Transforming Harmful Gender Norms in Solomon Islands: A study of the Oxfam Safe Families Program Published October 2019. www.equalityinstitute.org/ www.monash.edu/medicine/sphpm/units/global-and-womens-health www.oxfam.org.au
Suggested citation Homan, S., Honda, T., Leung, L., Fulu, E. & Fisher, J. Transforming Harmful Gender Norms in Solomon Islands: A study of the Oxfam Safe Families Program. The Equality Institute, Monash University, and Oxfam Australia, Melbourne, October. 2019.
Cover image: Kim Litera/Oxfam CONTENTS
Acknowledgements 3
Executive summary 4
Abbreviations and glossary 8
Abbreviations 8 Glossary 8
1. Background on Solomon Islands and Safe Families program 10
1.1 Solomon Islands 10 1.2 Violence against women and family violence in Solomon Islands 10 1.3 The Safe Families program 11 1.4 A study of the Safe Families program 12
2. Research scope and methodology 13
2.1 Research aims 13 2.2 Research sites and participants 13 2.3 Research tools 14 2.4 Data collection 14 2.5 Ethics 14 2.6 Strengths and limitations of the study 14
3. FINDINGS: Gender norms in Solomon Islands 15
3.1 Social norms and how they drive family and sexual violence 15 3.2 The disconnect between violence against women and discipline 17 3.3 Bride price 18 3.3.1 People’s understanding of bride price is changing 18 3.3.2 Tying bride price to gender roles and discipline 19 3.4 Community understandings of different forms of violence 20 3.5 Community understanding of the causes of violence 20 3.5.1 Infidelity and jealousy 21 3.5.2 Alcohol 21 3.5.3 Violence as a result of women’s transgressions 22 3.6 Legislation against family violence 22
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 1 4. FINDINGS: Promising results from the Safe Families program 24
4.1 Changes in awareness, attitude, and behaviour of community members 24 4.2 Self-reflection and transformation of community engagement facilitators 25 4.3 Improved capacity and self-esteem 26 4.4 Strengthening local response to family violence 26 4.5 A decrease in violence? 27
5. FINDINGS: Effective (and less effective) elements of the Safe Families program 28
5.1 Effective elements of the Safe Families program 28 5.1.1 Driving personal transformation 28 5.1.2 Adapting practice to local context 29 5.1.3 Holistic approach in project design 30 5.1.4 Multiple component approach 30 5.2 Less effective elements of the Safe Families program 32 5.2.1 ‘Only talk’ approach 32 5.2.2 Involvement of youth 32 5.2.3 Donor-led design 32 5.2.4 Temporary delays in program implementation 32 5.2.5 Distortion of program message 33
6. Recommendations 34
7. References 36
8. Appendix 37
2 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS Acknowledgements
Research reported in this study was supported by the Sexual Violence Research Initiative hosted by the South African Medical Research Council. Its contents are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official views of the SAMRC. The Safe Families program in Solomon Islands is implemented by Oxfam with funding from Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT).
The principal investigator and authors of this report would like to thank the following people for their participation in, or support of, the research in Solomon Islands:
The women and men of Auki, Kunu, Oibola and Siwai in Malaita province, and Minerv, Minevi, and Nemba in Temotu province, who took part in interviews and focus group discussions. Their invaluable contributions underpin the findings in this research.
The Oxfam Safe Families program teams in Malaita province, Temotu province and Honiara who were interviewed as part of this research and who arranged interviews and focus group discussions with community members.
Solomon Islands research team: Kiri Dicker, Oxfam Solomon Islands; Julianne Wickham, Oxfam Solomon Islands; Solomon Alufo`oa, Samantha Kereka Poloso, Angella Evon Salo, William Ekotau, Ryno Kaitu`u, William Menaplo, Grace Dagi, Patrick Lano, James Ber and Barnabas Tawake.
Doris Puiahi, Oxfam Solomon Islands; Kiri Dicker, Oxfam Solomon Islands; and Debbie Lukisi for translation and transcription of audio interview data.
Current and former staff from Oxfam Australia and Oxfam Solomon Islands who participated in validating preliminary findings and reviewing the draft report: Doreen Fernando, Doris Puiahi, Kiri Dicker, Lavinia Dakei, Dolores Devesi, Jo Podlesak, Tanushree Soni, Eleanor Jackson, and Maud Mukova-Moses.
Authorship
This report was authored by Dr Sarah Homan, The Equality Institute; Dr Tomoko Honda, Monash University, School of Public Health and Preventive Medicine; Loksee Leung, The Equality Institute; Dr Emma Fulu, The Equality Institute; and Professor Jane Fisher, Monash University, School of Public Health and Preventive Medicine.
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 3 Executive Summary
Introduction age of 15. The same study found that bride price was a factor that increased the risk of intimate partner violence. Progress This report outlines the findings from a qualitative study and in addressing this violence has been made with the recent process evaluation to assess the implementation of Oxfam’s gazettal of the Family Protection Act 2014, however access to Safe Families program in Solomon Islands. The study sought to justice for survivors of violence remains poor. There are very understand the processes of shifting harmful social norms that few specialist support services outside the country’s capital, drive family and sexual violence in Solomon Islands. making it difficult for women to access formal support.
Despite having some of the highest rates of violence against Implemented by Oxfam, the Safe Families program (also known women globally, there is very little evidence in the Pacific on as the Let’s Make Our Families Safe program) was part of a 10- the effectiveness of interventions aimed at stopping violence year strategic initiative, supported by Australia’s Department against women (VAW) before it starts. With funding from the of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), to prevent and respond to Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI) through the SVRI World family and sexual violence in Solomon Islands. The first phase Bank Group Development Marketplace Award 2017, research was implemented in six communities in Malaita and Temotu partners Oxfam, the Equality Institute (EQI), and Monash provinces for just over three years (2015-2018). The goal of the University jointly designed and implemented the research in Safe Families program was to shift local attitudes and norms so Solomon Islands. In addition to examining how to shift harmful that family violence would no longer be considered acceptable. gender norms, this research examines factors that helped or This was done through the following strategies: hindered the implementation of the program. This will be used to inform continued implementation of the Safe Families program 1. Mobilising communities to prevent and respond to family and in phase two. sexual violence.
