Notes

For ease of reference, the following abbreviations are used throughout these notes: Gay’s Letters The Letters of , ed. C. F. Burgess (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966) Memoirs John, Lord Hervey, Some Materials towards Memoirs of the Reign of King George II, ed. Romney Sedgwick, 3 vols. (London: King’s Printers, 1932) Percival Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont: Diary of Viscount Percival afterwards First Earl of Egmont, ed. Historical Manuscripts Commission, 3 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1920) Pope’s Correspondence The Correspondence of , ed. George Sherburn, 5 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956) Pope’s Poems The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. John Butt (London: Routledge, 1963) Swift’s Correspondence The Correspondence of , D.D., ed. David Woolley, 4 vols. (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1999–2007) Swift’s Poems Jonathan Swift: The Complete Poems, ed. Pat Rogers (London: Penguin, 1983)

Introduction

1. The Nature of the Present Excise, and the Consequences of its Farther Extension, Examined (London: J. Roberts, 1733), p. 43. By contrast, Percival’s father had written in support of the government in the pamphlet wars of the excise crisis. His Thoughts of an Impartial Man upon the Present Temper of the Nation (London: J. Roberts, 1733) is referenced by Paul Langford. See The Excise Crisis: Society and Politics in the Age of Walpole (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), p. 107. 2. Percival, I, p. 378. 3. Naomi Tadmor, Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England: Household, Kinship, and Patronage (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 174. 4. Tadmor, Family and Friends, p. 16. 5. Tadmor, Family and Friends, p. 207. 6. For general discussion of the first and most persistent theme – corruption – see Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727–1783 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 19–22; J. H. Plumb, Sir : The King’s Minister (London: Cresset Press, 1960), pp. 325–33; Edward Pearce, The Great Man: The Life and Times of Sir Robert Walpole (London: Jonathan Cape, 2007), pp. 1–2, 206–7. The second theme – virtue versus expediency – is implicit in H. T. Dickinson’s summary of the reasons for a schism in early

172 Notes 173

eighteenth-century Whiggism: disagreement over the relative importance of ‘the need to protect individual liberty and the need to preserve public order’. The same idea is expressed by Reed Browning as the willingness of Court Whigs to dispense with ‘silly or wasteful or even harmful strictures’ in government. See H. T. Dickinson, ‘Whiggism in the Eighteenth Century’, in The Whig Ascendancy: Colloquies on Hanoverian England, ed. John Cannon (London: Edward Arnold, 1981), pp. 28–44 (43); Reed Browning, Political and Constitutional Ideas of the Court Whigs (London: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), p. 11. For the potential perception of political opposition as inherently unlawful or treasonous, see H. T. Dickinson, Liberty and Property: Political Ideology in Eighteenth-Century Britain (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977), pp. 152, 175; Quentin Skinner, ‘The Principles and Practice of Opposition: The Case of Bolingbroke versus Walpole’, in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb, ed. Neil McKendrick (London: Europa Publications, 1974), pp. 93–128 (110). For the opposition’s particular vulnerability to charges of ideologi- cal variegation or inconsistency, see Linda Colley, In Defiance of Oligarchy: The Tory Party 1714–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 91, 213; Alexander Pettit, Illusory Consensus: Bolingbroke and the Polemical Response to Walpole, 1730–1737 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1997), pp. 15–16. 7. The necessity of defining private virtue alongside public benefit is affirmed within Peter N. Miller’s overview of the dual Ciceronian tradition that influenced attempts to formulate theories of the common good: ‘The clash between honestum [the honest] and utile [the useful] is pin-pointed as the debate most characteristic of the early modern state.’ Peter N. Miller, Defining the Common Good: Empire, Religion and Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 18. 8. Miller, Defining the Common Good, pp. 37–8. 9. See Romney Sedgwick’s profile of John Percival, first Earl of Egmont in The House of Commons 1715–1754, 2 vols. (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1970), II, p. 338. 10. For the impossibility of winning the government stronghold of Harwich without Walpole’s support, see Ruth and Albert Saye, ‘John Percival, First Earl of Egmont’, in Georgians in Profile, ed. Horace Montgomery (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1958), pp. 1–16 (15). See also Percival’s contempt for Ralph Courteville – one of ‘Sir Robert’s creatures’ – in Percival, II, p. 101. 11. Percival was made Earl of Egmont on 6 November 1733. See John Lodge, The Peerage of Ireland: or, A Genealogical History of the Present Nobility of that Kingdom, rev. Mervyn Archdall, 7 vols. (Dublin: James Moore, 1789), II, p. 262. 12. Percival, II, p. 246. 13. Percival, I, p. 388. 14. Percival, I, p. 461. 15. Percival, II, p. 4. 16. Bacon Morris was present at the levee in order to petition on behalf of Captain Hayes, another interested party in the Harwich election saga. For the general difficulty of gaining complete privacy when meeting with Walpole, see the bitter letter of 11 September 1736 by sometime opposi- tion journalist Charles Forman. He vents his frustration not only at being 174 Notes

expected to speak of confidential matters in front of the joint Secretary to the Treasury Sir John Scrope, but also at the habitual eavesdroppers who frequent Walpole’s residence: ‘for at my going out of your Closet I found the Corridore [sic] pretty well lined with Listeners’ (see Cholmondeley Corresp. MS 2615). 17. Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991; originally published, 1962). 18. Habermas, Structural Transformation, p. 51. 19. See T. C. W. Blanning, The Culture of Power and the Power of Culture: Old Regime Europe 1660–1789 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 12–14; James Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 12. 20. For instance, Mark Knights questions Habermas’s ‘stress on the rationality of the early public sphere’ but affirms that ‘there is clearly something of value in the notion of a new force of public opinion emerging in the early modern period’. Brian Cowan sets out to be more critical of Habermas, argu- ing against a historical narrative in which coffeehouse culture is reduced to ‘an indicator of the inexorable progress of British politics away from royalist absolutism and its modern counterpart totalitarian dictatorship and toward a liberal parliamentary democracy’. Yet he also concedes that the coffee- house ‘created a precedent for a recognizably modern type of consumer culture which valorizes fantasy and ephemerality over permanence and the fixing of social boundaries’. Such statements are consistent with, albeit more perspicacious than, Habermas’s paradigms. See Mark Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain: Partisanship and Political Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 51; Brian Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffeehouse (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), pp. 120, 148. Also Brian Cowan, ‘Geoffrey Holmes and the Public Sphere: Augustan Historiography from Post-Namierite to the Post- Habermasian’, Parliamentary History Yearbook: British Politics in the Age of Holmes (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), pp. 166–78. 21. Moyra Haslett, Pope to Burney, 1714–1779 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 112. See also, Nicola Parsons, Reading Gossip in Early Eighteenth- Century England (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Patricia Meyer Spacks, Privacy: Concealing the Eighteenth-Century Self (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). 22. Habermas’s neglect of the subject of friendship might in fact be regarded as a side-effect of his generosity towards the eighteenth-century family, which he unreservedly privileges as a site of emotional truth: ‘the ideas of freedom, love, and cultivation of the person that grew out of the experiences of the conjugal family’s private sphere were surely more than just ideology’. See Habermas, Structural Transformation, p. 48. After such a statement one might expect some analysis of what happens to these ‘ideas’ once they are removed from the family’s immediate domain and applied in other contexts, but none follows. 23. He comes nearest to such an account with a description of literary innova- tion taking place due to ‘experiments’ with subjectivity, and with his dis- tinction between ‘privatized individuals’ communicating ‘in their capacity Notes 175

as human beings’ or ‘in their capacity as owners of commodities’. In neither case does he examine the substance of these experiments beyond their gen- eralised – and affected – interiority. See Habermas, Structural Transformation, pp. 49, 55. 24. Habermas, Structural Transformation, p. 52. As noted previously, Blanning, for instance, remarks that ‘all kinds of opinions could be expressed’ within the public sphere. See Blanning, The Culture of Power, p. 12. 25. Cowan, ‘Geoffrey Holmes and the Public Sphere’, p. 168; Philip Lawson, ‘Hanoverian Studies: The Impact of Recent Trends on Parliamentary History’, Parliamentary History 7:1 (1988), 130–8 (132). 26. Sir Lewis Namier, The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III (London: Macmillan, 1929; 2nd edition, 1957), xi. 27. Robert Walcott, English Politics in the Early Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956). 28. Dickinson, ‘Whiggism in the Eighteenth Century’, p. 42; B. W. Hill, The Growth of Parliamentary Parties 1689–1742 (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1976), p. 227. See also William Speck, ‘Whigs and Tories Dim their Glories: English Political Parties under the first two Georges’, in Cannon, ed., Whig Ascendancy, pp. 51–70; Dickinson, Liberty and Property, pp. 1–10. 29. See Charles Bechdolt Realey, The Early Opposition to Sir Robert Walpole 1720–1727 (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas, 1931), p. 43. 30. J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), p. 446. 31. J. C. D. Clark, Samuel Johnson: Literature, Religion and English Cultural Politics from the Restoration to Romanticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 7. 32. R. W. Davis, ‘Introduction’ in Lords of Parliament: Studies 1714–1914, ed. R. W. Davis (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), pp. 1–8 (3). 33. For general overviews of Court Whiggism as distinct from the traditions of Country Whiggism, see Dickinson, Liberty and Property, pp. 169–92; Browning, Political and Constitutional Ideas, p. 11; J. A. W. Gunn, Factions No More: Attitudes to Party in Government and Opposition in Eighteenth-Century England (London: Frank Cass, 1972), pp. 6, 22; J. A. W. Gunn, ‘Court Whiggery: Justifying Innovation’, in Politics, Politeness, and Patriotism, ed. Gordon J. Schochet (Washington, DC: The Folger Institute, 1993), pp. 125–56 (126); J. G. A Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 232. Pocock additionally distinguishes between old Whigs and new Whigs. 34. Gunn, Factions No More, p. 9. 35. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History, p. 235. 36. See Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation, p. 55; Lawrence E. Klein, ‘’s Whiggism’, in “Cultures of Whiggism”: New Essays on English Literature and Culture in the Long Eighteenth Century, ed. David Womersley (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2005), pp. 108–26 (108). 37. The Spectator, ed. Donald F. Bond, 5 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965). 38. Lawrence E. Klein, Shaftesbury and the Culture of Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 12, 153. 176 Notes

39. Markku Peltonen, ‘Whiggism and Politeness: 1680–1732’, The Historical Journal 48 (2005), 391–414 (395). 40. Nicholas Phillipson, ‘Politeness and Politics in the Reigns of Anne and the Early Hanoverians’, in The Varieties of British Political Thought 1500–1800, ed. J. G. A. Pocock (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 211–45 (225–6). 41. See Ophelia Field, The Kit-Cat Club: Friends Who Imagined a Nation (London: HarperCollins, 2008), p. 393. 42. See also Field, The Kit-Cat Club, pp. 153–4. For her understanding of political stabilisation in early eighteenth-century England, Field is mostly indebted to J. H. Plumb, The Growth of Stability in England: 1675–1725 (London: Macmillan, 1967). 43. Gunn, ‘Court Whiggery’, p. 126. 44. David Nokes, ‘Pope’s Friends and Enemies: Fighting with Shadows’, in The Cambridge Companion to Alexander Pope, ed. Pat Rogers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 25–36 (25). 45. Brean S. Hammond, Pope and Bolingbroke: A Study of Friendship and Influence (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1984), p. 1. 46. Maynard Mack, Alexander Pope: A Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), pp. 186–7; Maynard Mack, The Garden and the City: Retirement and Politics in the Later Poetry of Pope, 1731–43 (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 30; Hester Jones, ‘Pope’s Friendship: The Shadow of Homer’, in Alexander Pope: World and Word, ed. Howard Erskine-Hill (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 55–68 (55–6); Lawrence Lee Davidow, ‘Pope’s Verse Epistles: Friendship and the Private Sphere of Life’, Huntington Library Quarterly 40 (1977), 151–70 (151–2). 47. For Pope’s machinations in getting his own correspondence published, see Paul Baines and Pat Rogers, Edmund Curll, Bookseller (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 273–6; James McLaverty, ‘The First Printing and Publication of Pope’s Letters’, The Library 6th series 2 (1980), 264–80; Alexander Pope, Letters of Mr. Alexander Pope, and Several of his Friends (London: Printed by J. Wright for J. Knapton, L. Gilliver, J. Brindley and R. Dodsley, 1737). The preface to the latter, justifying the publication, is particularly notable for its thanks to both the ‘Friends’ and the ‘Enemies’ of the author, gratitude which reflects upon the peculiarly public nature of the correspondence contained therein. For Pope’s own posthumous role in the publication of Bolingbroke’s Idea, and Bolingbroke’s reaction to that publication, see Fannie E. Ratchford, ‘Pope and the Patriot King’, Texas Studies in English 6 (1926), 157–77; Giles Barber, ‘Bolingbroke, Pope, and the Patriot King’, The Library 5th series 19 (1964), 67–89. For further examples of private works composed and arranged as if with an eye to posthumous publication, see Isobel Grundy, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 611–12; Robert Halsband, ‘Hervey’s Memoirs as Autobiography’, Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 3 (1973), 183–90; Margaret J. M. Ezell, ‘The Posthumous Publication of Women’s Manuscripts and the History of Authorship’, in Women’s Writing and the Circulation of Ideas: Manuscript Publication in England, 1550–1800, ed. George L. Justice and Nathan Tinker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 121–36 (126–7). Notes 177

