Adam Smith's Model of Capitalism and Its
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THE FREE-MARKET WELFARE STATE: Preserving Dynamism in a Volatile World
Policy Essay THE FREE-MARKET WELFARE STATE: Preserving Dynamism in a Volatile World Samuel Hammond1 Poverty and Welfare Policy Analyst Niskanen Center May 2018 INTRODUCTION welfare state” directly depresses the vote for reac- tionary political parties.3 Conversely, I argue that he perennial gale of creative destruc- the contemporary rise of anti-market populism in tion…” wrote the economist Joseph America should be taken as an indictment of our in- 4 Schumpeter, “…is the essential fact of adequate social-insurance system, and a refutation “T of the prevailing “small government” view that reg- capitalism.” For new industries to rise and flourish, old industries must fail. Yet creative destruction is ulation and social spending are equally corrosive to a process that is rarely—if ever—politically neu- economic freedom. The universal welfare state, far tral; even one-off economic shocks can have lasting from being at odds with innovation and economic political-economic consequences. From his vantage freedom, may end up being their ultimate guaran- point in 1942, Schumpeter believed that capitalism tor. would become the ultimate victim of its own suc- The fallout from China’s entry to the World Trade cess, inspiring reactionary and populist movements Organization (WTO) in 2001 is a clear case in against its destructive side that would inadvertently point. Cheaper imports benefited millions of Amer- strangle any potential for future creativity.2 icans through lower consumer prices. At the same This paper argues that the countries that have time, Chinese import competition destroyed nearly eluded Schumpeter’s dreary prediction have done two million jobs in manufacturing and associated 5 so by combining free-markets with robust systems services—a classic case of creative destruction. -
Inclusive Capitalism How We Can Make Independence Work for Everyone
Inclusive Capitalism How we can make independence work for everyone David G. Green Inclusive Capitalism Inclusive Capitalism How we can make independence work for everyone David G. Green First Published October 2017 © Civitas 2017 55 Tufton Street London SW1P 3QL email: [email protected] All rights reserved ISBN 978-1-906837-92-1 Independence: Civitas: Institute for the Study of Civil Society is a registered educational charity (No. 1085494) and a company limited by guarantee (No. 04023541). Civitas is financed from a variety of private sources to avoid over-reliance on any single or small group of donors. All publications are independently refereed. All the Institute’s publications seek to further its objective of promoting the advancement of learning. The views expressed are those of the authors, not of the Institute. Typeset by Typetechnique Printed in Great Britain by 4edge Limited, Essex iv Contents Author vi Preface vii Acknowledgements viii 1. Introduction 1 2. Globalisation, the market as a natural condition, 16 and scientism 3. Doubts about capitalism 41 4. Agenda For Independence: Inclusive Capitalism 61 5. Conclusions 100 Notes 103 v Author David G. Green is the Director of Civitas. His books include The New Right: The Counter Revolution in Political, Economic and Social Thought, Wheatsheaf, 1987; Reinventing Civil Society, IEA, 1993; Community Without Politics: A Market Approach to Welfare Reform, IEA, 1996; Benefit Dependency: How Welfare Undermines Independence, IEA, 1999; We’re (Nearly) All Victims Now, Civitas, 2006; Individualists Who Co- operate, Civitas, 2009; Prosperity with Principles: some policies for economic growth, Civitas, 2011; What Have We Done? The surrender of our democracy to the EU, Civitas, 2013; The Demise of the Free State, Civitas, 2014; and Democratic Civilisation or Judicial Supremacy?, Civitas, 2016. -
The Relationship Between Capitalism and Democracy
The Relationship Between Capitalism And Democracy Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Petkovic, Aleksandra Evelyn Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 01/10/2021 12:57:19 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625122 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CAPITALISM AND DEMOCRACY By ALEKSANDRA EVELYN PETKOVIC ____________________ A Thesis Submitted to The Honors College In Partial Fulfillment of the Bachelors degree With Honors in Philosophy, Politics, Economics, and Law THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA M A Y 2 0 1 7 Approved by: ____________________________ Dr. Thomas Christiano Department of Philosophy Abstract This paper examines the very complex relationship between capitalism and democracy. While it appears that capitalism provides some necessary element for a democracy, a problem of political inequality and a possible violation of liberty can be observed in many democratic countries. I argue that this political inequality and threat to liberty are fueled by capitalism. I will analyze the ways in which capitalism works against democratic aims. This is done through first illustrating what my accepted conception of democracy is. I then continue to depict how the various problems with capitalism that I describe violate this conception of democracy. This leads me to my conclusion that while capitalism is necessary for a democracy to reach a certain needed level of independence from the state, capitalism simultaneously limits a democracy from reaching its full potential. -
Neoliberalism, Higher Education, and the Knowledge Economy: from The
This article was downloaded by: On: 28 September 2010 Access details: Access Details: Free Access Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Education Policy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713693402 Neoliberalism, higher education and the knowledge economy: from the free market to knowledge capitalism Mark Olssena; Michael A. Petersb a University of Surrey, UK b University of Glasgow, UK To cite this Article Olssen, Mark and Peters, Michael A.(2005) 'Neoliberalism, higher education and the knowledge economy: from the free market to knowledge capitalism', Journal of Education Policy, 20: 3, 313 — 345 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/02680930500108718 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930500108718 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