Alongside forthcoming research and evaluations of prevention 2. Enabling and resourcing collective action by coalitions interventions underway in Fiji, Kiribati, Papua New Guinea and (service providers such as health services, police, women’s Tonga, this study will contribute to the emerging evidence organisations, church groups – formed into provincial around what works to end VAW and build the practise knowledge alliances). regarding violence prevention activities in the Pacific region. 3. Building evidence and knowledge about family violence through research and evaluation. Background 4. Strengthening national women’s institutions, laws and policies. Solomon Islands is a Pacific nation encompassing over 900 An evaluation of the previous iteration of the Safe Families islands spread across 1,500 kilometres of ocean. It is ranked 152 program (Standing Together Against Violence – STAV) showed out of 189 on the United Nation’s Human Development Index and evidence that the program approach was promising. Designed the population of approximately 560,000 people mostly live a rural to build on these findings, this study aims to generate fine- lifestyle supported by subsistence agriculture and fishing 1. grained evidence on the effective components of programs to Independence from the British was gained in 1978, however reduce violence in resource-constrained, remote communities modern times have tested the limits of the country’s resilience, and post-conflict settings, such as Solomon Islands, where with Solomon Islanders feeling the burden of climate change, prevalence of violence is high. food insecurity and natural disasters such as cyclones and floods. A prolonged period of social unrest (1998-2003) debilitated Research scope and methodology government and significantly delayed development progress. Research aims and tools were jointly developed by the EQI and While diverse, Solomon Island cultures are predominantly Monash University in close collaboration with Oxfam Solomon patriarchal. Implicit within these cultures are a complex array of Islands staff. All data collection in the provinces was conducted gender norms that maintain strict social hierarchies dominated in pijin, the official language of Solomon Islands. by men. As a result, Solomon Island women experience vast and persistent gender inequality, which is also reflected in Data collection took place in May 2018 in nine sites in the extremely high rates of physical and sexual VAW and girls. provinces of Malaita, Temotu and the capital Honiara. Data was The Family Health And Safety Study in 2009 found that 64% acquired through 33 in-depth interviews and 15 focus group of ever-partnered women in Solomon Islands had experienced discussions (FGDs), with women and men segregated when physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner since the appropriate. A team of ten local male and female research
1 The World Bank Open Data: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.pcap.cd, Accessed February 2018.
4 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS THE CLIMATE CRISIS AND THE PACIFIC 4 assistants were recruited and brought to Honiara for research for women and men. However, the research found interesting training. At each research site, Oxfam’s Community Engagement differences between what women considered ideal behaviour Facilitators (CEFs) recruited community respondents for for men and how men viewed ideal behaviour for themselves. interviews and FGDs, ensuring that community members had Understanding social norms around what makes a good woman different levels of exposure to the Safe Families program. FGDs and good man is important because these norms set the were also held with provincial alliances (PAs) and Oxfam staff in community’s ideas and attitudes about what kinds of violence the Honiara and provincial offices. are justifiable.
Ethics approval for the research was obtained from Monash Violence and discipline. The community generally perceives University Human Research Ethics Committee. Prior to data VAW to be unacceptable, but show a willingness to justify it for collection, all potential participants were informed about the disciplinary purposes. purpose of the study, that participation was voluntary and that all personal identifiers would be removed from the pooled Expected behaviour for women and men differs, particularly data. Consent to record conversations was obtained, and when looking at the different consequences women and men all researchers were trained in research ethics. Participants experience when they defy gender norms. Women’s behaviour were not explicitly asked to disclose their own experiences of is strongly policed and their transgressions often resulted in violence. However, as a safety measure, all FGDs were instructed severe punishment. However, men are far less likely to be held to be segregated by sex. accountable for their actions. Changing understanding of bride price links to gender roles and Limitations of the study discipline: Community understanding of the commonly practised payment of bride price is changing. Historically, this payment While the aims of the research included a focus on by the groom’s family to the bride’s family, also known as bride understanding norms and attitudes to sexual violence, research wealth, was used as a form of compensation to the bride’s tools did not explicitly ask participants about sexual violence. family for the loss of a daughter2, and symbolised social ties This was due to the sensitivities in raising the topic without first between two families3. Previously, Solomon Islanders did not establishing significant trust with community members. frame the practice with understandings of payment, but rather local languages described an exchange or gift. As such, bride The research design stipulated gender-segregated FGDs. price was never originally about ownership or property. However, However, when the research data was analysed, it was as the exchange below highlights, there has been a shift in discovered that a male researcher was present in a small attitudes and understanding of bride price in the community. number of FGDs involving young women. It is possible that this was due to male team leaders misunderstanding their role of The research suggests that bride price is now becoming overseeing the data collection processes. competitive and defined in terms of commodification.4 Participants reminisced about the old days when bride price Questions exploring different forms of violence were not was not so expensive and their feelings that “these days always adequately explored by the researchers, which resulted people charge too much.” The research found that these recent in some data lacking rich description of meaning. This issue, ideas surrounding ownership of a woman are being used as a as well as the issue relating to gender-segregated FGDs, could justification for violence. have been addressed if the research budget allowed for more Community understanding of different forms of violence/causes researcher training. of violence: The most common forms of violence cited by research participants were physical violence and arguments. Financial Findings violence was also often raised, however sexual violence was rarely mentioned. The fact that Solomon Islanders appear reticent Findings: Gender Norms to discuss sexual violence, and sexuality more broadly, indicates space for further program development and research. ‘Good’ and ‘bad’ women and men. Communities in Malaita and Temotu adhere to rigid gender norms and strict gender roles. Evidence from the Pacific and around the world, strongly Clear ideas exist for what constitutes ‘good’ and ‘bad’ behaviour suggests that gender inequality is a root case of VAW5.
2 Papps et al, (1983) ‘The Role and Determinants of Bride-Price: The Case of a Palestinian Village [and Comments and Reply]’. Current Anthropology, 24(2), pp.203–215. 3 Conway, J. and Ennio, M. (1990) Marriage in Melanesia: A Sociological Perspective, Papua New Guinea: The Melanesian Institute Point 15. 4 See Wardlow, (2006) for similar discussion in Papua New Guinea and also Melanesia more generally. 5 Fulu, E. et al (2016).