48. See Lois G. Schwoerer, ‘Women’s Public Political Voice in England: 1640–1740’, in Women Writers and the Early Modern British Political Tradition, ed. Hilda L. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 56–74. 49. See ‘An Expedient to put a Stop to the Spreading Vice of Corruption’ (c.1734) and The Nonsense of Common-Sense 1–9 (1737–8) in Essays and Poems and Simplicity, A Comedy, ed. Robert Halsband and Isobel Grundy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), pp. 100–49. Lord Hervey refers to Lady Mary’s offers of assistance to Walpole in a letter from June 1740 in The Complete Letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, ed. Robert Halsband, 3 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965), II, p. 195. 50. Grundy, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, pp. 315–17. 51. Wortley Montagu, The Complete Letters, II, p. 195. 52. Grundy, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, pp. 270–4. 53. For Lord Hervey’s relationship with Stephen Fox and speculation about other affairs, see Lucy Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of Lord Hervey (London: Viking, 2000), p. 229. For general material on the intertwining of male friendship and homosexual love see George E. Haggerty, ‘Male Love and Friendship in the Eighteenth Century’, in Love and Intimacy Between Men, 1550–1800, ed. Katherine O’Donnell and Michael O’Rourke (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 70–81; Alan Bray, The Friend (London: University of Chicago Press, 2003); Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985). 54. For the most outspoken allegations against Hervey, prompting the famous duel between him and Pulteney, see [William Pulteney], A Proper Reply to a Late Scurrilous Libel, entitled Scandal and Defamation Display’d (London: Printed for R. Francklin, 1731). The Lewis Walpole Library at Yale University possesses homoerotic poetry written by Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, a friend of Hervey’s. See CHW MSS 69, fol. 19, ‘Ode to Horatio Townshend’, partially quoted in Hannah Smith and Stephen Taylor, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander: Lord Hervey, Frederick, Prince of Wales, and the Royal Favourite in England in the 1730s’, English Historical Review 124:507 (2009), 283–312. This article will be discussed at more length in Chapter 5. 55. For readings of Hervey’s historical significance primarily concerned with his sexuality, see Camille A. Paglia, ‘Lord Hervey and Pope’, Eighteenth Century Studies 6:3 (1973), 348–71; James R. Dubro, ‘The Third Sex: Lord Hervey and his Coterie’, Eighteenth-Century Life 2:4 (1976), 89–95. 56. Tom MacFaul has provided a somewhat artificial, but nonetheless useful, dis- tinction between Ciceronian and Aristotelian views of friendship based upon their relative flexibility: the Ciceronian mode is perceived as more rigorous and idealistic, whereas Aristotle allows for more inferior forms. MacFaul also charts the rediscovery of ‘true’ friendship by Renaissance humanists like Desiderius Erasmus, but notes the persistent philosophical fragility of the idea and its resistance to exact definition. See Tom MacFaul, Male Friendship in Shakespeare and his Contemporaries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 1–9. Key texts for friendship’s classical and Renaissance formulation include but are by no means restricted to: Plato’s Lysis; Books VIII and IX of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics; Cicero’s De Amicitia and Book I of his De Officiis; Seneca’s De Beneficiis; Erasmus’s Amicitia; Montaigne’s ‘On Friendship’; and Francis Bacon’s ‘Of Friendship’. 178 Notes

1 Scriblerian Friendship and Public Crisis

1. This chapter mainly makes recourse to John Carswell, The South Sea Bubble (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1960) as the most authoritative treat- ment of the crisis. For a more recent, but less scholarly account, see Malcolm Balen, A Very English Deceit: The Secret History of the South Sea Bubble and the First Great Financial Scandal (London: Fourth Estate, 2002). 2. Pat Rogers discusses this in relation to Swift and Defoe respectively in ‘Plunging in the Southern Waves: Swift’s Poem on the Bubble’, Yearbook of English Studies 18 (1988), 41–50, and Eighteenth Century Encounters: Studies in Literature and Society in the Age of Walpole (Sussex: Harvester Press, 1985), pp. 151–67. 3. Colin Nicholson, Writing and the Rise of Finance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 4–5, 18, 67–9; for the extent of Pope’s invest- ments and losses, see also Pat Rogers, A Political Biography of Alexander Pope (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2010), p. 109. 4. For a standard reading of The Dunciad as polemic against the insidious cultural values of the City, see Aubrey L. Williams, Pope’s Dunciad (London: Methuen, 1955), pp. 30–1; for detailed analysis of Pope’s involvement in the literary marketplace, see David Foxon, Pope and the Early Eighteenth-Century Book Trade, rev. James McLaverty (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991). 5. The most complete account of the excise crisis, its causes and consequences, remains Langford, The Excise Crisis. 6. Bertrand Goldgar gives a standard account of Walpole’s ‘indifference to public opinion and his insensitivity to the public mood’, but this view has more recently been corrected by Tone Sundt Urstad, who insists that Walpole was ‘hardly the country bumpkin’ he has been made to seem and that he was actually considerably involved in the organisation of the pro-government press. See Bertrand A. Goldgar, Walpole and the Wits: The Relation of Politics to Literature, 1722–1742 (London: University of Nebraska Press, 1976), p. 132; Tone Sundt Urstad, Sir Robert Walpole’s Poets: The Use of Literature as Pro-Government Propaganda, 1721–1742 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1999), p. 150. 7. See Cobbett’s Parliamentary History 7, p. 965. P. G. M. Dickson believes that Walpole was telling the truth about his stockholdings at this time and that he still had substantial South Sea stocks in 1723. See P. G. M. Dickson, The Financial Revolution in England (London: Macmillan, 1967; repr. Aldershot: Gregg Reprints, 1993), pp. 109–10. For further discussion of the history of Walpole’s stockholdings and for the verdict that he had not indeed foreseen the Bubble’s collapse, see J. H. Plumb, Sir Robert Walpole: The Making of a Statesman (London: Cresset Press, 1956), pp. 306–9. 8. See Carswell, South Sea Bubble, pp. 226–44; general academic consensus seems to be that Walpole was extremely fortunate in the political boost he received from the crisis, rather than having anticipated such a favourable situation in the slightest, for which see Realey, Early Opposition, p. 4. 9. See Plumb, Making of a Statesman, pp. 344–6, for Walpole’s tactics in securing Sunderland’s Commons acquittal on 15 March 1721. The successful defence of Sunderland was all the more impressive given that it flatly contradicted the confession of South Sea director, Sir John Blunt, and the report by the Committee of Inquiry. See also Realey, Early Opposition, p. 27, for the strident Notes 179

verdict that Walpole acted as ‘the screen of the guilty and the opponent of justice’ in this instance. 10. [Sir Robert Walpole], Some Considerations concerning the Publick Funds, the Publick Revenues, and the Annual Supplies, Granted by Parliament (London: Printed for J. Roberts, 1735), p. 4 11. For details of the ‘Bank Contract’, the emergency agreement reached but never put into practice between the South Sea Company and the Bank of England in September 1720, see Plumb, Making of a Statesman, p. 321. In the aftermath of Walpole’s 1734 election victory, at the time of the publication of Some Considerations, the details of the abortive contract and Walpole’s possible gains in negotiating for it were again a central concern in the political press. See the pamphlet to which Walpole was responding, William Pulteney’s An Enquiry into the Conduct of our Domestick Affairs (London: H. Haines, 1734); see also, in Walpole’s further defence, The Case of the Bank Contract (London: Printed for T. Cooper, 1735). 12. Langford, The Excise Crisis, pp. 31–5. 13. Hyp-Doctor 127, 24 April 1733. 14. The London Journal 708, 20 January 1733. 15. Corn-Cutter’s Journal 16, 15 January 1734. 16. Original Weekly Journal, 4 June 1720. 17. Gary Hentzi, ‘“An Itch of Gaming”: The South Sea Bubble and the Novels of Daniel Defoe’, Eighteenth-Century Life 17:1 (1993), 32–45. 18. See Hentzi, ‘“Itch of Gaming”’, p. 36. 19. The Director 15, 21 November 1720, in Political and Economic Writings of Daniel Defoe, Volume VI: Finance, ed. John McVeagh (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2000), pp. 248–51 (250–1). 20. The Director 22, 16 December 1720, in McVeagh, ed., Political and Economic Writings, pp. 268–72 (271). 21. Corn Cutter’s Journal 19, 5 February 1734. 22. The journal’s mild snub to the remedies proposed by James Pitt and William Arnall provides a useful reflection on the pro-ministerial press’s lack of com- plete unity, particularly prior to the establishment of the Daily Gazetteer in 1735. This corroborates some of the indications of philosophical variation observed by Simon Targett in ‘Government and Ideology during the Age of Whig Supremacy: The Political Argument of Sir Robert Walpole’s Newspaper Propagandists’, Historical Journal 37 (1994), 289–317. 23. See Rogers, Eighteenth Century Encounters, p. 155; Rogers substantiates this point with further extracts from the periodical press of 1720 and 1721, parti- cularly numbers of Applebee’s Weekly Journal that were probably, in Rogers’s opinion, written by Daniel Defoe. 24. The Craftsman 345, 10 February 1733. 25. The Craftsman 361, 2 June 1733. 26. Edward Ward, A South-Sea Ballad, or Merry Remarks upon Exchange-Alley Bubbles (Canterbury, 1720). This was one of the most well-known and often reprinted ballads of the time, and is discussed in Dianne Dugaw, ‘“High Change in Change Alley”: Popular Ballads and Emergent Capitalism in the Eighteenth Century’, Eighteenth-Century Life 22:2 (1998), 43–58. The Babel image is also noted as a popular trope in responses to the Dutch economic crisis of 1720, for which see Frans De Bruyn, ‘Reading Het Groote Tafereel der 180 Notes

Dwaasheid: An Emblem Book of the Folly of Speculation in the Bubble Year 1720’, Eighteenth-Century Life 24:2 (2000), 1–42 (13). 27. [J. B. Gent], A Poem Occasion’d by the Rise and Fall of South-Sea Stock (London: S. Chapman and J. Williams, 1720), p. 2. 28. See the letter from ‘Philalethes’ in The Weekly Journal: Or Saturday’s Post 98, 15 October 1720, which describes his lost friends as having ‘the Curse of Fallen Stocks marked on their Foreheads’, alluding specifically to the punish- ment of Cain in Genesis 4. 29. In famous lines from his ‘Upon the South Sea Project’, Swift prays that the ‘devouring swine’ should run themselves into the sea, re-enacting Mark 5:11–13, for which see Swift’s Poems, pp. 207–14 (214). A similar reference is made in The Weekly Journal 78, 28 May 1720, to ‘the Change-Alley Animals’ rushing together ‘into the South-Sea’ because they are descended from swine. 30. Applebee’s Weekly Journal, 1 October 1720. William Lee confidently asserts that Defoe was the main writer for this journal from June 1720 onwards and so the author of this number and that next quoted. Lee’s belief has provided the basis for many studies of Defoe since the publication of his Daniel Defoe: His Life, and Recently Discovered Writings, 3 vols. (London: J. C. Hotten, 1869); however the basis for Lee’s confidence in his attribution is wisely called into question by P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens in ‘The Myth of Defoe as “Applebee’s Man”’, Review of English Studies 48:190 (1997), 198–204. 31. Applebee’s Weekly Journal, 22 October 1720. 32. See Hentzi, ‘“Itch of Gaming”’, pp. 35–6; for allusion to Anne Finch’s The Stock-Jobbing Ladies (London, 1720), see Dugaw, ‘“High Change”’, p. 51; for more general analysis of the social impact of the crisis, see Carswell, South Sea Bubble, pp. 143–4, where he comes to the intriguing conclusion that ‘aristocratic or moneyed scepticism’ about the newly rich stock-jobbers was relatively slight compared with public outrage. 33. This particular comment is taken from David McNeil, ‘Collage and Social Theories: An Examination of Bowles’s “Medley” Prints of the 1720 South Sea Bubble’, Word and Image 20:4 (2004), 283–98 (294). It is a fair observation when referring specifically to prints that depict crowd scenes and confusion, but there is a danger that McNeil’s defence of ‘deindividuation theory’ as a strategy for understanding public crisis might obscure other important dimensions of a given historical event. 34. Pope’s Correspondence, II, p. 32. 35. Marcus Tullius Cicero, De Senectute, De Amicitia, De Divinatione, trans. William Armistead Falconer (London: William Heinemann, 1953), p. 143. 36. The First Satire of the Second Book of Horace Imitated (1733), in Pope’s Poems, pp. 613–18 (617). 37. ‘Pope to James Eckersall’, 14 February 1720, in Pope’s Correspondence, II, p. 32. 38. ‘Pope to James Eckersall’, 21 [February 1720], in Pope’s Correspondence, II, pp. 33–4 (33). 39. Pope bought South Sea stock for Teresa Blount in March 1720, for which see Pope’s Correspondence, II, p. 38. Gay managed Swift’s South Sea bonds well into the 1730s, for which see Gay’s Letters, pp. 120–1. Pope gave Lady Mary Wortley Montagu the highly dubious advice to buy South Sea shares in August 1720, an act which looks almost malevolent in the light of their subsequent enmity, for which see Pope’s Correspondence, II, p. 52. Two of these examples involve Notes 181