Inclusive Capitalism for the American Workforce Reaping the Rewards of Economic Growth Through Broad-Based Employee Ownership and Profit Sharing
AP PHOTO/STEVE PHOTO/STEVE AP H ELBER Inclusive Capitalism for the American Workforce Reaping the Rewards of Economic Growth through Broad-based Employee Ownership and Profit Sharing Richard B. Freeman, Joseph R. Blasi, and Douglas L. Kruse March 2011 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Inclusive Capitalism for the American Workforce Reaping the Rewards of Economic Growth through Broad-based Employee Ownership and Profit Sharing Richard B. Freeman, Joseph R. Blasi, and Douglas L. Kruse March 2011 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 5 The problem and the reform 5 The problem 7 The reform 11 The tax consequences 15 The consequences of our reform 15 Broad-based incentive systems work 18 Narrow incentive pay systems don’t work 22 The implications of reform 22 Taxes 23 Company responses 26 Worker responses and risk 28 Conclusion 29 Endnotes 32 About the authors and acknowledgements Introduction and summary The American model of capitalism needs major institutional reforms to regain its economic health and do what it has failed to do for the past three to four decades—ensure that the benefits of economic progress reach the bulk of our citizens. Well before the recent housing and financial crises, the Great Recession of 2007-2009, and the ensuing jobless recovery, the U.S. economy was not deliv- ering the benefits of sustained economic growth to the vast bulk of workers. From the mid-1970s through the 2000s the earnings of most American workers increased more slowly than the rate of productivity growth. Real median earnings barely rose even as gross domestic product per employed worker grew substan- tially.1 This contrasts with the nearly equal rates of real earnings growth and pro- ductivity growth from the turn of the 20th century through the early 1970s, which created a large prosperous middle class. -
From Liberalisms to Enlightenment's Wake
JOURNAL OF IBERTARIAN TUDIES S L S JL VOLUME 21, NO. 3 (FALL 2007): 79–114 GRAY’S PROGRESS: FROM LIBERALISMS TO ENLIGHTENMENT’S WAKE JEREMY SHEARMUR The progress of that darkness . from its first approach to the period of greatest obscuration. William Robertson, History of the Reign of Charles the Fifth I HAVE KNOWN JOHN Gray for quite a few years, and have long admired his work. We were among the (very few) political theorists in the U.K. who, in the early 1970s, had an interest in the work of Hayek, and more generally in issues relating to classical liberalism. During the 1980s, he emerged as the most powerful and effective theorist of classical liberalism in the U.K., notably through his re- interpretations of John Stuart Mill in Mill on Liberty (1983a), his Hayek and Liberty (1984), and his overview and critical assessment of the lib- eral tradition, Liberalism (1986). We had, over the years, various dis- cussions about Hayek and liberalism—as Gray mentions in his Hayek on Liberty—and in that connection we shared many intellectual con- cerns; notably, with problems about how classical liberalism related to particular traditional cultures, and about the value of lives that did not involve autonomy in any significant sense. Our discussions about these and related matters were occasional, and typically by telephone or at Liberty Fund conferences. In the course of one of these conversations, I suggested to Gray that he might consider col- lecting some of his essays on liberalism into a volume, as he kindly JEREMY SHEARMUR is Reader in Philosophy at the Australian National University. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
A Hayekian Restatement of Free Market Environmentalism
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics 1 Liberty, Markets and Environmental Values: A Hayekian Defence of Free Market Environmentalism Mark Pennington Department of Politics Queen Mary College, University of London [email protected] 2 Liberty, Markets and Environmental Values: A Hayekian Defence of Free Market Environmentalism Introduction In recent years the development of ‘free market environmentalism’ has marked a major advance in the relationship between the classical liberal tradition and the challenge to individualist institutions presented by the modern environmental movement. Building on the work of Coase and the New Institutional Economics free market environmentalism has demonstrated that, far from being the inevitable result of market institutions environmental problems are best explained by the absence of these very institutions. Notwithstanding these advances, however, free market environmentalism has failed to have a significant impact on the environmental movement. Indeed, in so far as there has been any reaction to proposals for the extension of private property rights, these have tended to be hostile. One of the reasons for this lack of progress stems from the differing social ontologies adopted by the proponents of environmental markets and the green political theorists and activists who tend to favour command and control models of environmental regulation. The former have a tendency to emphasise notions of rational self interest, utility maximisation and efficiency, whilst the latter focus on communitarian conceptions which emphasise a non-reductionist account of social interaction and a ‘moralistic’ approach to environmental issues that seeks to institutionalise a search for the ‘common good’. -
Adam Smith 1723 – 1790 He Describes the General Harmony Of
