A STUDY on JAPAN's REACTION to the 1973 OIL CRISIS By

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A STUDY on JAPAN's REACTION to the 1973 OIL CRISIS By A STUDY ON JAPAN'S REACTION TO THE 1973 OIL CRISIS By ATSUSHI YAMAKOSHI B.A., Waseda University, 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Interdisciplinary Studies) (Commerce/Economics/Political Science) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1986 (c) Atsushi Yamakoshi, 1986 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department Of Interdisciplinary Studies The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date June 1986 )E-6 (3/81) Abstract The object of this dissertation is to investigate Japan's reaction to the 1973 oil crisis in order to answer two major questions. First, why and how was Japan able to recover from the 1973 oil crisis? Secondly, what was distinctive about Japan's reaction to the oil crisis as compared with the reactions of other countries? Chapter One provides a general review of the 1973 oil crisis. It also discusses the focus and the basic methodology of this dissertation. Chapter Two examines the political aspects of Japan's reaction to the oil crisis. At the beginning of the 1970's, the Japanese political scene was in a state of historical transition mainly because the. opinions of Japanese people were becoming diversified after the accomplishment of extensive economic growth. The 1973 oil crisis reflected the differences of opinion in the government and the conflict of interests among industrial sectors. This chapter pays special attention to Japan's bureaucracy in facing the oil crisis. Chapter Three discusses the economic aspects of Japan's reaction to the oil crisis. The oil crisis created great confusion within the Japanese economy because it occurred at the time of the inflationary situation after the "Nixon Shock" in 1971. However, Japan recovered from the crisis by changing its industrial structure. The oil crisis elucidated the vulnerability, efficiency and flexibility of the i i Japanese economy. Chapter Four deals with the business aspects of Japan's reaction. Japanese business leaders tried to influence the decision-making process of the Japanese government through the activities of four major business organizations: Keidanren, Nissho, Nikkeiren and Doyukai. Companies made efforts to rationalize their production process by decreasing intermediate inputs. These rationalization efforts decreased demand for the materials produced by oil-reliant industries and accelerated the structural change in Japanese industry. The cooperative relations between the government and business and between management and labour moderated the friction caused by this structural change. Chapter Five offers the major findings of the preceding chapters. Based on those findings, it concludes that Japan's recovery from the 1973 oil crisis was accomplished by the voluntary commitment of various social factions to solving the problems caused by the crisis rather than by the consensual efforts led by the government. This voluntary commitment is recognized as the most distinctive feature in the Japanese reaction to the oil crisis. Table of Contents CHAPTER ONE THE NATURE OF THIS THESIS 1 1. WHAT WAS THE 1973 OIL CRISIS? 2 2. THE FOCUS OF THIS THESIS 6 3. TABLES 8 CHAPTER TWO THE POLITICAL ASPECTS OF JAPAN'S REACTION TO THE 1973 OIL CRISIS 11 1. THE JAPANESE GOVERNMENT SYSTEM AND THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE EARLY 1970'S 13 2. THE ACTIONS TAKEN BY THE GOVERNMENT FACING THE CRISIS 19 3. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE POLITICAL REACTION TO THE OIL CRISIS 32 4. TABLES 39 CHAPTER THREE THE ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF JAPAN'S REACTION TO THE 1973 OIL CRISIS 42 1. THE JAPANESE ECONOMIC STRUCTURE 44 2. THE IMPACTS OF THE 1973 OIL CRISIS AND JAPAN'S ECONOMIC REACTION 54 3. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE ECONOMIC REACTION TO THE OIL CRISIS 67 4. TABLES 70 CHAPTER FOUR THE BUSINESS ASPECTS OF JAPAN'S REACTION TO THE 1973 OIL CRISIS 85 1. THE POLITICAL REACTION OF JAPANESE BUSINESS TO THE OIL CRISIS 86 2. THE ECONOMIC REACTION OF JAPANESE BUSINESS TO THE OIL CRISIS 94 3. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE BUSINESS REACTION TO THE OIL CRISIS 98 4. TABLES 104 iv CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY 113 APPENDIX A JAPANESE VIEW ON CANADA'S REACTION TO THE 1973 OIL CRISIS 116 1. THE POLITICAL ASPECTS 116 2. THE ECONOMIC ASPECTS 124 3. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CANADIAN REACTION TO THE OIL CRISIS 127 4. TABLES 132 v List of Tables (Chapter One) 1- 1. Structure of Energy Dependence of Major Industrial Countries 8 1-2. A Basic Concept 9 1- 3. Some Aspects of Japan's Reaction to the 1973 Oil Crisis 10 (Chapter Two) 2- 1. The Number of Seats in the Diet by Japanese Political Parties 39 2- 2. Major Members of Tanaka's Cabinet 40 2- 3. Prime Ministers of Japan ( 1 946-1 985) 41 (Chapter Three) 3- 1. Economic Growth Rates of Major Countries 70 3- 2. Comparison of Targets set by the National Income- Doubling Plan and Actual Economic Performance 71 3- 3. Household Saving Rates of Major Countries 73 3- 4. The Growth of Japanese Foreign Trade 74 3- 5. Major Japanese Trade Items 75 3- 6. The Shift in the Japanese Postwar Industrial Structure 76 3- 7. The Shift in Japanese Energy Supply 77 3- 8. Smithsonian Rates of Major Currencies 78 3- 9. U.S. International Liquidity Position 78 3-10. Change in Oil Prices 79 3-11. Major Japanese Economic Indices (1972-1975) 79 3-12. Growth of Real GNP in Seven Industrial Countries and the OECD 80 3-13. Wholesale Price Indices: International Comparison ..81 3-14. Balance of Internationalv i Payments ." 82 3-15. Current Balances of OECD Countries 83 3- 16. Total Foreign Exchange Reserves of Major Industrial Countries and OPEC Countries 84 (Chapter Four) 4- 1. Changes in Intermediate Inputs in the Processing Industry 104 4- 2. Productivity Increase in the Processing Industry ..105 4- 3. The Ratio of Business Establishments Implementing Employment Adjustment 105 (Appendix) A- 1. Some Aspects of the Japanese and Canadian Reactions to the 1973 Oil Crisis 132 A- 2. Consumer Price Indices: International Comparison ..133 A- 3. Current Balances of Major Industrial Countries ....134 A- 4. Canadian Merchandise Trade 135 A- 5. Changes in Labour Costs and Profits per Unit of Output 136 A- 6. Production Shares by Sectors, Selected Years 1870-1 974 137 A- 7. Employment Shares by Economic Sector and Industry .138 A- 8. Foreign Ownership Control of Canadian Industry ....139 A- 9. Exploitable Oil Reserves in Canada 140 A-10. Provincial Shares in the Manufacturing Sector (1980) 141 A-11. The Top Ten Industrials ( 1983) 142; vii Acknowledgements Five people contributed significantly to the completion of this dissertation. They are Dr. Ilan B. Vertinsky, Dr. J. W. C. Tomlinson, Dr. Malcolm D. H. Smith, Dr. Peter N. Nemetz and, in particular, Dr. Terence G. McGee. I would like to thank them all. This study was made possible by financial support from the Institute of Asian Research of UBC, the federal government of Canada, and the Keidanren. I thank these organizations and appreciate Dr. McGee's cooperation in obtaining this support. I would also like to thank Dr. Frank C. Langdon. Special thanks to my Keidanren colleagues for helping me complete my two-year study at UBC successfully. Finally but most importantly I thank my parents for their encouragement and support. viii CHAPTER ONE THE NATURE OF THIS THESIS The world economy is currently facing increased political tension among industrialized countries, particularly given growing protectionism in the world trade system. It may be argued that Japan, the main target of criticism by European and North American countries because of its rapidly increasing exports and its "closed" market, is both the cause and victim of such increased tension.1 It is often argued that political tensions in the world economy increased mainly because Japan recovered from the two oil crises in the 1970's more successfully than other industrial countries. According to this argument, the cause of political tensions should be found in the way Japan 1The political tension surrounding Japan is symbolized by the phrase "trade friction." This friction can be classified into three major categories: Japanese exports, the Japanese market, and Japanese policy and economic structure. Topics concerning Japanese exports include the export of such products as textiles, steel, colour TV sets, automobiles, machine tools and electronics, and policy measures related to Japanese exports such as voluntary export restraint and local content proposals. Topics concerning the Japanese market include the market for such products as telecommunication equipment, beef and oranges as well as policy measures such as tariffs and non-tariff barriers (NTB). Topics concerning Japanese policy include agricultural policy, defense policy, industrial policy and the internationalization of the yen, and those concerning the Japanese economic structure include the distribution system and intra-group transactions. In addition to these topics, even such issues as Japanese culture and language sometimes become the topics of trade friction. 1 2 recovered from the oil crises and in how the Japanese recovery differed from that of other industrial countries. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how Japan reacted to the oil crisis of 1973.