Pope’s friendships with women and therefore contain an added complication in their relevance for sociability’s conceptualisation. However, they still indi- cate the social world’s permeation by financial concerns. 40. Swift’s Poems, pp. 219–20 (219). 41. Quaker stock-jobbers were a relatively obvious target in the wake of the South Sea crisis; another poem, playing even more explicitly than Swift’s on the perceived hypocrisy of members of the Society of Friends, was The Yea and Nay Stock-Jobbers, or the ’Change-Alley Quakers Anatomiz’d (London: Printed for J. Roberts, 1720). This anonymous work toys constantly with the various applications of the word ‘friend’ itself, concluding with a grim postscript where one ruined Quaker seeks ‘any Friend so generous’ as to pay for the hemp with which he can hang himself (p. 32). 42. Swift’s Poems, p. 209. 43. Swift’s Poems, p. 210. Useful reference may be made here to the campaign of Archibald Hutcheson throughout 1720 to reveal to the public the ‘true’ value of South Sea stock, a move which was viewed as destructive to public con- fidence by many stockholders but which Hutcheson himself protested was the action of one of the public’s ‘very best Friends’. See A Letter to the Author of the Calculations in the White-Hall Evening-Post, Relating to South-Sea Stock (London, 1720), p. 9. Of course, Hutcheson uses the word ‘friend’ here with the most general of connotations, but his comments nevertheless highlight the potential ambivalence of friendly activity with respect to the Bubble, and cast further light on Swift’s problematic, all-too-honest ‘sage’ figure. 44. ‘The Duchess of Ormonde to Swift’, 18 April 1720 in Swift’s Correspondence, II, pp. 329–31 (329–30). 45. Swift’s Correspondence, II, p. 330. The Duchess’s reference to the current depth of her friends might be taken as an early suggestion for Swift’s constantly literalised South Sea in his contemporary poetry. 46. Swift records in January 1712 that he is ‘in pain for Ford, whom [he] first brought acquainted with Stratford’. See Journal to Stella, ed. Harold Williams, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1948), II, p. 463. Stratford’s finances had collapsed, ending his own involvement in the South Sea Company very pre- maturely and causing much worry for Swift and others who had provided him with ready money. See a biographical summary in Carswell, South Sea Bubble, p. 284. 47. See Cicero, De Amicitia, p. 149. 48. ‘Gay to Francis Colman’, 23 August 1721 in Gay’s Letters, pp. 39–40 (39). 49. ‘Gay to Swift’, 22 December 1722 in Gay’s Letters, pp. 40–1 (41). 50. See Nicholson, Rise of Finance, p. 70. 51. ‘Swift to John Gay’, 4 May 1732, Swift’s Correspondence, III, pp. 468–71 (468). This letter is quoted in abbreviated form in Nicholson, Rise of Finance, p. 70. 52. Swift’s Correspondence, III, pp. 468–9. 53. Swift writes specifically in answer to Gay’s previous letter. He was currently staying in Amesbury with the Duke and Duchess of Queensberry, but he writes of his growing restlessness there and his ‘dislike to society’. See ‘John Gay to Swift’, [13 March 1732] in Swift’s Correspondence, III, pp. 461–2 (461). 54. Indeed, in Gay’s letter, he had used the word only in its business sense, commenting that ‘The Roguerys that have been discover’d in some other companys I believe makes ’em all have less credit’ (p. 461). 182 Notes

55. Swift’s Correspondence, III, p. 469. 56. Swift’s Correspondence, III, p. 470. 57. Swift’s Correspondence, III, p. 469. The recommendation is ironic in two senses: first, because Gay’s friendship with the Duke and Duchess of Queensberry was of long standing and clearly did not require Swift’s inter- vention, whatever he may have claimed to the contrary; but also because Swift’s discussion of his friend’s character, as already shown, is not especially complimentary in any case. Only if the Duchess of Queensberry valued urban absent-mindedness, a libellous nature and a predilection for idle games would Swift’s remarks be of any use. 58. See David Nokes, John Gay: A Profession of Friendship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). 59. In addition to Pope’s letters of 14 February and 21 February, written in the first exultation of investment, Sherburn also prints ‘Pope to James Eckersall’ [21 March 1720], a more troubled letter written at the height of the poet’s worry and regret that he might have sold off stocks too early. Even here, however, Pope’s anxiety is mediated through the terms of his affectionate friendship with the Eckersalls and he writes that he would be ‘much more sorry’ for having deprived Mrs Eckersall of a coach than for his own losses. See Pope’s Correspondence, II, pp. 39–40. 60. ‘Pope to Fortescue’, 24 June 1720, in Pope’s Correspondence II, p. 48. 61. The subject of the South Sea Bubble’s relation to real trade, to the value of real assets and trading possibilities, is broached when Carswell describes the scheme as a bear operation in Carswell, South Sea Bubble, pp. 106–9. For a modern economist’s take on whether the Bubble could be considered rational or irrational – i.e. whether the escalation of stock value was simply owed to public mania or to whether some relationship with the value of the basic assets was maintained – see Larry Neal, The Rise of Financial Capitalism: International Capital Markets in the Age of Reason (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 76. 62. Again, see Applebee’s Original Weekly Journal for 1 October and 22 October 1720. 63. Pope’s Poems, pp. 614, 618. 64. Howard Erskine-Hill, ‘Pope and the Poetry of Opposition’, in Rogers ed., Cambridge Companion to Pope, pp. 134–49 (138). Erskine-Hill’s quotation is taken from a letter from Pope to Fortescue in 1726, while Pope was still try- ing himself to retain the approval of Walpole, with Fortescue’s assistance. See Pope’s Correspondence, II, pp. 368–9. 65. Hungerford’s entry in the ODNB notes an element of political equivocation about his character in any case, generally voting with the Tories through- out his parliamentary career but not beyond occasional identification with opposite factions. See Matthew Kilburn, ‘John Hungerford’, ODNB (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). It should be noted, however, that this entry mistakenly dates Hungerford’s involvement with the so-called ‘Bubble Act’ to 1721, when it was in fact enacted a year earlier in order to protect the South Sea Company’s business from the rash of smaller speculative schemes. See Carswell, South Sea Bubble, pp. 139, 155. 66. The Political State of Great Britain 20 (September 1720), p. 181. The General Court of 8 September is also described in Carswell, South Sea Bubble, pp. 180–1. Notes 183

67. The connection between partisanship, the ‘Jacobite opportunity’ and the collapse of the South Sea Bubble is explored in Eveline Cruickshanks and Howard Erskine-Hill, The Atterbury Plot (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), pp. 60–9. 68. Compare with Dustin Griffin’s statement of Pope and Swift’s friendship that each poet ‘seemed to find that he could more clearly discern his own path as a writer by marking the difference between his own way and that of his friend’. Dustin Griffin, Swift and Pope: Satirists in Dialogue (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 3. 69. ‘Indeed? / The Case is alter’d – you may then proceed.’ Pope’s Poems, p. 618. 70. ‘Robert Digby to Pope’, 9 July 1720, in Pope’s Correspondence, II, p. 49. Digby was the younger son of Baron Digby of Geashill with whom Pope was later acquainted. 71. ‘Robert Digby to Pope’, 30 July [1720] in Pope’s Correspondence, II, p. 51. 72. ‘Pope to Robert Digby’, 20 July 1720 in Pope’s Correspondence, II, pp. 49–50.

2 Daniel Defoe and South Sea Friendship

1. Stephen Gregg, ‘Male Friendship and Defoe’s Captain Singleton: “My Every Thing”’, British Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 27:2 (2004), 203–18 (203). This article was later published in revised form in Stephen Gregg, Defoe’s Writings and Manliness (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 113–30. Gregg builds on the work of Alan Bray, but also takes issue to some extent with his efforts to sort through textual and historical ambiguities. For the standard homoerotic reading of Captain Singleton, see Hans Turley, ‘Piracy, Identity, and Desire in Captain Singleton’, Eighteenth-Century Studies 31:2 (1997), 199–214. 2. Gregg, ‘Male Friendship’, p. 208. 3. Weekly Journal or Saturday’s Post 80, 11 June 1720; Evening Post 1703, 28 June 1720. 4. See, for instance, Rogers, Eighteenth Century Encounters, p. 162. 5. Daniel Defoe, The Anatomy of Exchange-Alley: or, A System of Stock-Jobbing (London: E. Smith, 1719). See Rogers, Eighteenth Century Encounters, p. 153; also Maximillian Novak, Economics and the Fiction of Daniel Defoe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962; repr. New York: Russell and Russell, 1976), pp. 13–14, 103–4. Other works which Novak brings as evidence for Defoe’s long-standing distrust of stock-jobbing include the Essay upon Projects (London, 1702) and The Villainy of Stock-Jobbers Detected (London, 1701). 6. Defoe, Anatomy, p. 55. 7. Defoe, Anatomy, p. 7: ‘if we are often served thus, the Pretender may very easily raise a Hundred Thousand Pound a Year in Exchange-Alley, for the car- rying on an Invasion, and lay the Tax wholly upon his Enemies the Whigs, which, by the way, I leave them to consider of’. 8. Defoe, Anatomy, p. 8. It should be noted, however, that another passage from the Anatomy, quoted by Novak, predicts a ‘common Calamity, that makes Enemies turn Friends’ (p. 40), quite the opposite result. Novak also observes that Defoe attempted to defend the South Sea Company in The Commentator and The Director throughout 1720 and 1721; however, Novak concludes that 184 Notes

such interventions were motivated by Defoe’s desire to save the Whig gov- ernment and not by any sincere admiration for the company at this point (see Novak, Economics and Defoe, p. 15 n. 35). 9. See also Novak, Economics and Defoe, pp. 121–2 for a passage from Defoe’s Review IV, linking the exchange with piracy. 10. Defoe, Anatomy, p. 8. 11. The Life, Adventures, and Pyracies, of the Famous Captain Singleton (London: Printed for J. Brotherton, J. Graves, A. Dodd and T. Warner, 1720), p. 330. 12. Turley, ‘Piracy, Identity, and Desire’, p. 206. 13. See Timothy C. Blackburn, ‘The Coherence of Defoe’s Captain Singleton’, Huntington Library Quarterly 41 (1978), 119–36; Manuel Schonhorn, ‘Defoe’s Captain Singleton: A Reassessment with Observations’, Papers in Language and Literature 7:1 (1971), 38–51 (51). 14. Schonhorn, ‘Defoe’s Captain Singleton’, p. 50. 15. Turley, ‘Piracy, Identity, and Desire’, p. 206. 16. Defoe, Singleton, p. 5. 17. Defoe, Singleton, p. 5. 18. Defoe, Singleton, p. 186. 19. Turley, ‘Piracy, Identity, and Desire’, p. 202. 20. Howard Erskine-Hill, The Social Milieu of Alexander Pope (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975). 21. Swift’s Poems, pp. 466–70 (469). 22. Pope’s Poems, pp. 676–9 (677). Pope had originally written a version of this imitation in 1713, which is included as parallel text in volume four of the Twickenham edition. However, the poem was very largely revised in the 1730s and the first references to Peter Walter were made then. 23. The most glaring case of this was a dispute between branches of the Newcastle and Harley families, which ran on for seven years in the . Erskine-Hill suggests that Walter may himself have been responsible for the bad drafting of the will which led to this controversy and which rewarded him hugely. See Erskine-Hill, Social Milieu, pp. 103–31, particularly pp. 109–13. 24. Erskine-Hill, Social Milieu, p. 119. 25. Henry Fielding, The History of the Adventures of Joseph Andrews, 2 vols. (London: Printed for A. Millar, 1742), I, p. 40. 26. See Pope’s Poems, pp. 570–86 (572). 27. See Erskine-Hill, Social Milieu, pp. 116–17. 28. Defoe, Singleton, p. 186. 29. Defoe, Singleton, pp. 187–8. 30. See Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, trans. W. D. Ross (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925), book 5, section 3: ‘Perfect friendship is the friendship of men who are good, and alike in virtue.’ 31. Defoe, Singleton, p. 214. 32. Defoe, Singleton, p. 215. 33. Defoe, Singleton, p. 218. 34. The crime is anachronistic in a sense, given that this episode apparently occurs in or around 1706 by the chronology of the novel whereas the South Sea Company would only be established in 1711; however, given the year of the novel’s publication, it may be possible to view the incident partially in Notes 185

the light of later events with William Walters as the sort of smuggler likely to undermine further the company’s slender ambitions of lucrative trade transactions. 35. Defoe, Singleton, p. 315. For Gregg’s reading of Bob and William’s contracts as ultimately affective and fraternal, see Gregg, Defoe’s Writings and Manliness, pp. 123–4. 36. The actual usage is listed as 26.a in the OED entry for ‘so’, whereas the more common application is described in 23. 37. Defoe, Singleton, p. 315. 38. Defoe, Singleton, p. 316. 39. Defoe, Singleton, p. 317. 40. Defoe, Singleton, p. 319. 41. Defoe, Singleton, p. 322. 42. Defoe, Singleton, p. 330. 43. Defoe, Singleton, pp. 339–40. 44. Defoe, Singleton, p. 339. 45. Turley, ‘Piracy, Identity, and Desire’, p. 211. 46. Defoe, Singleton, p. 344. 47. Defoe. Singleton, p. 337. 48. Maximillian Novak has also argued persuasively for the connection between the Journal and the South Sea Bubble in ‘Defoe and the Disordered City’, PMLA 92:2 (1977), 241–52 (244–8). See also Sandra Sherman, Finance and Fictionality in the Early Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 49. John J. Richetti, Defoe’s Narratives: Situations and Structures (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), p. 238. 50. A Journal of the Plague Year (London: Printed for E. Nutt, 1722), p. 8. 51. Defoe, Plague Year, pp. 65, 84. 52. They ‘behaved with all the Revelling and roaring extravagances, as is usual for such People to do at other Times’. See Defoe, Plague Year, p. 77. 53. Defoe, Plague Year, p. 189. 54. See Novak’s comment that ‘Defoe’s peculiar attitudes toward disorder and the events of the time led to the creation of a completely humane narrator whose all-pervading sympathy for human suffering … takes in even the “poor Thief”.’ Novak, ‘Disordered City’, p. 249. 55. Defoe, Plague Year, p. 20. 56. Defoe, Plague Year, p. 81. 57. Defoe, Plague Year, p. 143. 58. Defoe, Plague Year, p. 151. 59. The two brothers and their friend compare themselves to the lepers at the gates of Samaria who decide in 2 Kings 7 not to seek refuge in the city but to set out for themselves towards the camp of the enemy Syrians. See Defoe, Plague Year, p. 142. 60. Defoe, Plague Year, p. 145. 61. See Watson Nicholson, The Historical Sources of Defoe’s Journal of the Plague Year (Boston: The Stratford Company, 1919), p. 12. 62. Defoe, Plague Year, p. 91. 63. Defoe, Plague Year, pp. 260, 262. 64. Defoe, Plague Year, p. 275. 186 Notes