Adam Smith 1723 – 1790 He describes the general harmony of human motives and activities under a beneficent Providence, and the general theme of “the invisible hand” promoting the harmony of interests. The invisible hand: There are two important features of Smith’s concept of the “invisible hand”. First, Smith was not advocating a social policy (that people should act in their own self interest), but rather was describing an observed economic reality (that people do act in their own interest). Second, Smith was not claiming that all self-interest has beneficial effects on the community. He did not argue that self-interest is always good; he merely argued against the view that self- interest is necessarily bad. It is worth noting that, upon his death, Smith left much of his personal wealth to churches and charities. On another level, though, the “invisible hand” refers to the ability of the market to correct for seemingly disastrous situations with no intervention on the part of government or other organizations (although Smith did not, himself, use the term with this meaning in mind). For example, Smith says, if a product shortage were to occur, that product’s price in the market would rise, creating incentive for its production and a reduction in its consumption, eventually curing the shortage. The increased competition among manufacturers and increased supply would also lower the price of the product to its production cost plus a small profit, the “natural price.” Smith believed that while human motives are often selfish and greedy, the competition in the free market would tend to benefit society as a whole anyway. -
Mill's "Very Simple Principle": Liberty, Utilitarianism And
MILL'S "VERY SIMPLE PRINCIPLE": LIBERTY, UTILITARIANISM AND SOCIALISM MICHAEL GRENFELL submitted for degree of Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science UMI Number: U048607 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U048607 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I H^S £ S F 6SI6 ABSTRACT OF THESIS MILL'S "VERY SIMPLE PRINCIPLE'*: LIBERTY. UTILITARIANISM AND SOCIALISM 1 The thesis aims to examine the political consequences of applying J.S. Mill's "very simple principle" of liberty in practice: whether the result would be free-market liberalism or socialism, and to what extent a society governed in accordance with the principle would be free. 2 Contrary to Mill's claims for the principle, it fails to provide a clear or coherent answer to this "practical question". This is largely because of three essential ambiguities in Mill's formulation of the principle, examined in turn in the three chapters of the thesis. 3 First, Mill is ambivalent about whether liberty is to be promoted for its intrinsic value, or because it is instrumental to the achievement of other objectives, principally the utilitarian objective of "general welfare". -
Shareholder Capitalism a System in Crisis New Economics Foundation Shareholder Capitalism
SHAREHOLDER CAPITALISM A SYSTEM IN CRISIS NEW ECONOMICS FOUNDATION SHAREHOLDER CAPITALISM SUMMARY Our current, highly financialised, form of shareholder capitalism is not Shareholder capitalism just failing to provide new capital for – a system driven by investment, it is actively undermining the ability of listed companies to the interests of reinvest their own profits. The stock shareholder-backed market has become a vehicle for and market-fixated extracting value from companies, not companies – is broken. for injecting it. No wonder that Andy Haldane, Chief Economist of the Bank of England, recently suggested that shareholder capitalism is ‘eating itself.’1 Corporate governance has become dominated by the need to maximise short-term shareholder returns. At the same time, financial markets have grown more complex, highly intermediated, and similarly short- termist, with shares increasingly seen as paper assets to be traded rather than long-term investments in sound businesses. This kind of trading is a zero-sum game with no new wealth, let alone social value, created. For one person to win, another must lose – and increasingly, the only real winners appear to be the army of financial intermediaries who control and perpetuate the merry-go- round. There is nothing natural or inevitable about the shareholder-owned corporation as it currently exists. Like all economic institutions, it is a product of political and economic choices which can and should be remade if they no longer serve our economy, society, or environment. Here’s the impact -
Democratic Capitalism
Democratic Capitalism Why Political and Economic Freedom Need Each Other IAIN MURRAY The Competitive Enterprise Institute promotes the institutions of liberty and works to remove government-created barriers to economic freedom, innovation, and prosperity through timely analysis, effective advocacy, inclusive coalition- building, and strategic litigation. COMPETITIVE ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 1310 L Street NW, 7th Floor Washington, DC 20005 202-331-1010 cei.org PROFILES IN CAPITALISM OCTOBER 2019 | NO. 4 Democratic Capitalism Why Political and Economic Freedom Need Each Other Iain Murray Competitive Enterprise Institute 2019 Murray: Democratic Capitalism 2 Murray: Democratic Capitalism EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Is capitalism destroying democracy? It is an old question that political thinkers have long wrestled with. Yet, it gained recent prominence with the publication of Duke University historian Nancy MacLean’s widely discussed book, Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America, which unleashed heated debate over its claim that libertarian economists, funded by capitalist billionaires, have worked to subvert American democracy over the past four decades. Critics of the free market contend that democracy, as they conceive it, should not be constrained. Yet, it turns out that American democracy is already enchained—by design. We have explicitly rejected the idea of “unfettered democracy.” We accept limitations on the democratic will of the majority in all sorts of areas. We do not allow a democratic majority to use its power to ban any form of political speech, to segregate their communities on the basis of race, or to impose religious views or obligations on others. These constraints on government are the political expression of rights.