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 5 However, when asked what the root causes of VAW were, Strengthened local response to family violence: One of the crucial research participants pointed to issues such as gossip, alcohol components of the Safe Families model is the establishment consumption, infidelity, jealousy and gambling. of the PA, a network aimed at promoting collective actions to prevent family violence.7 While the original aim of the PA was Men and women generally agreed that men’s consumption to coordinate prevention activities and raise awareness at and abuse of alcohol is a major cause of violence, particularly the provincial level, a positive unintended outcome has been between husbands and wives, but also between other family strengthening local response services to family violence. The PA members. Some men indicated women are also starting to drink. includes staff from the provincial government, police, hospitals, welfare offices, women’s organisations, and the church. The research found evidence that VAW is seen as a result of women’s transgressions. As identified earlier, there are certain A decrease in violence? Some community members reported expected behaviours in Malaita and Temotu that make up the that the Safe Families program has reduced the incidence of gendered social norms for women. These include not gossiping, violence in their communities. While this is a promising finding, not going out too much and doing the household chores. it should be treated with a degree of caution for a number of Community members said it is common for women to experience reasons. Firstly, community members in program sites may feel violence if they did not behave within these norms, and that it inclined to report positively about an intervention, out of fear was justifiable. that current and/or future interventions, benefits or services might be removed from their communities if an intervention Legislation against family violence: The adoption of the Family is deemed unsuccessful. Secondly, as previously mentioned, Protection Act 2014 had some impact on community attitudes community members often condone VAW when it can be and behaviours. Anecdotally, men now think twice before beating justified as disciplining women. While there are some signs of a woman, however this appears to be due to a fear of punishment improved knowledge and attitudes towards VAW, this study is rather than a shift in understanding that violence is wrong. unable to verify whether there has been a decrease in VAW in the Safe Families communities. We know from global evidence that behaviour change and decreasing community prevalence of Findings: Promising results of the Safe Families VAW can take years to occur. program
Overall, there are early signs of change in the program Findings: Effective and less effective elements of communities in Malaita and Temotu. While the changes may the Safe Families program seem small, they are not insignificant. Findings from this study Effective: reflect the global evidence on shifting social norms: sustained and meaningful social change on a large scale often takes years Role of the community engagement facilitators: The training or even generations6. provided to CEFs supported them to take on responsibilities as community role models. They built trust and rapport with the Changes in awareness, attitude and behaviour: The study found community over the three years of programming, which enabled that awareness about VAW has increased, and some attitudes them to discuss sensitive subjects. CEFs were also supported to and behaviours have changed. adapt their approaches to the local context, ensuring outreach efforts included community members with less mobility, or those Self-reflection and transformation of community engagement reluctant to discuss sensitive subjects in public. facilitators/Improved capacity and self-confidence: Many research participants, particularly male CEFs, expressed that Integrated approach for prevention and response: Safe Families they previously felt they had control over family members. After aimed to promote a community-led integrated approach, which exposure to the Safe Families program, they realised they were addressed both prevention and response to violence. The influenced by gendered stereotypes, and that their gender- program raised awareness by encouraging the community to biased attitude to housework was a controlling behaviour. identify and discuss practices and norms that condone and reinforce VAW. Community activities involved many stakeholders, Another distinctive aspect of change is that Safe Families such as women and men, youth, chiefs, religious leaders, enabled staff to increase their self-efficacy. In particular, police, political leaders, the provincial government, and female staff and community members who used to be reticent women’s organisations. Most of the community members, CEFs to speak in public said that engaging in this program helped and PAs commented that the referral system and services are them to be more confident. now responding to the needs of survivors of violence.
6 Our Watch, Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety and VicHealth (2015) Change the story: A shared framework for the primary prevention of violence against women and their children in Australia, Our Watch, Melbourne, Australia. 7 Two provincial alliances were formed, one in Malaita and one in Temotu.
6 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS Building towards a multiple component approach: After Limited involvement of youth: Youth are an important group to facilitating awareness-raising activities, CEFs supported work with in order to prevent future violence. Youth participation communities to establish Family Violence Prevention and was initially low, but when the program introduced more diverse Response Action Committees (FVPRACs) to promote and sustain and flexible methods of engagement, young women and men violence prevention at the community level, and to develop started to actively participate. Community Action Plan (CAPs) to address their own priority projects to stop family violence. These CAPs were effective in Distortion of program message: It was evident that a small encouraging communities to look at multiple strategies to stop number of participants misunderstood the core message of the family violence, but were limited in their reach. program. This led to a small number of people believing women needed to adjust their behaviour in order to avoid violence, when the message was targeting men and asking them to Establishing pathways to effective change: recognise and change their harmful behaviour.
Less Effective: Further research is needed to understand where this distorted understanding came from. It could have been a combination of ‘Only talk’ approach: Many CEFs and Oxfam staff pointed out that factors, such as receiving second-hand knowledge from other a one-way approach with ‘only talk’ was not engaging and did community members, or community members’ own biases altering not inspire or capture the interest of community members. This their understandings. While this was not a large-scale issue, it had a significant impact on attendance levels. could prove to be problematic if not identified and corrected.
Conclusions and recommendations
This study provides valuable, fine-grained evidence on 2. Ensure the program emphasises the benefits of gender effective approaches to reducing violence in two provinces in equality to the community. Solomon Islands. Acknowledging that change to social norms takes time, the study builds on findings from evaluation 3. Actively shift social norms around corporal punishment. of the STAV (Standing Together Against Violence) program, 4. Continue to build on the role modelling approach. which was the first initiative showing promising results and which led to the Safe Families program. The ecological 5. Include the subject of bride price in program messaging model approach to gender was used in this study, which and community dialogues on VAW. conceptualises violence as the outcome of interaction at four levels: individual, relationship, community, and societal. 6. Monitor and evaluate the implementation and the impact The study provides insights into the strict gendered norms of the program. and gendered roles at individual, relationship and community levels in Solomon Islands, and the practice of bride price and 7. Adopt more engaging and creative approaches, such as how these practices, norms, and attitudes relate to VAW. arts, dance, drama, sports, radio and television. It provides analysis of effective community-level violence 8. Focus on children and young people. prevention activities, using the first-hand experience and lessons learned by project staff and community members. 9. Explore potential links between the Safe Families Such insights will be valuable in shaping the approach, program and other community development and implementation, and messaging for Safe Families phase two. economic programs. It also provides valuable lessons for other programs seeking to reduce violence in similar contexts. 10. Optimise and refine pilots, utilising the lessons learnt to scale-up activities. Based on the findings of this study, the following recommendations for the future implementation of the Safe 11. Ensure a collaborative co-design process for the Families Program are suggested: development of prevention initiatives.