Recommended publications
  • Oil Wars by Mamdouh G
    International Association for Energy Economics | 17 Oil Wars By Mamdouh G. Salameh* The 20th century was truly the century of oil whilst the 21st century could be that of peak oil and the re- sulting oil wars. No other commodity has been so intimately intertwined with national strategies and global politics and power as oil. The close connection between oil and conflict derives from its vital importance to the economy and military power of nations, its irregular geographical distribution and peak oil. In the Cold War years, the battle for the control of oil resources between international oil companies and developing countries was a major incentive and inspiration behind the great drama of de-coloniza- tion and emergent nationalism. Yet oil has also proved that it can be a blessing for some and a curse for others. Since its discovery, it has bedevilled the Middle East and the world at large with conflicts and wars.1 However, with dwindling global oil reserves and fast-rising oil demand, the economics and geopoli- tics of oil suggest that there could be more oil wars in coming years. Oil Is a Leading Cause of War There is no doubt that oil is a leading cause of war. Oil fuels international conflict through four distinct mechanisms: (1) resource wars, in which states try to acquire oil reserves by force; (2) the ex- ternalization of civil wars in oil-producing states (Libya, for an example); (3) conflicts triggered by the prospect of oil-market domination, such as the United States' war with Iraq over Kuwait in 1991; and (4) clashes over control of oil transit routes such as shipping lanes and pipelines (closure of the Strait of Hormuz, for example).
    [Show full text]
  • Coal Utilization Study Nov 1981.Pdf
    Project No. 299.13.24 BRITISH COLUMBIA HYDRO AND POWER AUTHORITY HAT CREEK COAL UTILIZATION STUDY Novembeti 1981 BY North American Mining Consultants, Inc. Yonge-Eglinton Center, 2300 Yonge Street Toronto, Ontario, Canada M4P-2W6 This report was prepared by North American Mining Consultants, Inc., for British Columbia Hydra 6 Power Authority. It is neither intended nor authorized for use other than for the purposes specified in the Agreement between British Columbia Hydro 6 Power Authority and North American Mining Consultants, Inc. Neither party shall be liable to any third party for the injury, loss or damage howsoever arising out of the use of this report. I i I TABLE OF CONTENTS I Section Page I INDEX OF TABLES iii I INDEX OF FIGURES ix EXECUTIVE SUtiRY xiii I INTRODUCTION 1 I GENERALTECHNICAL CONSIDERATIONS 5 2.1 Coal Properties 5 I 2.2 Coal Beneficiation 24 2.3 Coal Preparation for Conversion I Processes 32 2.4 Coal Conversion 34 I 2.5 Hat Creek Coal in Water Treatment 53 3 COAL PROCESSING 55 I 3.1 Basis of Process Selection 55 3.2 Synthetic Fuel Specifications 60 I 3.3 Projected Process Data for Hat Creek Coal 65 I 4 PRODUCTMARKETS 83 4.1 World Oil Outlook 83 I 4.2 Canadian Oil Outlook 88 4.3 Upgraded Solid Products . 96 I 4.4 Gaseous Products 99 4.5 Upgraded Liquid Products 113 I 4.6 Methanol 124 4.7 Benzene, Toluene, Xylenes 139 I 4.8 Ammonia 144 I I ii I Section Page I 5 ECONOMICANALYSIS 158 5.1 Conversion Processes - Basis of I Selection 158 5.2 Financial Criteria and Assumptions 168 5.3 Sensitivity Analyses 183 I I 6 ENVIRONMENTALCONSIDERATIONS 200 I 6.1 General Remarks 200 6.2 Applicable Standards 202 I 6.3 Steam Generation 209 6.4 Coal Conversion Processes 217 I 6.5 Toxic and Hazardous Considerations 251 6.6 Relative Impact Comparison between Coal Conversion and Power Generation I Facilities 259 I 7 263 I B;BLIOGRAPHY 266 I APPENDICES Appendix A 14.
