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An Ethnohistory of Big Cypress National Preserve, Florida John C An Ethnohistory of Big Cypress National Preserve, Florida John C. Paige and Lawrence F. Van Horn 1982 Southeast/Southwest Team and Professional Support Division Denver Service Center National Park Service United States Department of the Interior ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS • We are grateful to the Miccosukee people along the Tamiami Trail for their kind hospitality. Special thanks must be given to Tribal Chairman Buffalo Tiger, to William Osceola, gift shop owner and operator, and to Linda Cypress, high school student, for their invaluable aid in explaining Miccosukee culture. We would like to acknowledge the enthusiastic · support of Superintendent Fred Fagergren of Big Cypress National Preserve. And we are grateful to former Park Manager Irvin Mortenson of the preserve for his many creative suggestions. To Fred and Sandy Dayhoff, a ranger and an interpreter, respectively, at Big Cypress National Preserve and Everglades National Park, we owe a debt of gratitude for their guidance and insight into Miccosukee ways. For their unstinting efforts in helping gather source materials, sincere appreciation must be expressed to librarians Alcyone Bradley, Talulah Earle Dean, Ruth Larison, and Mary Manion of Everglades • National Park, the Miccosukee Community Library, the National Park Service in Denver, and the Collier County (Florida) Museum, respec­ tively. We are grateful to Executive Secretary Paul Camp of the Florida Historical Society for his helpful reference work, and to former Government Programs Manager Cyrin Maus of the Miccosukee Tribe of Indians of Florida who provided much historical and contemporary informa­ tion. Lastly, thanks must be given to Sandy Sehler of Big Cypress National Preserve for her general cooperation and help in locating park files, and to Joan Manson of the National Park Service in Denver for her fine typing. Many others, of course, helped in the completion of this report, and we thank them. Denver, Colorado John C. Paige August 1982 Lawrence F. Van Horn • ii TABLE OF CONTENTS • ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS / ii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS / iv INTRODUCTION / 1 PART ONE: THE MICCOSUKEES AND SEMINOLES / 7 A. Florida Lands of the Miccosukees and Seminoles / 8 B. Physical Aspects / 9 C. Seminole Origins / 12 D. Seminole Land-Use Periods / 15 E. The Seminole Wars / 17 F. Tactics of the Seminole Wars / 19 G. Seminole War(s) Issues / 21 H. The Seminoles as Slave "Owners" / 24 I. From Town to Camp: "Creek into Seminole" / 26 J. From Camp to Community / 31 K. Seminole Sequencing in Fours / 32 L. Seminole Kinship / 34 M. Seminole Cultural Values / 38 N. Seminole Religion / 42 O. Acculturation / 47 P. Seminole Language Use / 51 Q. Subsistence to Business / 53 R. A Cultural Comparison between 1910 and 1980, Miccosukees and Seminoles / 55 • S. Modern Political Organization: The Best of Both Worlds / 62 PART TWO: THE BIG CYPRESS ITSELF / 64 A. Reclamation Efforts / 65 B. The Tamiami Trail / 71 C. The Tamiami Trail and Indian Involvement / 77 D. The Opening of the Tamiami Trail and Its Effects / 78 E. The Timber Industry / 83 F. Seminole Land Use After the Trail / 86 G. Oil and Gas Exploration / 88 H. Indian Oil Leasing / 93 I. Farming, Cattle Raising, and Land Development / 96 J. Indian Aspects of Farming, Cattle Raising, and Land Development / 99 K. The Establishment of Big Cypress National Preserve / 102 L. "In Search of a Place to Stand" / 110 SUMMARY / 115 APPENDIX: Statutes and Treaties / 119 REFERENCES CITED / 139 ADDITIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY / 157 • ILLUSTRATIONS AND Mj\PS / 189 iii LISTS OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS • Illustration 1. Map of southern Florida / 190 2. Map of Indian reservations in Florida / 192 3. The Big Cypress Swamp / 194 4. A cypress slough / 196 5. Wet prairie / 198 6. Dwarf cypress forest / 200 7. Green Corn Dance site: Chickee structures / 202 8. Green Corn Dance site: sleeping and cooking chickees / 204 9. Historical marker: 1936 Seminole Conference / 206 10. Monroe Station / 208 11. William Osceola / 210 12. Cypress poles cut and stacked for chickee building / 212 13. Miccosukee Tribal Chairman Buffalo Tiger / 214 14 . Bay City Walking Dredge and the Everglades / 216 15. Map of oil fields in and near Big Cypress National Preserve / 218 • 16. Chart of oil and gas production, southern Florida, 1948-1980 / 220 17. Oil drilling pad, Big Cypress National Preserve / 222 18. Miccosukee Indians, Tamiami Trail, April 26, 1928 / 224 • iv • INTRODUCTION • • 1 This report focuses on land use by Seminole and Miccosukee Indians and Euro-Americans in the area of southern Florida that is now Big Cypress National Preserve and in adjacent areas, known collectively as • Big Cypress Swamp and the Everglades. Sequential land uses are dis­ cussed in the context of who the Seminole and Miccosukee peoples are historically and culturally and what the effects have been of Euro­ American contact, settlement, and development. The Seminoles and Miccosukees have witnessed swamp drainage, land booms, the building of the Tamiami Trail, and the creation of