1. Work with communities to ensure interventions are transformative of attitudes, norms and behaviour, and not limited to awareness-raising.
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 7 Abbreviations and Glossary
Abbreviations
CAP Community Action Plan IPV Intimitae Partner Violence
CEF Community Engagement Facilitator IWDA International Women’s Development Agency
DFAT Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade MWYCFA Ministry of Women, Youth, Children and Family Affairs EQI The Equality Institute PA Provincial Alliance FGD Focus Group Discussion PAP Provincial Action Plan FVPRAC Family Violence Prevention and Response Action Committee STAV Standing Together Against Violence program
IDI In-Depth Interview VAW Violence Against Women
Glossary
Bride price: A payment made in traditional and/or modern forms and responsibilities between men and women and the of currency by the groom and/or the groom’s family to the transformation of the underlying causes and structures of bride’s family at the time of marriage. The tradition of giving gender inequality to achieve substantive equality. Diversity and a bride price is practiced in varying forms in many countries disadvantage are recognised to ensure equal outcomes for throughout Asia, Africa, the Middle East and the Pacific. Also all. Therefore women-specific programs and policies are often referred to as bride wealth or bride token. required to end existing inequalities.
Domestic violence: Acts of violence that occur in domestic Gender equity: Fair treatment for women and men according to settings between two people who are, or were, in an their respective needs. intimate relationship. It includes physical, sexual, emotional, psychological, and financial abuse. See also family violence. Gender justice: Full equality and equity between women, men and people of other genders in all spheres of life. While equality Drivers of violence against women: The underlying causes that means that all genders have equal access, status and rights, create the conditions in which violence against women occurs. this goes beyond equality: it requires us to right the wrongs, and They relate to the particular structures, norms and practices to address the structures and processes that have maintained arising from gender inequality in public and private life, but and perpetuated a status quo where women have less power which must always be considered in the context of other forms than men. of social discrimination and disadvantage. Sometimes referred to as the root causes of violence against women. Gender roles: The responsibilities and functions expected to be fulfilled by women and men, girls and boys in a given society. Economic violence: Denying or reducing economic remuneration for sexual services and/or access to and control Intimate partner violence: Behaviour by a man or a woman over financial resources. within an intimate relationship (including current or past marriages, domestic partnerships, familial relations or people Emotional violence: Any act, threat, or coercive tactics who share accommodation) that causes physical, sexual or that cause trauma or damage the self-esteem, identity or psychological harm to those in the relationship. This is the most development of an individual. common form of violence against women. Family violence: Violence between intimate partners as well Kastom: A pijin term meaning ‘custom’. Kastom refers to cultural as violence between family members. Family violence includes or traditional ways of doing things and is central to village life violent or threatening behaviour, or any other form of behaviour and the way the society is organised. that coerces or controls a family member or causes that family member to be fearful. Intersectionality: A theory and approach which recognises that Gender: Defines masculinity and femininity and refers to the our identities are made up of multiple, interrelated attributes socially learnt behaviours, roles, activities and attributes that any (such as gender, race, ability, religion, ethnicity, sexual given society considers appropriate for men and women. Gender orientation, sexual identity, and socioeconomic status) and expectations vary between cultures and change over time. understands the intersections at which women, experience individual, cultural and structural oppression, discrimination, Gender equality: Includes the redistribution of resources violence and disadvantage.
8 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS Normalisation of violence: Violence, particularly violence Sex: Refers to the biological and physical characteristics used perpetrated by men, is seen and treated as a normal part of to define humans as male or female. everyday life. Sexual violence: Sexual activity that happens where consent 02: [pronounced ‘Oh-too’] Is a local term in Solomon Islands is not obtained or freely given. It occurs any time a person used to describe an extra-marital affair and also the person is forced, coerced or manipulated into any unwanted sexual activity, such as touching, sexual harassment and intimidation, outside of the marriage who is involved in the affair. It is derived forced marriage, trafficking for the purpose of sexual from the fact the person is considered to be the second partner. exploitation, sexual abuse, sexual assault and rape. A “01” refers to a person’s first partner or formal spouse. Social norms: Rules of conduct and models of behaviour Physical violence: The intentional use of physical force or physical expected by a society or social group. They are grounded in the deprivation, with the potential for causing harm, injury or death. customs, traditions and value systems that develop over time in a society or social group. Prevention of violence against women and girls: Interventions that seek to reduce the prevalence and incidence of violence Violence against women (VAW): Any act of gender-based against women and girls. violence that causes or could cause physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats Reinforcing factors: Factors that become significant within the of harm or coercion, in public or private life. This definition context of the drivers of violence. These factors do not predict or encompasses all forms of violence that women experience, drive violence against women, however when they interact with including physical, sexual, emotional, cultural/spiritual, the drivers they can increase the frequency or severity of violence. financial and others, that are based on their gender.