    [Show full text]
  • Suspected Imperialist Plots and the Chaco War Roniger, Luis; Senkman, Leonardo
    www.ssoar.info Fuel for Conspiracy: Suspected Imperialist Plots and the Chaco War Roniger, Luis; Senkman, Leonardo Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Roniger, L., & Senkman, L. (2019). Fuel for Conspiracy: Suspected Imperialist Plots and the Chaco War. Journal of Politics in Latin America, 11(1), 3-22. https://doi.org/10.1177/1866802X19843008 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-NC Licence Nicht-kommerziell) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NonCommercial). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.de Journal of Politics in j Latin America Research Article Journal of Politics in Latin America 2019, Vol. 11(1) 3–22 Fuel for Conspiracy: ª The Author(s) 2019 Article reuse guidelines: Suspected Imperialist sagepub.com/journals-permissions DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19843008 Plots and the Chaco War journals.sagepub.com/home/pla Luis Roniger1 and Leonardo Senkman2 Abstract Conspiracy discourse interprets the world as the object of sinister machinations, rife with opaque plots and covert actors. With this frame, the war between Bolivia and Paraguay over the Northern Chaco region (1932–1935) emerges as a paradigmatic conflict that many in the Americas interpreted as resulting from the conspiracy man- oeuvres of foreign oil interests to grab land supposedly rich in oil. At the heart of such interpretation, projected by those critical of the fratricidal war, were partial and extrapolated facts, which sidelined the weight of long-term disputes between these South American countries traumatised by previous international wars resulting in humiliating defeats and territorial losses, and thus prone to welcome warfare to bolster national pride and overcome the memory of past debacles.
    [Show full text]
  • Stains of Empire: Accumulation by Contamination in the Gulf by Michael Hennessy Picard & Tina Beigi
    Stains of Empire: accumulation by contamination in the Gulf By Michael Hennessy Picard & Tina Beigi Abstract Since the discovery of oil in the Gulf, the military-industrial complex has expanded the scale and scope of capital accumulation. We argue in this paper that the corollary to capital accumulation is contamination of human ecology, cannibalizing the daily life of many people having to live in the rubble of war and the spills of oil. Over the course of a century, surveillance from above and extraction down below fueled successive rounds of oil wars. Militarized for the purpose of extraction, the oil states of the Gulf have become wastelands littered by chemically contaminated waters, and massive oil spills. The history of war-making and oil drilling of postcolonial Iraq constitutes our case study. Inspired by Ecological Marxism, the concept of accumulation by contamination provides a critical framework to show how Energy Imperialism contributes to the asymmetric distribution of energy and toxic waste between corporate bodies and social metabolisms in the Middle East. La découverte du pétrole au Moyen-Orient a contribué à l’éclosion et à l’enrichissement massif du complexe militaro-industriel. Le corollaire de cette accumulation de capital est la contamination de la région, cannibalisant la vie quotidienne de populations entières vivant parmi les décombres de la guerre et les déversements d’hydrocarbure. Militarisés à des fins d’extraction, les territoires des États pétroliers du Golfe sont irrémédiablement contaminés par un double héritage : la pollution militaire d’une part, et la pollution pétrolière de l’autre. Le cas emblématique de l’Iraq postcolonial illustre ce double héritage.