3 Lord Hervey and the Limits of Court Whig Pragmatism

1. See Targett, ‘Government and Ideology’, pp. 298–301; Gunn, ‘Court Whiggery’, pp. 132–41; Thomas Horne, ‘Politics in a Corrupt Society: William Arnall’s Defense of Robert Walpole’, Journal of the History of Ideas 41:4 (1980), 601–14. 2. [John, Lord Hervey], The Conduct of the Opposition, and the Tendency of Modern Patriotism (London: J. Peele, 1734). 3. Hervey, Conduct, p. 37. 4. Browning, Political and Constitutional Ideas, p. 66. 5. A Dissertation upon Parties in The Works of Lord Bolingbroke, 4 vols. (Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1841; Farnborough: Gregg International, 1969), II, pp. 5–172 (147). 6. Jill Campbell, ‘Politics and Sexuality in Portraits of John, Lord Hervey’, Word and Image 6:4 (1990), 281–97 (285). See also Paglia, ‘Lord Hervey and Pope’, pp. 363, 369. 7. An Epistle from Mr Pope, to Dr Arbuthnot (1735), in Pope’s Poems, pp. 597–612 (608). 8. Pope’s Poems, p. 608. 9. Hervey, Conduct, p. 60. 10. See also Hervey’s complaint in his Memoirs that ‘men oftentimes seemed united in their public conduct who differed as much in their private wishes and views from one another as they did from those they opposed’. Memoirs, I, p. 5. 11. See Browning, Political and Constitutional Ideas, pp. 32–4. For the foremost appraisals – and revisions – of Ciceronian thought within Court Whig discourse itself, see William Arnall, Clodius and Cicero (London: Printed for J. Peele, 1727); Conyers Middleton, The History of the Life of Marcus Tullius Cicero, 2 vols. (London: Printed for W. Innys and R. Manby, 1741). 12. Peter N. Miller, for instance, notes Cicero’s arguments for the ‘legitimacy of extra-legal measures … in the pursuit of security’, arguments obviously in close alignment with Hervey’s thinking. Miller also recognises Cicero as a crucial philosopher of friendship, but does not show in full how these two philosophical legacies might infiltrate each other. See Miller, Defining the Common Good, pp. 8, 24. Likewise, Thomas Horne asserts that the utilitari- anism of pro-ministerial writer William Arnall stemmed from his ‘egotistic psychology’ rather than a belief in ‘man’s innate sociability’. Again, the link between Arnall’s adoption of Cicero and this apparent dismissal of a sociable mankind is not explored. Horne, ‘Politics in a Corrupt Society’, p. 610. 13. Hervey, Conduct, p. 5. 14. Hervey, Conduct, p. 5. 15. For the publication history of the Memoirs and for evidence suggesting that the composition of the text had been begun in excise year (1733), see Memoirs, I, xi–lxi (lvii). See also Halsband, ‘Hervey’s Memoirs’. 16. Memoirs, I, p. 1. 17. Hervey, Conduct, p. 5. 18. Compare with his praise for Mrs Clayton in Memoirs, I, p. 67: ‘She had sense enough to perceive what black and dirty company, by living in a Court, she Notes 187

was forced to keep … and not hypocrisy enough at the same time to tell them they were white and clean.’ 19. Hervey, Conduct, p. 6. 20. J. J. Peereboom concludes unhelpfully that Hervey’s artifice made the eighteenth century ‘not worth living in’. Less drastically, but no less judgementally, Romney Sedgwick swallows the opposition argument that Hervey’s moral being had been corrupted by Walpole’s ‘rationalised scoun- drelism’. See J. J. Peereboom, ‘Hervey and the Facts as He Saw Them’, Costerus N.S. 64 (1987), 211–24 (220); Memoirs, I, lix. 21. Hervey himself discusses the collapse of his friendship with Pulteney fairly openly in the Memoirs, casting the opposition figure in a contemptible light in the process but citing Lady Hervey’s enduring affection for him. See Memoirs, I, pp. 103–8. For Hervey’s estrangement from Frederick, see Chapter 5 of this monograph. For his friendship with, and possible – even probable – sexual inter- est in one or both of the Fox brothers, see Campbell, ‘Politics and Sexuality’, p. 296; Memoirs, III p. 669. 22. Hervey, Conduct, p. 9. 23. William Coxe, Memoirs of the Life and Administration of Sir Robert Walpole, Earl of Orford, 3 vols. (London: Printed for T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1798), I, p. 757. 24. Memoirs, I, p. 223. 25. Hervey, Conduct, p. 41. 26. Hervey, Conduct, pp. 48–9. 27. See Michael Harris, London Newspapers in the Age of Walpole (London: Associated University Presses, 1987), p. 116. 28. Although determined to avoid the usual portrayal of the coffeehouse as beacon of progress and proto-democratic engagement, Brian Cowan con- cedes that even the bastions of conservatism within London’s coffeehouse network were open to some level of cross-party dialogue: the system ‘seems to have been one in which its various constituent parts were constantly communicating with each other, through gossip as well as the circulation of texts’. Cowan, Social Life of Coffee, pp. 148, 171. 29. The London Journal 718, 31 March 1733. 30. The London Journal 711, 10 February 1733. 31. See for instance Evening Post 2866, 1 July 1735, which presents an essay on friendship mainly concerned with the disinterest of ideal friend- ship. Readers are told that a true friend wishes ‘to be lov’d purely for himself’, and classical thinkers from Socrates to Cicero are invoked to elaborate this point. The author then goes on to argue that such ‘perfect Disinterestedness’ should reign in politics as well as private companionship. 32. The London Journal 720, 14 April 1733. 33. The London Journal 720. 34. Memoirs, I, p. 162. 35. Memoirs, I, p. 164. 36. Memoirs, I, p. 74. 37. Memoirs, I, p. 55. 38. Memoirs, I, p. 18. 39. Memoirs, pp. 165–6. 188 Notes

4 The Friendly Opposition and Public Life in Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst

1. Earl Wasserman’s collation of manuscript sources demonstrates the necessar- ily late inclusion of lines 121–2 of the poem, and dates most of the work’s composition to between 1730 and 1733. See Earl R. Wasserman, Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst: A Critical Reading with an Edition of the Manuscripts (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1960), pp. 59–60. 2. Vincent Carretta, ‘Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst and the South Sea Bubble’, Journal of English and Germanic Philology 77:1 (1978), 212–31 (216–20). 3. Pope’s Poems, p. 570. 4. Wasserman also remarks that the poem as a whole can be read as ‘an attack on Walpole’, one of Pope’s ‘greatest satiric portraits’ even though the minister’s name is never mentioned. Wasserman, Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst, pp. 54–5. 5. Pope’s Poems, pp. 572–3. 6. Pope’s Poems, pp. 572, 577. 7. Pope’s Poems, p. 583. One might compare Pope’s dismissal of Buckingham’s modes of friendship with Francis Bacon’s earlier discomfort in trying to praise this court favourite. See David Wootton, ‘Francis Bacon: Your Flexible Friend’, in The World of the Favourite, ed. J. H. Elliott and L. W. B. Brockliss (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), pp. 184–204 (199). 8. Pope’s Poems, p. 584. 9. Wasserman, Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst, p. 12. 10. Davidow, ‘Pope’s Verse Epistles’, pp. 151, 154. 11. G. Douglas Atkins, ‘“Who Shall Decide?”: The Economy of Truth in Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst’, The Eighteenth Century 24:1 (1983), 65–78 (65). 12. Fred Parker, Scepticism and Literature: An Essay on Pope, Hume, Sterne, and Johnson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 110. 13. Pope’s Poems, pp. 501–47 (535). 14. Pope’s Poems, p. 534. 15. Pope’s Poems, p. 535. 16. Pope’s Poems, pp. 624–30 (630). 17. See Parker, Scepticism and Literature, pp. 101–2. 18. Brean Hammond, ‘“Old England’s Genius”: Pope’s Epistle to Bolingbroke’, British Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 3:2 (1980), 107–26 (118, 121); see also, Hammond, Pope and Bolingbroke, pp. 110–21. 19. Jacob Fuchs, Reading Pope’s Imitations of Horace (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1989), pp. 140–1. Most provocatively, Fuchs argues that the poem’s conclusion is ‘analogous to the union of lovers with which comedies often end’ (p. 140). 20. For the difference between this representation of friendship and that in Horace’s original text, see Frank Stack, Pope and Horace: Studies in Imitation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 272–3. Broadly speak- ing, Stack is in agreement with Hammond’s view of the poem’s tensions as opposed to Parker’s. 21. Pope’s Poems, pp. 629–30. 22. Pope’s Poems, p. 571. 23. Pope’s Poems, p. 570. Notes 189

24. James Engell, ‘Wealth and Words: Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst’, Modern Philology 85:4 (1988), 433–46 (442–3). 25. For a statement of the original interpretation, see Wasserman, Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst, p. 29. 26. Pope’s Poems, p. 581. 27. For the standard account of Bolingbroke’s ‘nostalgic’ politics, see Isaac Kramnick, Bolingbroke and his Circle: The Politics of Nostalgia in the Age of Walpole (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968). For criticism and qualifica- tion of this account, see Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History, p. 242. 28. Pope’s Poems, p. 573. 29. Pope’s Poems, p. 574. 30. Pope’s Poems, p. 580. 31. See Carretta, ‘Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst’, p. 224; Pope’s Poems, p. 578. 32. Pope’s Poems, p. 579. 33. Pope’s Poems, p. 578. 34. Pope’s Poems, p. 577. 35. Paul Alpers, ‘Pope’s To Bathurst and the Mandevillian State’, ELH: Journal of English Literary History 25 (1958), 23–42 (40). 36. Alpers, ‘Pope’s To Bathurst’, p. 39. 37. Pope’s Poems, p. 582. 38. Tom Jones, ‘Pope’s Epistle to Bathurst and the Meaning of Finance’, Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900 44:3 (2004), 487–504 (501).

5 Friendship and the Patriot Prince

1. Copyright © 2011 American Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies. This chapter first appeared in Studies in Eighteenth Century Culture 40:1 (2011), 157–78. Revised and reprinted with permission by The Johns Hopkins University Press. 2. Material in this chapter relating to Frederick’s life is chiefly indebted to Averyl Edwards, Frederick Louis, Prince of Wales, 1707–51 (London: Staples Press, 1947) and Frances Vivian, A Life of Frederick, Prince of Wales, 1707–1751, ed. Roger White (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2006). Another recent bio- graphy will also be referenced but is less reliable: Michael de-la-Noy, The King Who Never Was (London: Peter Owen, 1996). 3. For details of this courtship and Frederick’s abortive plans for elopement with the princess, see Edwards, Frederick Louis, pp. 13–15. 4. Edwards, Frederick Louis, p. 16. For discussion regarding the significance of backstairs in the history of privacy and domesticity, see Spacks, Privacy, p. 8. 5. Averyl Edwards argued that Frederick resembled his father in wishing ‘to appear before the public as an accomplished lady-killer’. See Edwards, Frederick Louis, p. 32. Most notoriously, Frederick conducted an affair with Anne Vane, maid of honour to Queen Caroline and also one of Lord Hervey’s lovers. Fitzfrederick, the illegitimate son resulting from this relationship, was brought up at the prince’s expense from 1732 until the death of both child and mother in 1735. See Memoirs, I, p. 290; II, p. 483; Moore, Amphibious Thing, pp. 138–40, 144–5; Vivian, A Life of Frederick, pp. 190–6; Robert Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth-Century Courtier (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), pp. 127–8, 135–9. For public writings about the Anne Vane affair, see 190 Notes

Vanelia: Or, The Amours of the Great (London: Printed for E. Rayner, 1732); Humours of the Court (London: Printed for W. James, 1732). Both plays were unperformed. 6. See Memoirs, II, p. 615; also Henry Fielding, The Grub-Street Opera (1731) in The Dramatic Works of Henry Fielding, 3 vols. (London: Printed for A. Millar, 1755), II. Frederick is represented in the character of Master Owen. 7. Ferdinando Shaw, A Sermon Preached on the Birth-Day of his Royal Highness, Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales (London, 1729), p. 4. 8. Shaw, A Sermon, pp. 6, 26. 9. Henry Stephens, An Epistle to His Royal Highness Frederick, Prince of Wales (London, 1729), p. 3. 10. For ‘representative publicness’ as an attribute of pageantry, tapestry and panegyric, see Habermas, Structural Transformation, p. 9. 11. Stephens, Epistle, p. 4. The first edition of The Dunciad had been published in 1728. 12. Smith and Taylor make reference to Christine Gerrard as the foremost authority on Patriot culture; this chapter will do the same. See Smith and Taylor, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander’, pp. 309–10; Christine Gerrard, The Patriot Opposition to Walpole (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994). 13. George II at one point planned to have Frederick succeed only to the Electorate of Hanover, so as to leave the British throne free for family favourite, William. See Betty Kemp, ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales’, in Silver Renaissance, ed. Alex Natan (London: Macmillan, 1961), pp. 38–56 (47). 14. See Note 5 of the present chapter. Sections of Hervey’s Memoirs relevant to his friendship with Frederick were later excised. See Smith and Taylor, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander’, pp. 283–4; Hervey, Memoirs, I, xi. 15. Smith and Taylor, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander’, pp. 292–4. The frame- work provided by Smith and Taylor posits that Hervey was an eighteenth- century variation on the ‘court favourites’ who were thought to have unduly influenced government across Europe throughout the late six- teenth and seventeenth centuries. See Elliott and Brockliss, eds., The World of the Favourite. 16. For the possibility of a threateningly homoerotic element within the friend- ship of Frederick and Hervey, see Smith and Taylor, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander’, pp. 308–9; Moore, Amphibious Thing, pp. 134–6, 141. 17. Smith and Taylor, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander’, p. 291; Blair Worden, ‘Favourites on the English Stage’, in Elliot and Brockliss, eds., The World of the Favourite, pp. 159–83 (164); Wootton, ‘Francis Bacon’, p. 195. 18. For controversy over the prince’s limited allowance, see Vivian, Life of Frederick, pp. 99, 238–48. 19. For Patriot factions, see Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, pp. 20–1, 41. 20. Frederick was to die in 1751. For political activity in the last years of his life, see The Political Journal of George Bubb Dodington, ed. John Carswell and Lewis Arnold Dralle (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965). 21. See Mack, Alexander Pope, pp. 733–5. 22. Mabel Hessler Cable, ‘The Idea of a Patriot King in the Propaganda of the Opposition to Walpole, 1735–1739’, Philological Quarterly 18:2 (1939), 119–30 (119). 23. Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, p. 211. Notes 191