Photo: Kim Litera/Oxfam
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 9 1. Background on Solomon Islands and Safe Families program
1.1 Solomon Islands gender norms that maintain strict social hierarchies dominated by men. These norms have been reinforced and strengthened Solomon Islands is a Pacific Island nation encompassing over time through the process of colonisation and exposure to over 900 islands spread across 1,500 kilometres of ocean. the western institutions of church and government. As a result, It is ranked 152 out of 189 on the United Nation’s Human Solomon Island women experience vast and persistent gender Development Index and the population of approximately 560,000 inequality, which is also reflected in extremely high rates of people mostly live a rural lifestyle supported by subsistence physical and sexual violence against women (VAW) and girls. agriculture and fishing.8 Solomon Islands gained independence from the British in 1978 and is a predominantly Christian A comprehensive national prevalence study of VAW and girls, country. The church, along with kastom (traditional beliefs and using the World Health Organization’s multi-country Study on practices), sets an important context for the norms, attitudes, Women’s Health and Domestic Violence methodology, was and behaviours of Solomon Islanders. conducted in Solomon Islands in 2009. The Family Health and Safety Study found that 64% of ever-partnered women had The majority of Solomon Islanders are of Melanesian decent. experienced physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner There are also small but significant populations of Polynesian, since the age of 15. The same survey found that 37% of young Micronesian and Chinese descendants, each with their own women aged 14-29 reported that they had been sexually abused distinct languages, customs and traditions. Like most parts of the before the age of 15, and 38% reported that their first sexual Pacific, the Solomon Island cultures are traditionally collectivist, characterised by deep obligations to family and tribe9. encounter was forced. The same study showed that nearly three-quarters of Solomon Islands women think that a man is In more recent times, modernisation has tested the limits of the justified in beating his wife under some circumstances.11 The country’s resilience, with Solomon Islanders feeling the burden Family Health and Safety Study further found that bride price of climate change, food insecurity and natural disasters such increased risk of intimate partner violence, particularly when as cyclones and floods. A lack of employment and education it was not paid in full. Women whose bride price had not been opportunities in rural areas has resulted in significant urban fully paid were more than two and a half times more likely to drift as young men and women migrate to urban centres. This experience partner violence than women whose marriage did not has created an even greater pressure on infrastructure and involve bride price.12 essential services in Honiara and provincial capitals. While significant progress in recognising and addressing VAW Significant progress has been made towards national healing, has been made with the recent gazettal of the Family Protection peace and stability, however memories of the ‘tensions’ — a Act 2014, access to justice for survivors of violence in Solomon prolonged period of social unrest (1998-2003) that debilitated Islands remains poor. In a majority of cases where violence is government and reversed development progress — are unlikely perpetrated against women, resolutions are reached using to be forgotten for decades to come. Despite their vital role traditional methods, such as payments of compensation. in brokering peace, women were largely absent from formal Women are commonly the subject of these exchanges, but decision-making and public forums regarding reconciliation10. they are rarely the beneficiaries13. There are very few specialist support services outside the country’s capital, making it 1.2 Violence against women and family difficult for women in other areas to access formal support. violence in Solomon Islands Instead, they turn to informal support from community members, such as family, chiefs and pastors14. While diverse, the Solomon Island’s cultures are predominantly patriarchal. Implicit within these cultures are a complex array of
8 The World Bank Open Data: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.pcap.cd, Accessed February 2018. 9 Barclay, A. (2015: 6) STAV End of Program Evaluation Report 10 Brigg, M., Chadwick, W., Griggers, C. Murdock, J., Vienings, T. (2015) Women and Peace: The role of Solomon Islands women in conflict resolution and peacebuilding, UNDP 11 Secretariat of the Pacific Community (2009). Solomon Islands Family Health and Safety Study. SPC: Noumea. https://pacific.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/ SolomonIslandsFamilyHealthandSafetyStudy.pdf (Accessed April 2019). 12 Secretariat of the Pacific Community (2009). Solomon Islands Family Health and Safety Study. SPC: Noumea. 13 Barclay, A (2015: 3) STAV End of Program Evaluation Report 14 Barclay, A (2015: 3) STAV End of Program Evaluation Report
10 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS 1.3 The Safe Families program • Community Action, in which the communities developed their own Community Action Plans (CAP) outlining their Implemented by Oxfam, the Safe Families program is part of a priorities to prevent and respond to family and sexual 10-year strategic initiative, supported by Australia’s Department violence at a community level. of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) to prevent and respond to family and sexual violence in Solomon Islands.15 The first phase 2. Enabling and resourcing collective action by coalitions of the implementation in six communities in Malaita and Temotu A unique and innovative aspect of the Safe Families model provinces ran for just over three years (March 2015 to June was the development of Safe Families provincial alliances 2018). The Safe Families program took a multi-layered approach (PAs) — multi-stakeholder coalitions that include health to violence prevention that aimed to influence the social and services, police, women’s organisations, family support cultural norms, values, attitudes and beliefs that support family centres, church groups and local religious organisations. and sexual violence, as well as enable and resource collective The PA met regularly to share information and plan collective action to enhance collaboration. actions aimed at preventing violence and strengthening The goal of the Safe Families program was to shift local attitudes services responding to violence at the provincial level, and norms so that family violence will no longer be considered such as medical, counselling, and refuge services. A acceptable. The program aimed to contribute to this goal through: representative from FVPRAC was also included on the PA, to enhance the flow of communication between community 1. Mobilising communities to prevent and respond to family members and service providers. PAs developed their own and sexual violence priorities, which were outlined in a Provincial Action Plan (PAP), with implementation supported by Oxfam. PA members The Safe Families community mobilisation process was also received training in partnership development at the 16 led by Oxfam Community Engagement Facilitators (CEFs) , beginning of the project (provided by the Pacific Leadership who provided intensive training and worked in mixed- Program)17, and gender-based violence (provided by IWDA). gender pairs to build long-term relationships with target communities. Over a 12-month period, the CEFs undertook: 3. Building the evidence base through research and evaluation
• Community mobilisation, which was facilitated with Safe Families aimed to enhance knowledge about the cause support from community leaders, such as traditional and and dynamics of family violence in Solomon Islands to inform faith leaders, and other support networks. During this and strengthen effective interventions. This included a stage, Family Violence Prevention and Response Action program of monitoring and evaluation. A consulting firm, IOD- Committees (FVPRAC) were established to guide the PARC Australasia, led the Safe Families consortium to collect implementation of the program. and analyse data, which was used to inform the strategic direction and continuous improvement of the program during • Awareness raising, which involved a structured process the first phase of implementation. This research report will of regular community conversations. Community members also contribute to ongoing program design and adaptation learned about family and sexual violence using a gender during phase two of the Safe Families program. and power sensitive approach. These conversations were facilitated by CEFs using a toolkit developed by the International Women’s Development Agency (IWDA).
15 For more details, see: https://www.oxfam.org.au/country/solomon-islands/ (Oxfam Solomon Islands), and https://dfat.gov.au/about-us/publications/Documents/ solomon-islands-safe-families-design.pdf (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Accessed in June 2019). 16 CEFs are paid community volunteers with specific job descriptions recruited by Oxfam through a publicly advertised recruitment process. The recruitment process specifically sought to identify individuals with previous community development experience. They work in mixed-gender pairs to engage and mobilise target communities to take action to prevent and respond to family and sexual violence. Prior to undertaking community mobilisation, they participate in a three week training provided by IWDA using the toolkit developed specifically for the Safe Families program. For details of the toolkit, see https://www.iwda.org.au/assets/files/ IWDA-Solomon-Islands-Manual_web.pdf (Accessed February 2019). In addition to this, they receive ongoing training and mentoring support, especially in feminist principles and approaches. 17 Partnership was developed by organising the coalition of members from the provincial government, the Department of Health (Provincial Hospital), the Police Department, Welfare Office, Women’s Organisations, Churches, and the Community Representatives. Those members from the different agencies strengthened the network system of support and referral services for those who are experiencing family violence.