    [Show full text]
  • Oil and the Iraq War: How the United States Could Have Expected to Benefit, and Might Still
    Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Political Science Faculty Publications Department of Political Science 2005 “Oil and the Iraq War: How the United States Could Have Expected to Benefit, and Might Still John S. Duffield Georgia State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_facpub Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Duffield, John S. “Oil and the aqIr War: How the United States Could Have Expected to Benefit, and Might Still,” Middle East Review of International Affairs 9, no. 2 (June 2005): 109-41. http://www.rubincenter.org/ 2005/06/duffield-2005-06-07/. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Political Science at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. OIL AND THE IRAQ WAR: HOW THE UNITED STATES COULD HAVE EXPECTED TO BENEFIT, AND MIGHT STILL By John S. Duffield The Bush Administration has offered a variety of justifications for its decision to go to war against Iraq. Initially, it emphasized the threat to U.S. national security posed by Iraq’s alleged possession of weapons of mass destruction and ties to international terrorists. More recently, it has stressed the need to promote democracy in the Middle East. Along the way, it has also highlighted Saddam Hussein’s despotic rule and human rights abuses. Conspicuously absent from these justifications has been any discussion of the possible oil-related benefits.
    [Show full text]
  • Energy Resources in Western Canada Canada West Foundation Board of Directors
    a Canada West Foundation Publication DialoguesFall 2006 Power Energy Resources in Western Canada Canada West Foundation Board of Directors Chair James K. Gray Jock A. Finlayson Calgary, AB Vancouver BC Vice-Chair Jim Hume N. Murray Edwards Calgary, AB Calgary, AB Our Vision J.W. (George) Ivany Vice-Chair Kelowna, BC A dynamic and prosperous West in a strong Canada. Brian Felesky Calgary, AB A.R. (Bob) Linner Regina, SK Doug Allen Victoria, BC Ronald P. Mathison Calgary, AB Carl G. Amrhein Edmonton, AB Ray McKay Lac La Ronge, SK Our Mission David T. Barnard Regina, SK J. Peter Meekison A leading source of strategic insight, conducting and Victoria, BC communicating non-partisan economic and public policy Jim Carr Winnipeg, MB H. Sanford (Sandy) Riley research of importance to the four western provinces, the Winnipeg, MB Jim Dinning territories, and all Canadians. Calgary, AB Tony Stewart Kelowna, BC Brenda Eaton Victoria, BC Gail Surkan Red Deer, AB Canada West Foundation is a registered Canadian charitable organization Jim Eldridge Winnipeg, MB Susan A. Thompson incorporated under federal charter (#11882 8698 RR 0001). Winnipeg, MB David Farlinger Winnipeg, MB Robert Westbury Edmonton AB Gary Filmon In 1970, the One Prairie Province? A Question for Canada Winnipeg, MB Dick Wilson Conference was held in Lethbridge, Alberta. Sponsored by the Calgary, AB University of Lethbridge and the Lethbridge Herald, the conference received considerable attention from concerned citizens and community leaders. The consensus at the time was that research on the West (including British Columbia and the Canadian North) should be expanded by a new organization.
    [Show full text]
  • Angola, Nigeria and Sudan
    Journal of Peace, Conflict and Development www.peacestudiesjournal.org.uk Issue 16, November 2010 Petroleum and its Impact on Three Wars in Africa: Angola, Nigeria and Sudan Adrian Gonzalez* Abstract This article focuses on the complex role that oil has played in many conflicts on the African continent. It begins by highlighting oil’s influential role within war at a wider international level and provides a brief theoretical base from which to explore oil’s role in the African continent. Then, the article provides evidence of petroleum’s impact on violent conflicts in three African countries, namely Angola, Sudan and Nigeria, in order to highlight oil’s multi-faceted role on war in Africa. Keywords: Petroleum, Angola, Nigeria, Sudan. Introduction: oil’s war facets Oil and gas supplies are becoming scarcer and more expensive. The hunt for the world’s remaining resources is creating new alliances and the danger of fresh conflicts. China is moving aggressively to satiate its growing appetite for energy, potentially setting up conflict with the United States over the dwindling resources of the Middle East and Africa.1 For many within the academic world, oil has created a fluid, dark foundation upon which many of the world‟s wars, conflicts, and grievances have been based. This, coupled with a geo-strategic energy concern from the world‟s leading powers to safeguard and access oil, has led to this resource being at the heart of much of the instability in countries and regions across the globe. For oil remains an integral part of any country and its ability to * Adrian Gonzalez has completed a BA (Hons) in history and is awaiting confirmation of an MA in War Studies at King‟s College, London.