24. See Howard Erskine-Hill, ‘Alexander Pope: The Political Poet in his Time’, Eighteenth-Century Studies 15 (1981), 123–48 (139); Simon Varey, ‘Hanover, Stuart and the Patriot King’, British Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 6 (1983), 163–72. 25. Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, pp. 213–27; David Armitage, ‘A Patriot for Whom? The Afterlives of Bolingbroke’s Patriot King’, Journal of British Studies 36 (1997), 397–418 (401). 26. For a decline in ostentatious court culture beginning in Anne’s reign, see R. O. Bucholz, The Augustan Court: Queen Anne and the Decline of Court Culture (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1993), pp. 135–6; Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 197. For a critique of these views that nevertheless emphasises the commodification of court culture at the expense of its grandeur, see Hannah Smith, Georgian Monarchy: Politics and Culture 1714–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 27. Seneca, Moral Essays, ed. John W. Basore, 3 vols. (London: William Heinemann, 1975), III, p. 7. For a contemporary paraphrase, in its twelfth edition by 1722, see Roger L’Estrange, Seneca’s Morals Abstracted in Three Parts (London: Printed for Henry Brome, 1679). 28. The Occasional Writer 3 (London: Printed for A. Moore, 1727), p. 20. 29. Henry St John, Viscount Bolingbroke, The Idea of a Patriot King, ed. Sydney W. Jackman (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1965), p. 5. 30. Bolingbroke, Patriot King, p. 21. 31. For the argument that Bolingbroke’s correspondence with Cornbury was rooted in their Jacobite loyalties, see Eveline Cruickshanks, Lord Cornbury, Bolingbroke, and a Plan to Restore the Stuarts, 1731–1735 (Huntingdon: The Royal Stuart Society, 1986). Regardless of the truth of such claims, the text of the ‘Letter’ can still be considered as contributing to pro-Hanoverian oppo- sitional discourse, based on its own efforts to fit within a more legitimate canon. See Letters, on the Spirit of Patriotism (London: Printed for A. Millar, 1749), p. 23. 32. Bolingbroke, Letters, on the Spirit of Patriotism, pp. 56–7. 33. Bolingbroke, Letters, on the Spirit of Patriotism, pp. 30–1. 34. See Cicero, Selected Works, trans. Michael Grant (London: Penguin Books, 1960), pp. 230–2. 35. Adrian Lashmore-Davies, ‘Viscount Bolingbroke and the Moral Reform of Politics, 1710–1738’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004), p. 195. 36. Bolingbroke, Patriot King, p. 84. 37. See Jeffrey Hart, Viscount Bolingbroke, Tory Humanist (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965), pp. 83–6. 38. See Hart, Viscount Bolingbroke pp. 87–8 and Bolingbroke, Patriot King, p. 28. 39. Hart, Viscount Bolingbroke, p. 158. 40. See Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince, ed. Quentin Skinner and Russell Price (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 81–2. 41. Machiavelli, The Prince, p. 63. 42. See Machiavelli, The Prince, pp. 61–2. 43. See Plumb, The King’s Minister, pp. 161–9. 44. Bolingbroke, Patriot King, pp. 34, 41, 84–5. 192 Notes

45. For the parliamentary debates of 1737 on the subject of Frederick’s allow- ance, see Cobbett’s Parliamentary History 9, pp. 1352–1454. 46. Bolingbroke, Patriot King, p. 49. 47. Stow: The Gardens of the Right Honourable the Lord Viscount Cobham (London, [1751]), p. 17. 48. George Bickham, The Beauties of Stow: or, A Description of the Pleasant Seat, and Noble Gardens of the Right Honourable Lord Viscount Cobham (London: George Bickham, 1750), p. 53. 49. Charles Philips, The Henry the Fifth Club or ‘The Gang’ (1734 or 1735). See Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, p. 214; Oliver Millar, The Tudor, Stuart and Early Georgian Pictures in the Collection of Her Majesty the Queen, 2 vols. (London: Phaidon Press, 1963), I, pp. 177–8; Desmond Shawe-Taylor, The Conversation Piece: Scenes of Fashionable Life (London: Royal Collection, 2009); Edwards, Frederick Louis, p. 24. 50. See Hannah Smith’s statement that ‘the military fashioning of the early Georgian monarchy … can be seen as a strategy driven primarily by military and political concerns, although it was also pushed forward by personal royal enthusiasm for soldiering and soldierly activity’. Smith, Georgian Monarchy, p. 115. For Cumberland’s activities during the Jacobite rebellion of 1745, see John Prebble, Culloden (London: Martin Secker & Warburg, 1961), pp. 197–204. 51. Memoirs, III, p. 839. For the original line, see Joseph Addison, Cato (London: Printed for J. Tonson, 1713), p. 54. For the continuing frequency of Cato in London’s repertory, see Bonnie A. Nelson, Serious Drama and the London Stage: 1729–39 (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik, 1981), p. 96; for traditions of emotional reaction to Cato, see Julie Ellison, Cato’s Tears and the Making of Anglo-American Emotion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 52–3. 52. For Frederick’s arguments with his parents immediately following the birth of his first child, see Edwards, Frederick Louis, pp. 91–113. 53. Henry Brooke, Gustavus Vasa, The Deliverer of His Country (London: Printed for R. Dodsley, 1739). See John Loftis, The Politics of Drama in Augustan England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), pp. 128–53; P. J. Crean, ‘The Stage Licensing Act of 1737’, Modern Philology 35:3 (1938), 239–55. 54. Clark, Samuel Johnson, p. 166; Loftis, Politics of Drama, p. 150. 55. Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, p. 232. 56. The New Cambridge Modern History, Volume II: The Reformation, ed. G. R. Elton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958), pp. 146–53. 57. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 70. 58. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 69. 59. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, book 9, section 10. In the same section of the Ethics Aristotle does go on to state that it is possible to be friendly with many fellow-citizens but that this should be distinguished from true friendship. See also Erasmus’s Amicitia (1533), in Collected Works of Erasmus: Colloquies, ed. Craig R. Thompson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), pp. 1033–55 (1046). 60. For the ambiguous connection between Gustavus’s majesty and divine right theory, see Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, pp. 191–2. 61. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 1. Notes 193

62. Cicero, De Amicitia, p. 133. 63. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 4. 64. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 32. 65. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 32. 66. See J. G. A. Pocock, ‘Machiavelli, Harrington, and English Political Ideologies in the Eighteenth Century’, William and Mary Quarterly 22:4 (1965), 549–83; Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, pp. 361–400, 423–505; Caroline Robbins, The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959), p. 9. 67. Bolingbroke in fact uses neo-Harringtonian concepts of a mixed constitution within his theory of Patriot kingship. See Bolingbroke, Patriot King, p. 18. 68. For interchange between concepts of friendship and kinship in the eighteenth century, see Tadmor, Family and Friends, pp. 175–92. 69. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 8. 70. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 9. For comparison, see Julius Caesar, Act Two, Scene One, ll. 119–45: ‘No, not an oath!’ 71. ‘Connexion, connection’, OED. In particular, see definitions 1(b), 5(a), 6(b) and 7. 72. In this Brooke is perhaps in line with Bolingbroke whose attention to Cato the Elder’s ‘vitae conjunctionem’ was discussed earlier in this chapter. He also resembles Pope, whose Bolingbrokean chain of being in the Essay on Man ‘includes the social world as well as the cosmos’. See Kramnick, Bolingbroke and his Circle, p. 221. 73. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 15. 74. Brooke, Gustavus, pp. 22–3. 75. Brooke, Gustavus, pp. 22–3. 76. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 67. 77. Brooke, Gustavus, p. 68. 78. Cicero, De Amicitia, p. 211; ‘Of Friendship’, in The Complete Works of Montaigne, ed. and trans. Donald M. Frame (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1948), pp. 135–44 (143). 79. See ‘Of Frendship’, in The Oxford Francis Bacon XV: The Essayes or Counsels, Civill and Morall, ed. Michael Kiernan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), pp. 80–7 (81). 80. David Mallet, Mustapha. A Tragedy (London: A. Millar, 1739). 81. Mallet, Mustapha, p. 13. 82. See the sultan’s view that their relationship has ‘enobled into friendship’ in Mallet, Mustapha, p. 10. 83. Mallet, Mustapha, p. 17. 84. Mallet, Mustapha, p. 19. 85. Mallet, Mustapha, p. 21. 86. Mallet, Mustapha, p. 47. 87. Mallet, Mustapha, p. 48. 88. Mallet, Mustapha, p. 83. 89. See Bray, The Friend, pp. 13–18. 90. Mallet, Mustapha, p. 64. 91. See John Loftis, ‘Thomson’s Tancred and Sigismunda’, in The Stage and the Page: London’s ‘Whole Show’ in the Eighteenth-Century Theatre, ed. George Winchester Stone Jr. (London: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 34–54 (39); 194 Notes

Sandro Jung, ‘Love and Honour in James Thomson’s Tancred and Sigismunda (1745)’, Restoration and Eighteenth-Century Theatre Research 17 (2002), 39–50. 92. Åke Eriksson, The Tragedy of Liberty: Civic Concern and Disillusionment in James Thomson’s Tragic Dramas (Uppsala: Uppsala University Library, 2002), p. 23. For Thomson’s position within the Patriot movement following earlier literary and administrative associations with Walpole, see James Sambrook, James Thomson 1700–1748 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 60, 126, 134. 93. Loftis, ‘Thomson’s Tancred and Sigismunda’, p. 39. Such views of Edward and Eleonora are apparently supported by the licenser’s refusal to allow the play’s performance. See Alan D. McKillop, ‘Thomson and the Licensers of the Stage’, Philological Quarterly 37 (1958), 448–53. 94. Brean S. Hammond, ‘“O Sophonisba! Sophonisba o!”: Thomson the Tragedian’, in James Thomson: Essays for the Tercentenary, ed. Richard Terry (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000), pp. 15–33 (22). 95. James Thomson, Edward and Eleonora (London: A. Millar, 1739), p. 37. 96. Thomson, Edward and Eleonora, p. 48. 97. Thomson, Edward and Eleonora, p. 49. 98. For Frederick’s habits of hospitality at Cliveden from 1737 onwards, see Edwards, Frederick Louis, pp. 116–17. 99. The title page of the first edition states that the play was ‘represented before their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales at Cliffden’. See Alfred: A Masque (London: Printed for A. Millar, 1740). David Mallet would later substantially revise the play. See Alfred the Great, a Drama for Music (London, 1753). Gerrard and McKillop have disagreed about the first performance of Alfred at Drury Lane. See Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, p. 1; McKillop, ‘Thomson and the Licensers’, p. 453; A. D. McKillop, ‘The Early History of Alfred’, Philological Quarterly 41 (1962), 311–24. 100. Alfred: A Masque, p. 27. 101. McKillop, ‘Early History’, p. 315. 102. See Alfred: A Masque, p. 15. For comparison see the king’s longing to be ‘no better than a homely swain’ in Act Two, Scene Five of III Henry VI. 103. Alfred: A Masque, p. 18. 104. Gerrard argues that Frederick was ‘almost certainly’ a co-author of the book, if not the main author. See Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, p. 61. For the conflicting argument that Themiseul de Saint-Hyacinthe was responsible for the text, see John B. Shipley, ‘James Ralph, Prince Titi, and the Black Box of Frederick, Prince of Wales’, Bulletin of the New York Public Library 71 (1967), 143–57 (145). Frances Vivian also treats the theory of Frederick’s authorship with scepticism. See Vivian, Life of Frederick, pp. 462–3. 105. The History of Prince Titi (London: E. Curll, 1736); this edition, its translation attributed to Eliza Stanley, is briefly mentioned in Baines and Rogers, Edmund Curll, p. 273. Anne Dodd’s edition, The Memoirs and History of Prince Titi (London: A. Dodd, 1736), advertised as translated by ‘a Person of Quality’, provides the basis for discussion in the current chapter; hereafter Prince Titi. For Fielding’s Titi play, see Frederick G. Ribble, ‘New Light on Henry Fielding from the Malmesbury Papers’, Modern Philology 103:1 (2005), 51–94. 106. Prince Titi, p. 8. 107. Prince Titi, pp. 77–8. Notes 195

108. Prince Titi, pp. 55–6, 112, 162. 109. Prince Titi, p. 51. 110. Prince Titi, p. 66. 111. Prince Titi, p. 104. 112. See Prince Titi, p. 97: ‘Indeed this generous Page had never lost sight of the Prince during the Engagement, and had sav’d his Life twice, by receiving the Strokes that were directed at him.’

