operations brings with it a measure of responsibility for the consequences of those operations. Authors Desmond Ball is Emeritus Professor at the Australian National University (ANU). He was a Special Professor at the ANU's Strategic and Defence Studies Centre from 1987 to 2013, and he served as Head of the Centre from 1984 to 1991. Bill Robinson writes the blog Lux Ex Umbra, which focuses on Canadian signals intelligence activities. He has been an active student of signals intelligence matters since the mid-1980s, and from 1986 to 2001 was on the staff of the Canadian peace research organization Project Ploughshares.