    [Show full text]
  • View Annual Report
    Murphy_Covers.qxd 3/12/02 9:07 AM Page 2 THE 2001 MURPHY OIL CORPORATION Annual Report Murphy_Covers.qxd 3/12/02 9:07 AM Page 3 HIGHLIGHTS FINANCIAL (Thousands of dollars except per share data) 2001 2000 1999 For the Year* Revenues $ 4,478,509 4,639,165 2,756,441 Net income 330,903 296,828 119,707 Cash dividends paid 67,826 65,294 62,950 Capital expenditures 864,440 557,897 386,605 Net cash provided by operating activities 635,704 747,751 341,711 Average Common shares outstanding – diluted 45,590,999 45,239,706 45,030,225 At End of Year Working capital $ 38,604 71,710 105,477 Net property, plant and equipment 2,525,807 2,184,719 1,782,741 Total assets 3,259,099 3,134,353 2,445,508 Long-term debt 520,785 524,759 393,164 Stockholders’ equity 1,498,163 1,259,560 1,057,172 Per Share of Common Stock* Net income – diluted $7.26 6.56 2.66 Cash dividends paid 1.50 1.45 1.40 Stockholders’ equity 33.05 27.96 23.49 *Includes special items that are detailed in Management’s Discussion and Analysis, page 9 of the attached Form 10-K report. OPERATING For the Year 2001 2000 1999 Net crude oil and gas liquids produced – barrels a day 67,355 65,259 66,083 United States 5,763 6,663 8,461 Canada 36,059 31,296 29,980 Other International 25,533 27,300 27,642 Net natural gas sold – thousands of cubic feet a day 281,235 229,412 240,443 United States 115,527 144,789 171,762 Canada 152,583 73,773 56,238 United Kingdom 13,125 10,850 12,443 Crude oil refined – barrels a day 167,199 165,820 143,204 United States 140,214 137,313 115,812 United Kingdom 26,985 28,507
    [Show full text]
  • (Title of the Thesis)*
    Canada’s Oil Sands: Strategic Decisions to Make Canada an Energy Superpower by Young Jae Kim A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Applied Science in Systems Design Engineering Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2010 © Young Jae Kim 2010 AUTHOR'S DECLARATION I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract Systems methodologies are employed to investigate strategic decision problems regarding the development of the oil sands in Canada. Many countries believe energy to be one of their most important national security factors in today‟s competitive global era. Canada is no exception. Energy is an issue in Canadians‟ growing concerns related to the conflicting priorities of its economy, environment, and society. Various studies have tried to map out Canada‟s establishment as an energy superpower. In particular, the massive resources in Canada must be considered as competitive advantages, and oil sands (tar sands) constitute one of the most crucial elements in terms of non- renewable energy. This thesis describes Canada‟s oil sands – their characteristics, cost and market analysis, as well as social, economic, and environmental impacts – in order to clarify conflicts that have arisen in recent years. In addition, the importance, potential, and constraints of the oil sands are examined as leading drivers to the country becoming an energy superpower and are compared with the Canadian Academy of Engineering (CAE)‟s studies and recommendations.