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 11 Photo: Kim Litera/Oxfam
4. Strengthening national women’s institutions, laws and policies promising.20 Designed to build on these findings, this study generates fine-grained evidence on the effective components The Safe Families program provided core funding to national of programs to reduce violence in resource-constrained, post- and provincial women’s institutions to ensure voices of conflict settings, such as Solomon Islands, where prevalence of rural women were included in the development of national violence is high. legislation and policies to address family violence.18 These organisations were closely involved in providing With funding from the Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI) information about the new Family Protection Act 2014 to through the SVRI World Bank Group Development Marketplace rural populations. Award 2017, Oxfam, The Equality Institute (EQI), and Monash University jointly designed and implemented this research to Phase two of the Safe Families program commenced in January investigate how the Safe Families program is shifting harmful 2019. Phase two continues to focus on prevention of VAW at the gender norms and preventing family violence and intimate community level, however, the program has expanded in terms partner violence. The research examined factors that helped of reach and sustainability by engaging all provinces over the or hindered the implementation of the program, and generated 19 life of the Program. evidence to inform implementation and a future trial of the effectiveness of the Safe Families program in reducing family 1.4 A study of the Safe Families and sexual violence in Solomon Islands. program Despite having some of the highest rates of VAW globally, there is very little evidence in the Pacific on the effectiveness of This report outlines the findings from qualitative research and interventions aimed at stopping VAW before it starts. Alongside process evaluation to assess the implementation of the Safe forthcoming research and evaluations underway in Fiji, Kiribati, Families program and understand the processes of shifting Papua New Guinea and Tonga21, this study will contribute to the harmful social norms that drive family and sexual violence existing evidence around what works to end VAW and build the in Solomon Islands. An evaluation of the previous iteration practice knowledge regarding violence-prevention activities in of the Safe Families program, Standing Together Against the Pacific region. Violence (STAV), showed evidence this program approach was
18 These institutions include National Council of Women, the national representative body for women in Solomon Islands, Vois Blong Mere Solomon, a women-led communications organisation working toward peace and security for rural women. 19 In phase two, there is a strategy that creates four distinct pathways of changes that reflect the different drivers contributing to GBV and VAW: Influence policy and practice, empower national, provincial and community structures, strengthen response mechanisms, and promote prevention. 20 Barclay, A. (2015) STAV End of Program Evaluation Report 21 Mobilising Communities to End Violence Against Women, https://pacificwomen.org/stories-of-change/mobilising-communities-end-violence-women/
12 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS 2. Research scope and methodology
2.1 Research aims geographically-disparate island communities where violence is relatively normalised. This evaluation of the Safe Families program sought to examine its implementation and understand the processes that shift and transform harmful social norms, which drive family and sexual 2.2 Research sites and participants violence in Malaita and Temotu provinces in Solomon Islands. Data collection took place across nine sites in the provinces The research also aimed to better understand and describe the of Malaita, Temotu and the capital of Solomon Islands, Honiara. context-specific responses of individuals, communities and Data was collected through in-depth interviews between Oxfam agencies to the Safe Families model for violence prevention in Solomon Island staff from provincial sites and community Solomon Islands, in order to inform optimisation and increase members from Safe Families intervention sites. Focus group program activities. discussions (FGD) were also held with Oxfam staff from Honiara, Specifically, the objectives of the research were: and PA members from Malaita and Temotu provinces. As the research aimed to examine the community attitudes and gender • To improve understanding of the context-specific norms norms of different age groups, FGDs were also held with young that drive family and sexual violence in two provinces men and young women from the intervention sites. in Solomon Islands, and the potential pathways and mechanisms to change these norms; At each research site, Oxfam’s Community Engagement Facilitators (CEFs) recruited respondents for interviews and • To explore changes that have been achieved through the focus groups discussions. The selection criteria for recruiting Safe Families program among individuals, communities and interview respondents ensured that men and women were agencies, and how these can be addressed in optimising interviewed in each site and that, where possible, the and taking to scale the Safe Families intervention; and community members had different levels of exposure to the Safe Families program — from self-reported high levels • To identify effective and less effective elements of the of engagement with Safe Families to no knowledge at all. Safe Families program and recommend measures for Participants for young people FGDs had to be between the ages strengthening these elements. of 16 and 30. Two FGDs — one all-female and one all-male — In addition to this report, the research team will also produce were held in each site. Table 1 below outlines the sites where articles and publications on how to conduct research on data was gathered, the data collection methods, the types and VAW that is ethical, safe and rigorous in the context of small, number of respondents.