Everglades National Park and Big Cypress National Preserve. The Miccosukee Seminoles who live along the Tamiami Trail (United States Route 41, Tampa to Miami) are a group of 544 people who include 260 members of the incorporated Miccosukee Tribe of Indians of Florida (Waggoner 1981 :37). They, like the other three Seminole groups in Florida of the incorporated Seminole Tribe of Florida with 1232 members (King 1978:174), are descendants of the 150-200 Miccosukees and Seminoles who stayed in Florida in 1842 after the Second Seminole War . The rest were removed by the United States Army to designated Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River. This small band of Trail • Miccosukees is known for their strong cultural conservatism and, corre­ spondingly, for having remained a group that is more independent of White influence than the other Florida Seminoles (Buswell 1972:350). However, all of the Miccosukees and Seminoles are still basically quite independent ( Garbarino 1972: 5). Their independent spirit has been emphatically expressed by McReynolds (1957:ix) who says, 11 No people have fought with more determination to retain their. soil, nor sacri­ ficed so much to uphold the justice of their claims. 11 Avoidance of the White man has been a long-standing practice among the Miccosukees along the Tamiami Trail. In recent times, the custom has not been physical avoidance so much as a reticence in interaction. Sturtevant (1954b, 1960:528) reports, 11 1 don't know" as the most fre­ quent response to his queries, seconded in frequency by curt replies of • little understandable content. Garbarino (1966: 1) confirms the Miccosukee 2 reputation for "being very distant, not to say unfriendly . 11 However, after a period of initial shyness, she found that her informants became interested in her questions and volunteered suggestions, even searching • out information to bring back to her. Fieldwork is inherently difficult among the Seminoles because of their value of personal autonomy, which results in keeping much information very much to themselves, especially in their small, gossip-prone communities (Page and McBride 1982: 5). In our limited time among the Trail Miccosukees, during the spring and summer of 1980, we found answering a question with a question an apparent strategy of theirs in coping with a quering stranger. "Now, who told you that?" was a frequent reply when we attempted to check items we thought we were learning about Miccosukee culture and social organization. Nonetheless, like Garbarino (1966) we found that after repeated visits to an individual, responses tended to become more expres­ sive and straightforward, even on such subjects as menstrual taboos and the number of clans. As a generalization, the much reported Seminole­ Miccosukee reticence is readily manifested, but recedes with time as one becomes accepted. • The Seminoles have been referred to as pioneers, frontiersmen, and emigrants (Sturtevant 1971: 105) as well as separatists, runaways, and renegades (Garbarino 1972:1; Fairbanks 1974:16). They themselves, according to Fairbanks (1974: 16), designate 11 wild 11 as the most accurate meaning or gloss of their people's name. The term Seminole, by which the Miccosukee Seminoles and Muskogee Seminoles are collectively known, appears to be a Muskogee Creek rendition of the Spanish word cimarron, meaning wild or untamed. Cimarron has been applied to wild plants and animals, marooned sailors, and domestic animals gone wild. A connotation of the term would seem to be that of maverickness, appropriate for the Seminoles in the sense that they were Creeks who disassociated themselves from the main body of Creeks and the Creek Confederacy . • 3 The first known employment of the term Seminole is that of John Stuart, British Indian Agent, who, in 1771, used the form Seminolies in a • report to designate certain Creek bands that with regard to the Creek Confederacy "wanted to draw apart and be by themselves" (Mahon 1967:7). Stuart's usage is as follows: Esimistisequo acquainted me that the Seminolies [italics ours] or East Florida Creeks had frequent intercourse with Spaniards at the Havannah by means of Fishing vessels which frequent the Bays of the western side of the Peninsula (Stuart 1771, quoted in Fairbanks 1974: 2). The etymology of Seminole suggests a Spanish origin, subsequent Creek borrowing with sound substitution, and further English borrowing (Fairbanks 1974:17-19). The Creeks who settled in Spanish Florida became known to the Spanish as Cimarrones. Florida Creeks borrowed the term, substituting an 11 111 for the 11 ro11 sound since Muskogean lan­ guages have no 11 ro 11 equivalent. English-speakers heard the term in Creek, Simanoli (Hudson 1976:465), and employed a cognate like Siminole (Bartram 1791:153) that evolved into Seminole as used from the 1770s to the present (Stiggins 1831-1844:72 in Nunez 1958:173; Fairbanks 1974:19). • If we define "wild" and "intransigent" to mean "determined to seek their own destiny on their own terms 11 then we can appreciate Fairbanks' com­ ments below on the aptness of the term for the Seminoles: Beginning about 1715, the wildest, most intransigent Indians of the Southeast moved into Florida to become.
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