    [Show full text]
  • Sample Chapter
    Fossilized Environmental Policy in Canada’s Petro-Provinces Angela V. Carter Foreword by Graeme Wynn The Nature | History | Society series is devoted to the publication of high- quality scholarship in environmental history and allied fields. Its broad compass is signalled by its title: nature because it takes the natural world seriously; history because it aims to foster work that has temporal depth; and society because its essential concern is with the interface between nature and society, broadly conceived. The series is avowedly interdisciplinary and is open to the work of anthropologists, ecologists, historians, geographers, literary scholars, political scientists, sociologists, and others whose interests resonate with its mandate. It offers a timely outlet for lively, innovative, and well-written work on the interaction of people and nature through time in North America. General Editor: Graeme Wynn, University of British Columbia A list of titles in the series appears at the end of the book. Contents List of Figures / viii Foreword: Talking about a House on Fire / ix Graeme Wynn Acknowledgments / xx List of Acronyms and Abbreviations / xxiii Introduction: Situating Canada’s Petro-Provinces / 3 1 Alberta: Provincial Life Blood and Anemic Environmental Regulation / 21 2 Saskatchewan: Saskaboom and Environmental Policy Bust / 57 3 Newfoundland and Labrador: Economic Miracle and Environmental Debacle / 90 4 From Boom to Bust: Doubling Down on Oil / 125 Notes / 146 Index / 196 Fossilized adjective 1 archaic; outmoded; resistant to change or adaptation 2 perilously under the influence of fossil fuels Introduction Situating Canada’s Petro-Provinces n his 2015 address in Paris to members of the United Nations Framework IConvention on Climate Change, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau declared that “Canada is back” and “here to help” in the global effort to fight climate breakdown.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria's Niger Delta
    Africa Development, Vol. XXXIV, No. 2, 2009, pp. 103–128 © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2009 (ISSN 0850-3907) Nigeria’s Niger Delta: Understanding the Complex Drivers of Violent Oil-related Conflict Cyril Obi* Abstract This paper explores the complex roots and dimensions of the Niger Delta conflict which has escalated from ethnic minority protests against the federal Nigerian State-Oil Multinationals’ alliance in the 1990’s to the current insurgency that has attracted worldwide attention. It also raises some conceptual issues drawn from ‘snapshots’ taken from various perspectives in grappling with the complex roots of the oil- related conflict in the paradoxically oil-rich but impoverished region as an important step in a nuanced reading of the local, national and international ramifications of the conflict and its implications for Nigeria’s development. The conflict is then located both in the struggle of ethnic minority groups for local autonomy and the control of their natural resources (including oil), and the contradictions spawned by the transnational production of oil in the region. The transition from resistance – as-protest – to insurgency, as represented by attacks on state and oil company targets by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), is also critically analyzed. Résumé Cet article explore les racines et les dimensions complexes du conflit dans le delta du Niger qui a évolué à partir des protestations de la minorité ethnique contre l’alliance entre l’État fédéral nigérian et des multinationales pétrolières dans les années 1990, pour aboutir à l’actuelle insurrection qui a attiré l’attention du monde entier.
    [Show full text]
  • C:\Documents and Settings\TJH...V
    ! " #$%& $& "''WvrDCr r (! )* +* & +* & # , * -./ 0 & 12,33 /23 Qr qyyh Xh sh rhq8yyhrsVT9yyh Dr vhyv vur! 8r N "The term 'petrodollar' is a macroeconomic term that is little understood and even less discussed in the major news media today. Exactly how a petrodollar exchange system has helped maintain the US dollar as the world's reserve currency is a general theme in my book and will be the focus of this special report. As William Clark suggests in his book Petrodollar Warfare, the current 'war on terror' has been exploited by the neocons in an effort to establish permanent US military bases in the Persian Gulf and also 'dissuade' other nations from switching their crude oil contracts into an emerging euro currency. In what is now being called the first oil currency war of the 21st century, the Iraqi War in 2003 was more about protecting US dollar imperialism and preventing a 'petroeuro exchange system' than the alleged threat of WMDs or terrorist links to Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaeda network. As William Clark is careful to point out, Saddam Hussein had begun to price Iraqi oil contracts in euros starting in November 2000 and the US government was determined to put a stop to this crude/euro currency peg, which they successfully did in the summer of 2003. As Clark mentions:" Not surprisingly, the US corporate media has not run a single news story on the reconversion of Iraq’s oil exports from petroeuros to petrodollars….This hidden fact [has] helped illuminate one of the crucial, yet over-looked macroeconomic rationales for the 2003 Iraqi War.
    [Show full text]