Table 1: Data collection sites and methods
RESEARCH SITES IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS Auki, Malaita • Oxfam staff (6) • Provincial alliance (1 FGD, 6 participants) Kunu, Malaita • Community men (1) • Young women (1 FGD, 7 participants) • Community women (2) • Young men (1 FGD, 9 participants) Oibola, Malaita • Community men (2) • Young women (1 FGD, 6 participants) • Community women (2) • Young men (1 FGD, 6 participants) Siwai, Malaita • Community men (1) • Young women (1 FGD, 14 participants) • Community women (2) • Young men (1 FGD, 7 participants) Lata, Temotu • Oxfam staff (5) • Provincial alliance (1 FGD, 6 participants) Minerv, Temotu • Community men (2) • Young women (1 FGD, 7 participants) • Community women (2) • Young men (1 FGD, 6 participants) Minervi, Temotu • Community men (2) • Young women (1 FGD, 7 participants) • Community women (2) • Young men (1 FGD, 7 participants) Nemba, Temotu • Community men (2) • Young women (1 FGD, 6 participants) • Community women (2) • Young men (1 FGD, 6 participants) Honiara (National capital) • No in-depth interviews • Oxfam staff (1 FGD, 4 participants) TOTAL • Community women (12) • Young women (47) • Community men (10) • Young men (41) • Oxfam staff (6 women; 5 men) • Oxfam staff (4 women) • Provincial alliance members (4 men; 8 women)
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 13 2.3 Research tools this research provided their informed consent to participate and understood the voluntary nature of the research. Researchers Interview and FGD guides were developed by EQI and Monash were instructed to conduct interviews in private settings University in close collaboration with Oxfam Solomon Islands to ensure confidentiality. This was often challenging in the staff. Separate guides were developed and tailored to each provinces, where there were few enclosed and private venues cohort. The FGD with Honiara-based Oxfam staff was conducted that could be used for this purpose. In such case, researchers in English, but all other interviews and FGDs were conducted in selected interview settings outside of earshot from other pijin, the official language of Solomon Islands. Translation of the community members. tools from English into pijin was led by the local research team in Solomon Islands to ensure they were appropriate for the local 2.6 Strengths and limitations of context. Including local researchers in the tool refinement and adaptation process was critical, particularly given the interview the study and FGD questions were focused on concepts not commonly discussed among community members, such as gender norms, Strengths of this study roles, and expectations. • This study took a participatory approach and local researchers from Malaita and Temotu provinces played a 2.4 Data collection key role in adapting and refining the research tools. This ensured that the tools were well adapted to the site- Field work and data collection took place in May 2018. A team specific contexts, fostered a sense of ownership among the of 10 Solomon Island researchers — men and women — were local researchers, and built and valued local capacity. recruited from Malaita and Temotu provinces and brought to Honiara for five days of training on gender equality and the • Little rigorous research has been conducted in Solomon root causes of family violence, as well as research ethics and Islands or the Pacific on VAW and how to prevent it. This techniques. The training was jointly facilitated by EQI, Monash research is timely, as there have been a growing number of University and Oxfam Solomon Islands. Working alongside the interventions aimed at preventing VAW in the Pacific. The research leads from EQI, Monash University and Oxfam, the findings will help build much-needed practice knowledge. research teams travelled to the offshore island provinces of Malaita and Temotu, and conducted interviews and FGDs with Limitations of this study Safe Families community members and program staff. In total, 49 interviews and FGDs were conducted and over 70 hours of • While the original aims of the research included a focus on interview audio recording were collected for analysis. understanding norms and attitudes on sexual violence, in the end, the research tools did not explicitly ask participants 2.5 Ethics about sexual violence. This was due to the sensitive nature of the topic and a perception that it would be challenging for Ethics approval for this research was obtained from the Monash researchers to bring up the topic of sexual violence without University Human Research Ethics Committee. Prior to interviews first building sufficient rapport with community members. and FGDs, all potential participants were informed about the purposes of the study and that participation was voluntary. • While the research design stipulated sex-segregated FGDs, Participants were assured that no names or other personal a male researcher was present in a small number of young identifiers would be used and that only pooled data from which women FGDs. This may have impacted the conversation no individual could be identified would be reported. Consent among the young women and made the job of the facilitator, to record conversations was obtained prior to initiating group who already faced challenges drawing out responses, more discussions or individual interviews. difficult. The importance of sex-segregation was highlighted to researchers throughout the training and reiterated This study focused on community attitudes and norms around during field work. It is possible that male team leaders VAW and did not explicitly ask participants to disclose their misunderstood their role of overseeing the data collection own experiences or perpetration of violence. However, as processes as actually having to be present throughout with any study that delves into sensitive topics, there was all FGDs. In future, more time (approximately two weeks) always potential for participants to make disclosures during allocated to training researchers, and added emphasis on discussions about VAW and intimate partner violence. As an research methodology and ethics, may prevent this mistake ethical and safety measure, all FGDs with young community from occurring again. members were segregated by sex. Facilitators and interviewers were sex-matched with respondents; female researchers • The questions posed by interviewers about different forms interviewed female respondents and male researchers of violence were not always adequately explored. Therefore, interviewed male respondents. the data is lacking a rich description of the community members’ understandings of violence. This could be due to Prior to data collection, researchers were trained in research lack of researcher experience, suitable training, or both. ethics, including confidentiality and the importance of ensuring privacy and anonymity for the respondents. All participants in
14 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS Photo: Kim Litera/Oxfam
3. FINDINGS: Gender norms in Solomon Islands
3.1 Social norms and how they drive In many cases the threat of sanctions, both real and perceived, family and sexual violence is sufficient to maintain social norms. Social norms about appropriate roles and behaviour for women A key component of the research examined the context-specific and men are called gender norms. This is often expressed social norms that drive family and sexual violence in Malaita through local conceptions about how women and men and Temotu provinces. Social norms are the common rules should ideally behave. Put more simply, people have common shared by a group regarding socially acceptable or appropriate understandings of what characteristics make a good man and a behaviour in particular social situations. Although often related good woman. to individually held beliefs or attitudes, social norms are distinct from the attitudes and beliefs of individuals. A social norm is In the context of Solomon Islands, this study found that made up of one’s beliefs about what others do, and by one’s communities in Malaita and Temotu provinces adhered to rigid 22 beliefs about what others think one should do. People are gender norms and strict gender roles. Interview respondents inclined to comply with a norm if both these social expectations and FGD participants expressed clear ideas about what traits are in place — that is, if they expect others will conform and were considered good behaviour for women and men. There expect them also to conform to it (and would disapprove if were similarities between what women thought of as good they did not). Social norms are maintained by the anticipation behaviour for themselves, and what men considered ideal of approval or disapproval of one’s actions, otherwise known behaviour for women. However, there were some interesting respectively as positive and negative sanctions. People who differences between what women considered ideal behaviour break social norms may face community backlash, often in the for men, and how men viewed ideal behaviour for themselves. form of losing or conferring status and power within the group23.
22 Bicchieri, C. (2006). The Grammar of Society: The Nature and Dynamics of Social Norms. New York: Cambridge University Press. 23 CARE (2017). Applying Theory to Practice: CARE’s Journey Piloting Social Norms Measures for Gender Programming - Report. Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere, Inc. (CARE).
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 15 Figure 1: Ideal traits of ‘good’ women and ‘good’ men
what is a ‘good’ woman?
Participates in community activities Doesn’t gossip or swear Stays quiet Christian Passive Self-disciplined Respectful Obedient (to husband) Kind & Welcoming Doesn’t drink alcohol Hard working Teach/love children Speaks nicely to people Shares resources/ Takes care of in-laws food Humble
women said... men said...
what is a ‘good’ man?
Patient Self-Disciplines Hard working Has a good attitude Doesn’t spend money on alcohol Shares resources Gives money to his wife (betelnut) Kind Active in the community Joyful Doesn’t drink Helpful to others alcohol Hospitable Funny Not Jealous Doesn’t get angry Christian A providing father Loves his people Splits firewood
women said... men said...