6 Friendship and Fable

1. Annabel Patterson justifies her own interest in Aesop by arguing that fable is not simply a category of children’s literature, even if often employed for pedagogical purposes in its history. See Annabel Patterson, Fables of Power: Aesopian Writing and Political History (London: Duke University Press, 1991), p. 1. For a view of fable as a literary mode rather than a genre, see Tomoko Hanazaki, ‘Verse Fables, 1660–1742: A Critical History’ (University of Cambridge: unpublished MLitt dissertation, 1990), p. 5. 2. See Stephen H. Daniel, ‘Political and Philosophical Uses of Fables in Eighteenth-Century England’, The Eighteenth Century 23:2 (1982), 151–71 (155–6). For Hanazaki’s category of ‘political’ fable, which she sets along- side ‘didactic’, ‘social’, ‘moral’ and ‘literary’ categories, see Hanazaki, ‘Verse Fables’, pp. 22–31. 3. Patterson, Fables of Power, p. 156. 4. Patterson, Fables of Power, p. 141. 5. Jayne Elizabeth Lewis, The English Fable: Aesop and Literary Culture, 1651–1740 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 5. 6. Mark Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 218. 7. Mandeville’s hive is populated with diverse workers – lawyers, physicians, soldiers and more – whose shared apian features are non-existent and irrele- vant to the effect of the fable. As the inhabitants of the hive never communi- cate or come into contact with other bees, let alone other species, the work’s fabulistic qualities are further diminished. See Bernard Mandeville, The Grumbling Hive: or, Knaves Turn’d Honest (London: Printed for Sam Ballard, 1705); Bernard Mandeville, The Fable of the Bees: or, Private Vices Publick Benefits (London: Printed for J. Roberts, 1714). For Mandeville’s influence on the pro-ministerial journalism of Ralph Courteville and William Arnall, see Targett, ‘Government and Ideology’, p. 293. 8. Richard Bentley, A Dissertation Concerning the Epistles of Phalaris, with an Essay on the Fables of Aesop (London: J. Leake, for Peter Buck, 1697); for back- ground on the quarrels, see also Richard Foster Jones, Ancients and Moderns: A Study of the Background of The Battle of the Books (St Louis: Washington University Press, 1936). 9. See Lewis, The English Fable, pp. 57–63. My analysis of Swift is indebted to Lewis’s own reading of the text as a ‘rapprochement between divergent symbolic modes’. 10. Jonathan Swift, A Tale of a Tub … To which is added An Account of a Battel between the Antient and Modern Books in St. James’s Library (London: Printed for John Nutt, 1704). 196 Notes

11. Swift, Battle, pp. 248–9. 12. The relevant meanings of ‘humanity’, both current at the time, are listed as I.2.a. and I.1.a respectively in the OED. For the attempted intimacy of fabulis- tic style and the goal of promoting ‘agreeable and easy manners of conversa- tion’, see Hanazaki, ‘Verse Fables’, pp. 60, 70. The importance of fable pleasing its students, as well as the genre’s potential diversity, is further emphasised by Addison when he describes it in The Spectator 512, 17 October 1712: ‘But among all the different Ways of giving Counsels, I think the finest, and that which pleases the most universally, is Fable, in whatsoever Shape it appears.’ See Bond, ed., The Spectator, IV, pp. 317–20 (317). 13. See Lewis, The English Fable, p. 7. 14. For later depictions of a levee’s hospitality giving way to casual abuse and neglect, see John Kelly, The Levee (London, 1741), pp. 8–10, 16–18; Tobias Smollett, The Adventures of Roderick Random, 2 vols. (London: Printed for J. Osborn, 1748), I, pp. 106–7, 115–21. 15. See Chapter 3. 16. See Daniel, ‘Political and Philosophical Uses’, p. 151. 17. For instance, ‘The Miser and Plutus’ in the first series of 1727, or ‘The Countryman and Jupiter’ from the second series of 1738. 18. Samuel Croxall, Fables of Aesop and Others (London: J. Tonson and J. Watts, 1722; repr. 1728). It was advertised in the Daily Journal on 17 May. 19. Croxall, Aesop and Others, Preface. 20. Patterson, Fables of Power, p. 144. 21. Lewis, The English Fable, p. 94. For a similar treatment of Croxall’s political bias, see David Whitley, ‘Samuel Richardson’s Aesop’, in Opening the Nursery Door: Reading, Writing and Childhood, 1600–1900, ed. Mary Hilton, Morag Styles and Victor Watson (London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 65–79. 22. Philip Ayres argues that a classical discourse of virtue was ‘not the pre- serve of the Whigs, though they might think of it as peculiarly theirs’. See Philip Ayres, Classical Culture and the Idea of Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 1. See also, Howard D. Weinbrot, Augustus Caesar in ‘Augustan’ England: The Decline of a Classical Norm (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Addison Ward, ‘The Tory View of Roman History’, Studies in Eighteenth Century Literature 1500–1900 4:3 (1964), 413–56. 23. Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable, pp. 32–3. 24. See James Sambrook, ‘Samuel Croxall’, ODNB; among the works in question are An Original Canto of Spencer [sic] (London: J. Roberts, 1714) and The Vision (London: J. Tonson, 1715). 25. Samuel Croxall, A Sermon Preached before the House of Commons (London: J. Roberts, 1729 [1730]), p. 11. 26. As is also noted in the ODNB, John ‘Orator’ Henley was one of the main opponents of Croxall’s sermon. His facetious pamphlet, Light in a Candlestick (London: Printed for J. Roberts, 1730) mostly quibbles on Croxall’s defini- tion of ‘wicked’. 27. ‘Dr Croxall to Sir Robert Walpole’, in The London Miscellany (London: A. Moore, 1730), pp. 7–10 (9). 28. ‘Dr Croxall to Sir Robert Walpole’, p. 9. 29. See Contributions to the Craftsman, ed. Simon Varey (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), xxv; Simon Varey, ‘The Craftsman’, in Telling People What Notes 197

to Think: Eighteenth-Century Periodicals from The Review to The Rambler, ed. J. A. Downie and Thomas N. Corns (London: Frank Cass, 1993), pp. 58–77; Lashmore-Davies, ‘Moral Reform’, p. 7; Harris, London Newspapers, p. 122. 30. See Loveridge’s discussion of how ‘manner of discourse is a main target of fable’, and how this opens up works by Gay, Swift and others to oppositional co-option. See Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable, p. 190. 31. Croxall, Aesop and Others, p. 37. 32. Croxall, Aesop and Others, p. 24. For examples of ‘great man’ being used as a soubriquet for Walpole, see Craftsman 345, 10 February 1733, already quoted in Chapter 1, and Bickham’s 1740 print, The Stature of a Great Man, or the English Colossus (BM Satires 2458). For debates about the political signifi- cance of Fielding’s Jonathan Wild, see Chapter 7. 33. Croxall, Aesop and Others, p. 4. 34. See Hanazaki, ‘Verse Fables’, pp. 28–30. 35. London Journal 483, 2 November 1728. 36. Common Sense or The Englishman’s Journal 138, 22 September 1739. The fable is itself indebted to John Gay’s tale of ‘The Monkey who had seen the World’, which is discussed later in this chapter. 37. The Congress of Beasts (London: A. More, n.d.), p. 20. David Foxon hypothesises 1728 as the text’s date of publication, but there is little internal evidence besides its dedication to a ‘certain She Monster’ who may or may not represent Queen Caroline. See David F. Foxon, English Verse, 1701–1750, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), C367. The author’s given name, obviously a pseudonym, is Bestia de Silva. For reflections on Bolingbroke’s own youth- ful indiscretion with regard to wine and women – an obvious inspiration for the panther’s character – see H. T. Dickinson, Bolingbroke (London: Constable, 1970), p. 6. 38. Croxall, Aesop and Others, p. 327. 39. Croxall, Aesop and Others, p. 86. 40. Croxall, Aesop and Others, p. 86. 41. Roger L’Estrange, Fables of Aesop and Other Eminent Mythologists (London, 1694), p. 33. 42. Croxall, Aesop and Others, p. 8. For Walpole’s ‘deliberate coarse, rustic habits’ and joy at overcoming his humble roots, see Plumb, The King’s Minister, p. 91. 43. Croxall, Aesop and Others, p. 8. 44. Hanazaki, ‘Verse Fables’, p. 124. 45. Hanazaki, ‘Verse Fables’, p. 127. 46. Patrick Delany, The Pheasant and the Lark (Dublin, 1730), p. 3. For useful notes on the poem and on Swift’s answer, see The Poems of Patrick Delany, ed. Robert Hogan (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2006). 47. See Patrick Delany, An Epistle to His Excellency John Lord Carteret, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (Dublin: G. Grierson, 1730). 48. For Walpole’s strategy in removing Carteret to Ireland see David Hayton, ‘Walpole and Ireland’, in Britain in the Age of Walpole, ed. Jeremy Black (London: Macmillan, 1984), pp. 95–119. For Carteret’s friendship with Swift, including the observation that ‘the two men always thoroughly understood each other’, see Archibald Ballantyne, Lord Carteret: A Political Biography, 1690–1763 (London: Richard Bentley and Sons, 1887), pp. 141–5. 198 Notes

49. Delany, Pheasant and Lark, p. 7. 50. Delany, Pheasant and Lark, p. 8. 51. See Swift’s Poems, pp. 420–2 (420). 52. Swift’s Poems, p. 420. 53. The OED discusses the phrase in definition 1(b) for ‘roast’, locating its earli- est usage in the sixteenth century but uncovering no evidence for its precise origin. 54. Delany, Pheasant and Lark, p. 3. 55. Swift’s Poems, p. 420. 56. Swift’s Poems, p. 421. 57. Helen Deutsch, ‘Swift’s Poetics of Friendship’, in Politics and Literature in the Age of Swift: English and Irish Perspectives, ed. Claude Rawson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 140–61 (144). 58. Swift’s Poems, p. 421. 59. Swift’s Poems, pp. 336–43. 60. Swift’s Poems, p. 343. 61. Swift’s Poems, pp. 343–4 (343). 62. See for instance, John Dennis’s recognition of himself in the Spectator, as described by Pope in The Narrative of Dr Norris (1713). The Prose Works of Alexander Pope: The Earlier Works, 1711–1720, ed. Norman Ault (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1936), pp. 155–68 (166). For further discussion of the politi- cal implications of misreading in Swift’s fables, see Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable, pp. 208–9. 63. John Gay, Fables (London: Printed for J. Tonson and J. Watts, 1727), p. 48. 64. Dianne Dugaw, “Deep Play”: John Gay and the Invention of Modernity (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2001), p. 248. 65. Swift’s Poems, p. 343. 66. Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable, p. 214. 67. See Jonathan Swift, Gulliver’s Travels (1726), ed. Paul Turner (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 260, 362. 68. See, for instance, Gulliver’s Travels, p. 60. 69. Gulliver’s Travels, p. 274. 70. Gulliver’s Travels, p. 282. 71. Gulliver’s Travels, p. 260. 72. Gulliver’s Travels, p. 261. 73. Gulliver’s Travels, p. 247. 74. Anthony Ashley Cooper, third Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times (1711), ed. Lawrence E. Klein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 244; see book two of the ‘Inquiry Concerning Virtue or Merit’ (p. 205) for a moment at which Shaftesbury seems to advocate a far more universal benevolent sense: ‘Whatever affec- tion we have towards anything besides ourselves, if it be not of the natural sort towards the system or kind, it must be of all other affections the most dissociable and destructive of the enjoyments of society.’ 75. George Lyttelton refers to the gift in a letter to Pope of 22 December 1736, noting that the gift of the dog coincided with Frederick receiving the free- dom of the city. See Pope’s Correspondence, p. 48. 76. For Pope’s brief and unsatisfactory role within the Patriot literary movement, see Gerrard, Patriot Opposition, pp. 76–95; Goldgar, Walpole and the Wits, p. 42. Notes 199

77. Pope’s Poems, p. 826. 78. See the nightmarish description of the court’s flattery in Bolingbroke, Patriot King, p. 41: ‘All the prostitutes who set themselves to sale, all the locusts who devour the land, with crowds of spies, parasites, and syco- phants, will surround the throne under the patronage of such ministers; and whole swarms of little, noisome, nameless insects will hum and buzz in every corner of the court.’ 79. W. K. Thomas, ‘His Highness’ Dog at Kew’, College English 30:7 (1969), 581–6. 80. Thomas, ‘His Highness’ Dog’, p. 584. 81. See Chapter 1 of the present study. 82. Mary Barber, A Tale Being an Addition to Mr Gay’s Fables (Dublin: S. Powell, 1728), p. 6. 83. ‘A Farewell to London. In the Year 1715’ (published 1775), in Pope’s Poems, pp. 245–6 (246). 84. ‘Epitaph. On Mr Gay. In Abbey’, in Pope’s Poems, p. 818. 85. Pope’s Poems, p. 818. 86. Dugaw, “Deep Play”, p. 244. Such a view might be contrasted with Patricia Meyer Spacks’s statement that fable restrains Gay’s tendency to over- sympathise with his creations. In her words, ‘the possibilities become con- trollable’. See Patricia Meyer Spacks, John Gay (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1965), p. 94. 87. See Dugaw, “Deep Play”, p. 243. 88. See Edwin Graham, ‘John Gay’s Second Series, the Craftsman in Fables’, Papers on Language and Literature 5:1 (1969), 17–25 (24, n. 10). 89. See Nokes, Profession of Friendship, pp. 401–6. 90. See Adina Forsgren, John Gay: Poet “of a Lower Order”, 2 vols. (Stockholm: Natur och Kultur, 1971), II, pp. 111–30. 91. See Loveridge’s point that Gay’s fables display ‘a constant flux between flat- tery and satire’. Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable, p. 232. 92. Forsgren, Poet “of a Lower Order”, p. 180. See also Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable, pp. 225–6. Loveridge notes that the dedication is ‘socially and artistically provoking’ as well as ‘proleptically ironic’ (226). 93. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 2. 94. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 5. 95. For further discussion of the above extract and a similar interpretation to my own, see Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable, pp. 237–8. 96. See also Loveridge, A History of Augustan Fable, p. 225. 97. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 6. 98. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 65. 99. My emphasis on ‘self-knowledge’ is indebted to Patricia Meyer Spacks’s analysis of the Fables in Meyer Spacks, John Gay, p. 101. 100. ‘Friend sets his friend, without regard / And ministers his skill reward.’ Gay, Fables (1727), p. 103. 101. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 24. 102. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 170. 103. Along similar lines, Lewis notes the complicity of the hare in her predica- ment and, by extension, the position of ‘servile sociability’ negotiated by Gay in the Fables as a whole. Lewis, The English Fable, p. 161. 200 Notes

104. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 78. 105. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 79. 106. Gay, Fables (1727), p. 80. 107. Barber, A Tale, p. 7. 108. See ‘The Dog and the Fox’ in The Craftsman 237 (16 January 1731). 109. Fables. By the late Mr Gay (London: J. and P. Knapton, and T. Cox, 1738), pp. 79, 89. 110. Fables. By the Late Mr Gay, p. 91. 111. See Lewis’s statement that the poems of 1738 ‘try to reclaim fables as suitable to the honestus vir’s cultural position, a position whose authority comes of separateness and self-containment’. Lewis, The English Fable, p. 179. 112. See Lewis, The English Fable, pp. 183–4. 113. Fables. By the Late Mr Gay, p. 59. 114. Fables. By the Late Mr Gay, p. 59.

7 Friendship and Criminality

1. Douglas Hay, ‘Property, Authority and the Criminal Law’, in Albion’s Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England, ed. Douglas Hay (London: Allen Lane, 1975), pp. 17–63 (63). 2. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (London: Penguin, 1979; originally published, Allen Lane, 1977), p. 49. 3. E. P. Thompson, ‘The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century’, Past and Present 50 (1971), 76–136 (120). 4. Mandeville, Grumbling Hive, p. 24. 5. [Bernard Mandeville], A Modest Defence of Publick Stews: or, An Essay upon Whoring (London: Printed by A. Moore, 1724), p. 8. 6. M. M. Goldsmith, ‘Public Virtue and Private Vices: Bernard Mandeville and English Political Ideologies in the Early Eighteenth Century’, Eighteenth- Century Studies 9:4 (1976), 477–510 (489). 7. Frank McLynn, Crime and Punishment in Eighteenth-Century England (London: Routledge, 1989), pp. 22–30; Gerald Howson, Thief-Taker General: The Rise and Fall of Jonathan Wild (London: Hutchinson and Co., 1970). 8. Howson, Thief-Taker General, p. 6. 9. Accounts consulted include [H.D.], The Life of Jonathan Wild, from his Birth to his Death (London: Printed for T. Warner, 1725); The Life and Glorious Actions of the Most Heroic and Magnanimous Jonathan Wilde (London, 1725); [Daniel Defoe], The True and Genuine Account of the Life and Actions of the Late Jonathan Wild (London: John Applebee, 1725); The History of the Lives and Actions of Jonathan Wild, Thief-Taker. Joseph Blake, alias Blueskin, Foot-Pad. And John Sheppard, Housebreaker (London: Printed for Edward Midwinter, 1725). 10. [H.D.], Life of Jonathan Wild, p. 14. 11. [H.D.], Life of Jonathan Wild, p. 16. 12. Life and Glorious Actions, p. 53. 13. [Defoe], True and Genuine Account, p. 14. 14. History of the Lives and Actions, Preface. 15. Life and Glorious Actions, p. 63. Notes 201

16. See McLynn, Crime and Punishment, p. 28; Howson, Thief-Taker General, pp. 207–26. 17. Robert Shoemaker, The London Mob: Violence and Disorder in Eighteenth- Century England (London: Hambledon and London, 2004), p. 99. 18. Vic Gatrell, The Hanging Tree: Execution and the English People, 1770–1868 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 100. 19. Henry Fielding, Miscellanies, 3 vols. (London: A. Millar, 1743), III; later pub- lished with revisions as Henry Fielding, The Life of Mr Jonathan Wild the Great (London: Printed for A. Millar, 1754). 20. See, for instance, Wilbur L. Cross, The History of Henry Fielding, 3 vols. (London: Yale University Press, 1918). 21. Martin C. Battestin, ‘Fielding’s Changing Politics and Joseph Andrews’, Philological Quarterly 39 (1960), 39–55. See also Frederick G. Ribble, ‘Fielding’s Rapprochement with Walpole in Late 1741’, Philological Quarterly 80:1 (2001), 71–81; Hollis Rinehart, ‘The Role of Walpole in Fielding’s Jonathan Wild’, English Studies in Canada 5:4 (1979), 420–31 (420). 22. For such an argument, see Rinehart, ‘Role of Walpole’, pp. 422–5. 23. Thomas Keymer, ‘Cough Up’, London Review of Books 30:22 (20 November 2008), 32–3 (33). 24. Treadwell Ruml II, ‘Jonathan Wild and the Epistemological Gulf Between Virtue and Vice’, Studies in the Novel 21:2 (1989), 117–27 (126); Ruml writes in response to Michael McKeon, Origins of the English Novel, 1600–1740 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987). 25. Fielding, Miscellanies, III, p. 218. 26. Fielding, Miscellanies, III, p. 155. For similar arguments concerning Fielding’s use of irony in Jonathan Wild, see Paula McDowell, ‘Narrative Authority, Critical Complicity: The Case of Jonathan Wild’, Studies in the Novel 30:2 (1998), 211–31. 27. Cicero, De Amicitia, p. 197. 28. Fielding, Miscellanies, III, pp. 405, 407. 29. Fielding, Miscellanies, III, p. 419. 30. W. Walker Wilkins, Political Ballads of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Annotated, 2 vols. (London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1860), II, pp. 269–71 (271). A copy is held at the British Library; Wilkins dates the ballad to 1741, by which time the Duke of Argyll had been in more or less open opposition to Walpole for five years. 31. ‘Praise and Glory’, p. 139. 32. Michael Harris, ‘Literature and Commerce in Eighteenth-Century London: The Making of The Champion’, in Downie and Corns, eds., Telling People What to Think, pp. 95–115 (107). 33. The Champion 350, 6 February 1742. 34. John Gay, The Beggar’s Opera (London: John Watts, 1728), p. 3. 35. Graham Midgley notes that, in spite of an enduring hatred of Walpole’s close adviser and ecclesiastical ally, Edmund Gibson, Orator Henley remained loyal to the minister himself in both his writings and his ‘sermons’. Only after Walpole’s fall did Henley turn against the government, beginning to sound much like his own enemies in his choice of arguments and general political disillusionment. See Graham Midgley, The Life of Orator Henley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), pp. 35, 220–8. 202 Notes

36. McLynn, Crime and Punishment, p. 153. 37. Howson, Thief-Taker General, p. 224. 38. Peter Elfed Lewis, ‘Introduction’, in The Beggar’s Opera (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1973), pp. 1–42 (15). 39. Lewis, ‘Introduction’, p. 13. 40. Nokes, Profession of Friendship, p. 436. 41. Gay, Beggar’s Opera, p. 57. 42. Peter E. Lewis, ‘The Uncertainty Principle in The Beggar’s Opera’, Durham University Journal 72:2 (1980), 143–6 (146). 43. Sven M. Armens, John Gay, Social Critic (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1954), p. 61. 44. Gay, Beggar’s Opera, p. 56. 45. Gay, Beggar’s Opera, p. 17. 46. Smith and Taylor, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander’, p. 297; see also Jason M. Kelly, ‘Riots, Revelries, and Rumor: Libertinism and Masculine Association in Enlightenment London’, Journal of British Studies 45:4 (2006), 759–95 (764–5, 778). 47. See Kelly, ‘Riots, Revelries, and Rumor’, p. 773. 48. See Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, ‘A Man in Love’ and ‘The Lover. A Ballad’ in Halsband and Grundy, eds., Essays and Poems, pp. 233–6. 49. Lewis, ‘Introduction’, p. 18. 50. William Empson, Some Versions of (London: Chatto & Windus, 1950), p. 200. 51. Beggar’s Opera, p. 19. 52. Beggar’s Opera, p. 20. 53. Beggar’s Opera, p. 42. 54. Beggar’s Opera, p. 20. 55. Beggar’s Opera, p. 20. 56. Beggar’s Opera, p. 20. 57. Beggar’s Opera, p. 48. 58. Beggar’s Opera, p. 2. 59. Beggar’s Opera, p. 5. 60. Beggar’s Opera, p. 40. 61. Beggar’s Opera, p. 41. 62. This line is not included in the first edition of the play, but features in Air LVI, on p. 68 of 1728’s second edition. 63. The Craftsman 85, 17 February 1728. 64. John Gay, Polly: An Opera. Being the Second Part of the Beggar’s Opera (London, 1729). 65. Polly, p. 34. 66. Polly, pp. 36–7. 67. Polly, p. 35. 68. Polly, pp. 36–7. 69. Polly, p. 43. 70. Polly, p. 44. 71. Polly, p. 50. 72. Polly, p. 50. 73. Polly, p. 50. 74. Polly, pp. 68, 76. Notes 203

75. Polly, p. 84. 76. Polly, p. 78. 77. Memoirs of the Life and Manners of Captain Mackheath (London: Printed for A. Moore, 1728), p. 7; hereafter, Life and Manners. 78. Jerry C. Beasley, ‘Portraits of a Monster: Robert Walpole and Early English Prose Fiction’, Eighteenth Century Studies 14:4 (1981), 406–31 (425). 79. Life and Manners, pp. 17–18. 80. For the prominence of Locke in work by Court Whigs like Benjamin Hoadly, and for the contrasting resistance to Lockean contract theory in other pro- ministerial authors, see Browning, Political and Constitutional Ideas, pp. 87–8, 235–41. For more general reticence in the reception of Locke’s Two Treatises of Government (1689), see Dickinson, Liberty and Property, p. 10; J. P. Kenyon, Revolution Principles: The Politics of Party, 1689–1720 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp. 17–18. 81. Life and Manners, p. 19. 82. Life and Manners, p. 19. 83. Life and Manners, p. 30. 84. Life and Manners, p. 62. 85. Life and Manners, p. 54. 86. Life and Manners, p. 32. 87. For a text ridiculing the excesses of life at Houghton during the 1720s, see The Norfolk Congress: or a Full Account of their Hunting, Feasting and Merry- Making (London: [Printed for R. Light-body], [1728]). A series of ballads instead celebrating Houghton can be found at Yale’s Lewis Walpole Library, listed as Norfolk Verses (493469), and including The Norfolk Garland; or the Death of Reynard the Fox, Prosperity to Houghton and Houghton Hare-Hunting. For a later eighteenth-century reaction to this side of Walpole’s reputation, see Coxe, Memoirs of the Life and Administration, I, p. 758. For recent analysis, see Kathleen Mahaffey, ‘Timon’s Villa: Walpole’s Houghton’, Texas Studies in Literature and Language 9:2 (1967), 193–222; Gilly Lehmann, ‘Politics in the Kitchen’, Eighteenth-Century Life 23:2 (1999), 71–83.

Epilogue: Friendship and Rural Retreat

1. For the history of the idealistic trope of the ‘happy man’ and its particular rel- evance to the works of the third Earl of Shaftesbury, see Maren-Sofie Røstvig, The Happy Man: Studies in the of a Classical Ideal, 2 vols. (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1954–8). 2. Mack, The Garden and the City, p. 201. 3. Mack, The Garden and the City, p. 30. 4. Pope’s Poems, p. 689. 5. Mack, Alexander Pope, p. 501. For the well-established theory that Pope was more of a hostage than a friend to Walpole, see E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act (London: Allen Lane, 1975), p. 293. 6. See Field, The Kit-Cat Club, pp. 153–4. 7. See Patrick Woodland, ‘Robert Craggs Nugent’, ODNB. 8. Robert Craggs Nugent, Epistle to Sir Robert Walpole (London: R. Dodsley, 1739), p. 3. 204 Notes

9. See for instance the poet’s statement that he is a ‘Friend to those Merits all who hear must know’ (Nugent, Epistle, p. 12), and also his telling use of the word ‘safe’ when describing the retirement of a happy statesman (Nugent, Epistle, p. 4). 10. One might compare the Epistle with the anonymous The Statesman’s Mirrour, or Friendly Advice (London: J. Huggonson, [1741]), p. 7, with its praise for the ‘cheerful Friends’ who inhabit ‘H—n’s Shade’. 11. Coxe, Memoirs of the Life and Administration, I, pp. 762–3. 12. A Select Collection of Original Letters; Written by the most Eminent Persons, on various Entertaining Subjects, and on many Important Occasions, 2 vols. (London: J. and J. Rivington, and R. and J. Dodsley, 1755), II, p. 228. Bibliography

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Uncompiled periodicals Applebee’s Weekly Journal (1720–36) The Champion or Evening Advertiser (1739–43) Common Sense or the Englishman’s Journal (1737–43) Corn-Cutter’s Journal (1733–5) The Country Journal or the Craftsman (1726–50) Daily Gazetteer (1735–48) Daily Journal (1721–37) Daily Post (1719–46) Evening Post (1709–30) The Hyp-Doctor (c.1730–c.1736) The Independent London Journalist (1735) The London Journal (1720–44) The Occasional Writer (1727) The Political State of Great Britain (1711–40) St. James’s Evening Post (1715–57?) The True Briton (1723–4) The Weekly Journal: Or Saturday’s Post (1716–25) The Weekly Register; or, Universal Journal (1732–5) Whitehall Evening Post (1718–39)

Manuscript sources Charles Hanbury Williams MSS (Lewis Walpole Library) Cholmondeley Corresp. MSS (Cambridge University Library) Index

Addison, Joseph, 10, 196n Caroline, Queen, 84, 93, 104, 189n, Cato (1713), 93, 192n 197n see also The Spectator (1711–14) Carretta, Vincent, 69 Aesop, 109–12, 113, 116, 123, 195n Carteret, John, second Baron, 122, see also fable form 124 Alpers, Paul, 80 Cato the Elder, 89, 167 Anne, Queen Cato the Younger, 56, 93, 143 reign of, 9–11, 29, 110, 114, 191n Charitable Corporation, 69 Aristotle, 44, 59, 95, 177, 192n Chartres, Francis, 76 Armens, Sven M., 154 Chesterfield, Philip Stanhope, fourth Arnall, William, 179n, 186n Earl of, 92, 97 Atkins, G. Douglas, 70 Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 29–30, 32, 44, Atterbury Plot, 36 56–7, 88–9, 95, 99, 148, 173n, 177n, 186n, 187n Bacon, Sir Francis, 99, 188n Clark, J. C. D., 8, 93 Bank Contract, 24, 179n Cliveden, 102, 170, 194n Barber, Mary, 14, 132, 133, 136, 138 see also Frederick, Prince of Wales Bathurst, Allen Bathurst, first Baron, Cobham, Richard Temple, Viscount, 70–1, 73–82 54, 56, 92, 167 Battestin, Martin, 147 coffeehouses, 11, 61–2, 127, 165, 174, Beasley, Jerry C., 163 187n benevolence, 62–4, 71, 129 Congress of Beasts, The, 117, 197n Bentley, Richard, 111–12 contracts, 45–6, 48–9, 98, 118–19, Blackburn, Timothy, 40 164, 203n Blunt, Sir John, 78–9, 178n corruption, political, 1–2, 4, 55, 61, Bolingbroke, Henry St John, Viscount, 69, 74–6, 78, 79, 119, 132, 143, 7, 12, 32, 71–3, 106, 116, 117, 169, 172n 134, 167, 197n Court Whigs, 4, 9, 16, 53–68, 76, 80, Dissertation upon Parties (1733–4), 55 116, 159, 163, 164, 165, 168, Idea of a Patriot King, The (1749), 170–1 12, 86–8, 89–92, 93, 106, 130, Coxe, William, 171 168, 176n, 199n criminality, 39–40, 45, 51, 141–65, ‘Letter on the Spirit of Patriotism’ 166 (1735), 88–9, 191n Croxall, Samuel, 114–16 Bray, Alan, 101, 183n Fables of Aesop and Others (1722), Brooke, Henry 113–14, 116–21, 124, 134 Gustavus Vasa (1739), 93–9, 100, Cumberland, William, Duke of, 85, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106 92, 104, 134–5, 137 Browning, Reed, 55, 173n Curll, Edmund, 104 Bubb Dodington, George, 91 Davidow, Lawrence Lee, 12, 70 Cable, Mabel Hessler, 87 Davis, R. W., 8 Campbell, Jill, 56 Defoe, Daniel, 8, 25–6, 37, 52

218 Index 219

Anatomy of Exchange-Alley, The friendship (1719), 39–40, 43, 183–4n benefits of, 2, 3, 49–52, 66, 88, Captain Singleton (1720), 38–49, 51, 105–6, 118–19, 124, 138, 165 52, 56, 75 classical traditions of, 3, 12, 17, 88, Journal of the Plague Year, A (1722), 111–12 27, 49–52, 81 definitions of, 2, 16–17, 62–3, 164 True and Genuine Account [of] sexual desire and, 15–16, 38, 41, 56, Jonathan Wild, The (1725), 145 86, 155, 177n, 187n Delany, Patrick, 121–7, 132 Fuchs, Jacob, 72 Deutsch, Helen, 125 Digby, Robert, 37 Gatrell, Vic, 147 disinterest, 4, 6, 11–12, 48, 53, 57–8, Gay, John, 22, 34–5, 36, 37, 132–3 63, 67–8, 73, 88, 122, 124–5, 128, Beggar’s Opera, The (1728), 135, 151, 158, 166–7 153–9, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164 Dugaw, Dianne, 128, 133 correspondence, 32–4 Fables (1727), 113, 127–8, 132–8, Eckersall, James, 29–30, 34, 37 140, 161 Edwards, Averyl, 84 Fables (1738), 138–40, 161 Egmont, John Percival, first Earl Polly (1729), 159–63 of, 1–2, 3–5, 12, 14–15, 16, 54, general election of 1734, 1, 3, 54, 60, 118–19, 144 88, 173n Egmont, John Percival, second Earl of, George I, King, 31, 39, 114 1–2, 3, 54 George II, King, 84, 90, 93, 104, 115, Empson, William, 156 123–4, 131, 134, 137, 190n Engell, James, 74, 77 Gerrard, Christine, 87, 93–4, 194n Eriksson, Åke, 101 Goldsmith, M. M., 143 Erskine-Hill, Howard, 36, 42, 43 gossip, 4, 6, 80, 84, 187n excise crisis, 1, 13, 22, 24–7, 53, 60–8, see also rumour 69, 71, 79–80, 85, 88, 152 Graham, Edwin, 133 execution narratives, 144, 146, Gregg, Stephen, 38, 40 149–53 Gunn, J. A. W., 9, 11 fable form, 109–40, 166 Habermas, Jürgen, 5–7, 22, 28, 85, definitions of, 112–13 166, 174n, 175n political value of, 109–10 Hammond, Brean, 12, 72, 102 Field, Ophelia, 11 Hanazaki, Tomoko, 117, 121, 195n Fielding, Henry, 104, 149–50 Hanoverian succession, 10, 11, 43, 54–5 Jonathan Wild (1743), 116, 147–9, Harris, Michael, 149–50 156 Hart, Jeffrey, 90 Joseph Andrews (1742), 43 Hay, Douglas, 142, 145 Forsgren, Adina, 134 Henley, John, 24, 151–2, 196n, 201n Fortescue, William, 34–7, 73, 74 Hentzi, Gary, 25 Foucault, Michel, 142 Hervey, John Hervey, second Baron, Fox, Henry, 59 13–16, 55–6, 76, 80, 85–6, 88, Fox, Stephen, 15, 59 96, 106 Frederick, Prince of Wales, 59, 81, Conduct of the Opposition, The 83–7, 88, 90–3, 94, 95, 96, 99, (1734), 54–6, 57–9, 60–1, 63, 68 100, 102–3, 104–6, 130–2, Memoirs, 57, 59, 64–8, 93 189n Hobbes, Thomas, 97, 156, 158 220 Index

Houghton Hall, 165, 170–1, 203n Nicholson, Colin, 22, 32 Howson, Gerald, 153 Nokes, David, 11, 154–5 Hungerford, John, 36 nostalgia, 29, 75, 76, 168 Novak, Maximillian, 39, 183–4n, 185n impartiality, 10, 57, 126, 170 Nugent, Robert Craggs, 169–70, 171

Jacobitism, 31, 39, 59, 85, 87, 93–4, obligation, 4, 15, 51–2, 63 110, 127, 183, 191n opposition to Walpole Jones, Hester, 12 heterogeneity of, 2, 9, 56, 114 legitimacy of, 2, 9, 88, 93 Kew, 130 see also party; Tories Keymer, Thomas, 148 Ormonde, Mary Somerset, Duchess Key to the Beggar’s Opera (1728), 158–9 of, 14, 31–2 Kit-Cat Club, 11, 169 Oxford, Robert Harley, Earl of, 11, Klein, Lawrence E., 10 31, 75

Lashmore-Davies, Adrian, 89 Parker, Fred, 71–2 L’Estrange, Sir Roger, 113–14, 119 party, 3, 7–10, 11, 36–7, 63, 77, 78–9, levees, 1, 5, 26, 30, 69–70, 105, 112, 91, 110, 152 118, 145–6, 147, 173, 196n Patriot movement, 13, 76–8, 83–106, Lewis, Jayne Elizabeth, 110–12, 114, 131, 143, 147, 169–70 139 Patterson, Annabel, 110, 114, 195n Lewis, Peter Elfed, 153–6 Peltonen, Markku, 10 Life and Manners of Captain Mackheath periodicals (1728), 163–5 Applebee’s Weekly Journal (1720–36), Locke, John, 40, 54, 164 28, 65 Loftis, John, 101–2 Champion, The (1739–43), 149–53, Loveridge, Mark, 110, 114, 128–9, 154 197n, 199n Common Sense (1737–43), 117 Corn-Cutter’s Journal (1733–5), 25–6 Machiavelli, Niccolò, 90 Craftsman, The (1726–50), 26–7, 55, Mack, Maynard, 12, 168 116, 133, 138, 158, 197n Mallet, David Daily Post (1719–46), 84 Alfred: A Masque (1740), 102–4, 194n Hyp-Doctor, The (c.1730–c.1736), Mustapha (1739), 99–102, 103, 104 24, 151 Mandeville, Bernard, 54 London Journal, The (1720–44), 24, Fable of the Bees, The (1714), 110, 143 61–4, 117 Modest Defence of Publick Stews, Whitehall Evening Post (1718–39), A (1724), 143 187n McKillop, A. D., 103, 194n Phillipson, Nicholas, 10 McLynn, Frank, 153 Pitt, James, 24, 61–4, 66, 71, 129, Memoirs and History of Prince Titi, The 179n (1736), 104–6 Pocock, J. G. A., 8, 10, 175n, 189n monarchy, cultures of, 85, 87–8 politeness, 9–11, 90 Montaigne, Michel de, 99, 177n Pope, Alexander, 11–12, 15, 22–3, 39, 42–3, 52, 59–60, 67, 87, 132–3, 167 Namier, Sir Lewis, 7–8 correspondence, 29–30, 34–5, 37, Newcastle, Thomas Pelham-Holles, 133, 138–9 Duke of, 42, 184n Dunciad, The (1728), 22, 85, 178n Index 221

‘Epigram. Engraved on the Collar of speculation, 21–2, 29–31, 35, 37, 39, a Dog’ (1738), 130–2 43, 52, 53, 62, 70, 76, 78–80, 83, Epilogue to the Satires (1738), 168–70 85, 146 Epistle to Bathurst (1733), 22, 37, 43, Stage Licensing Act (1737), 93, 104 53, 69–70, 73–82, 168 Stanhope, James Stanhope, first Earl, Epistle to Dr Arbuthnot (1735), 56, 23 60, 88, 112 Stowe, 92, 103, 167, 170 Essay on Man (1733–4), 71–2 see also Cobham, Richard Temple, Imitations of Horace (1733–7), 35–7, Viscount 71–3, 74 Sunderland, Charles Spencer, third ‘Second Satire of Dr John Donne’ Earl of, 23, 178n (1735), 42 Swift, Jonathan, 32–4, 121–32, 138–9, pragmatism, 7–8, 54–58, 60, 63, 64, 181n, 183n 65–7 Battle of the Books, The (1704), Pulteney, William, 56, 59, 177n, 187n 111–12 correspondence, 31–2, 33–4, 43 Quakers, 30, 43–47, 181n fabulistic poetry, 121, 123–8 Queensberry, Catherine Douglas, Gulliver’s Travels (1726), 121, Duchess of, 161, 181n, 182n 128–30, 139 investments, 22, 32–3, 180n Ralph, James, 150 South Sea poetry, 30–1, 35 retirement, 13, 45–8, 89, 103, 122, ‘To Mr Gay’ (1731), 42 167–71 Richetti, John, 49 Tadmor, Naomi, 2, 166, 193n Rogers, Pat, 26, 39, 49 Taylor, Stephen, 85–6, 95, 155 rumour, 39, 43, 49, 53, 56, 60–2, 74, Thomas, W. K., 131 80, 83, 84, 99 Thompson, E. P., 142, 153 Thomson, James Scarborough, Richard Lumley, second Alfred: A Masque (1740), 102–4, 194n Earl of, 66 Edward and Eleonora (1739), 101–2 Schonhorn, Manuel, 40, 41 Sophonisba (1730), 102 Scriblerus club, 22, 30, 42, 128 Tancred and Sigismunda (1745), 101 see also Gay, John; Pope, Alexander; Tighe, Richard, 126–8 Swift, Jonathan Tonson, Jacob, 11, 128 Seneca, 88 Tories, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11–12, 29, 31, 33, see also friendship, benefits of 37, 60, 77, 114, 126, 131 Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper, see also opposition to Walpole; third Earl of, 10, 129, 130 party Shakespeare, William, 92, 97, 103, 162 Townshend, Charles Townshend, Sheppard, Jack, 147, 153, 154, 155 second Viscount, 23, 154 Sherburn, George, 29 Turley, Hans, 40, 41–2, 48 Shoemaker, Robert, 147 Skerrett, Maria, 14, 79–80 Vane, Anne, 86, 189–90n Smith, Hannah, 85–6, 95, 155 virtue, 2–3, 6, 10–11, 29, 32, 52, 53, South Sea crisis, 11, 21–3, 25–37, 39, 58, 62–3, 66–8, 75, 86, 88–9, 95–6, 40, 43, 45, 47, 48, 49, 52, 61, 65, 106, 132, 143, 154, 162, 173n 69, 70, 72, 76, 78–80, 85 Spectator, The (1711–14), 10, 196n, Walcott, Robert, 7–8 198n Walpole, Horatio, 145, 151–2 222 Index

Walpole, Sir Robert, 1–5, 11, 14–15, surrender of Excise Bill, 63–8 22–4, 26–7, 37, 55, 58, 59, 117, virtue of, 4–5, 64–8 119, 141, 147–8, 153–4, 158–9, Walter, Peter, 42–3, 44, 46, 76, 146 168–71 Ward, Edward, 27 correspondence, 171 Wasserman, Earl R., 70, 188n nicknames, 116, 151, 154, 197n Whiggism, 7, 9–11, 37, 39, 54–5, Norfolk background of, 120, 165, 172–3n 203n see also Court Whigs; party retirement from politics, 115, 150, Wild, Jonathan, 141, 144–9, 150, 151, 152–3, 171 153, 155 romantic life of, 79–80, 155 William III, King, 54, 77, 110 Some Consideration concerning the Wortley Montagu, Lady Mary, 14–15, Publick Funds (1735), 23–4 76, 155, 177n, 180n