16 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS The research revealed that both men and women had similar Facilitator: “So, then it affects her character? She can’t ideas about what it meant to be a good woman, which included: do the things that good women do, because of her being kind and welcoming; responsible for child-rearing; self- husband’s jealousy…” disciplined; not gossiping or swearing; sharing resources; and [Everyone agrees] being a good Christian (Figure 1). There was greater divergence – Young male community member, Temotu. between men’s and women’s ideas about what it meant to be a good man. When asked to describe the characteristics of a While men are generally seen as the boss of the household and good man, most female participants highlighted relationship are responsible for important decision-making, women are seen traits. For example, women commonly said that a good man as the more responsible money managers, and are generally is someone who gives their wife money, is kind to her and given some or most of the control over household finances. This provides for their family. However, male participants more is largely accepted because both men and women interviewed readily identified positive traits related to community-level believed men would misuse household income and spend 24 connections, such as being kind to other community members, money on alcohol, tobacco and gambling. sharing what they have, and having a good attitude to others. “In some families, men cannot manage the money, In fact, the only thing men and women agreed on when it came because they might go and drink, in that instance, some to being a good man was that they should be kind and refrain women look after the money.” from drinking alcohol. These different perspectives likely stem – Male community member, Malaita. from the fact that in Solomon Islands, men are seen as natural leaders and are expected to fulfil leadership roles at home and Understanding social norms around what makes a good woman in the community. More research on this topic may be useful in and good man is important because it provides insight into guiding the content of community-level violence prevention and how men take on the role of the boss, with the right to enforce gender norm change interventions. women’s ideal behaviour, usually with violence.
The tendency for women to nominate relationship traits of good men could also be due to the high rates of intimate 3.2 The disconnect between violence partners’ violence experienced by women in Solomon Islands. against women and discipline As mentioned earlier, 64% of Solomon Island women had experienced intimate partner violence in their lifetime. It is When directly asked, community members would say VAW is therefore not surprising that women would identify kindness and unacceptable. However, when presented with a scenario in which lovingness as desirable traits in a partner. Furthermore, women a woman does not behave according to accepted gender norms are seen as caregivers whose roles are generally restricted to and gender roles, community members commented that violence the home and family and therefore have a vested interest in a could be justified as “discipline” and to “teach her a lesson”. partner who shares the burden of household and care work. Interviewer: “If husband pays for the bride price, do you think people in the community would think the husband Both men and women had a clear idea of what women should has the right to beat her?” not do (and the associated sanctions with such behaviours) whereas men’s and women’s ideas of a good man were defined Participant: “No, he should only advise her.” by more valorised characteristics involving greater levels of Interviewer: “What if she commits adultery/extra marital agency. The gender norm, or gendered ideal, that men should affairs? You think he should just advise her?” be kind stems from Christian teachings. Specifically, the Bible Participant: “He should beat her.” instructs men to be caring and compassionate, however it is – Female community member, Temotu. usually framed in terms of kindness to neighbours and less commonly framed in terms of kindness and respect between This is related to the normalisation of violence, where violence, husbands and wives. particularly men’s, is seen and treated as a normal part of life. Because of their dominant roles within the family and society, It is also noteworthy that some of the features of a good woman men are considered to have the right to teach their wife so- could potentially increase her risk to violence. For example, if a called acceptable forms of behaviour. For example, community woman is overly generous and provides food and hospitality to members said that if a woman swears, gossips, or has an affair her relatives, she risks being seen as giving away too many of with another man, there is justification for her to be beaten. The the family’s resources and this could lead to arguments with her payment of bride price also provides additional justification for husband. This is confirmed in the following FGD exchange about discipline in the form of violence (see section on bride price). what it means to be a good woman. Interviewer: “What are some things that a woman can do Participant: “Some women are good, it’s their husbands [so] that people in this community think it is ok for her who are not good…” husband to hit her?” Facilitator: “What do you mean by that?” Participant: “If she swears a lot, because that is considered offensive in our culture, and also if she is Participant: “Their husbands are jealous.” unfaithful to her husband, then it’s ok for him to hit her.”
24 See also Kruijssen et al. (2013) and Eves (2018) for supporting research on gender, income and household decision making in Solomon Islands and the Pacific.
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 17 Interviewer: “Anything else? What do other people in the respondents indicated bride price is an important practice in community think?” both Malaita and Temotu provinces. Across the Pacific, the Participant: “If she breaks culture, people in the practice is often understood as a commodification of women community will say ‘leave him to hit her’. They’ll say it’s and a way to reinforce men’s dominance; women are paid okay because of culture.” for, and therefore considered to be owned, subject to the control of her husband25. This is inconsistent with traditional – Female community member, Malaita understandings of bride price. This research suggests that Community members clearly indicated that discipline must take the shift in understanding of bride price in Solomon Islands enables VAW in a number of ways. Bride price is also related the form of physical punishment, such as beating, in order for to an implied understandings of good womanhood, the a woman to learn the severity of her actions and to prevent justification of VAW and whether or not a woman feels pressure repeated transgressions. However, they also emphasised that to remain in a violent relationship. Therefore, understanding the it should not be too severe and should only serve to teach a circumstances in which violence occurs becomes clearer when woman the right way to behave. bride price is more fully understood as a cultural practice. “How I see it, is that woman is under the man. She is under the control of the man, so for him to [beat her], it’s 3.3.1 People’s understanding of bride price is changing okay, because he needs to teach her a lesson. For him to beat her to death, that’s not okay, because when she Participants’ understanding of bride price differed between age was with her family, they kept her well, but in terms of groups, indicating that the practice has changed over time. teaching her a lesson, that is his right because he has Bride price has deep cultural significance related to community paid for her.” ties and the way women are valued. Also known as bride wealth, historically, it was used as a form of compensation to the bride’s – Male community member, Temotu. family for the loss of a daughter, as she moved from her family 26 This research shows that the expected behaviour for women home to live with her husband’s family . It also symbolised 27 and men differs. Nowhere is this clearer than when looking the formalisation of social ties between two families . While at the different consequences women and men experience these sentiments are still present, the study found that many respondents, particularly younger age groups, believed bride when they defy gender norms. Respondents said that if women price also meant a woman is owned by her husband. transgressed gendered ideals they would be disciplined, usually with violence, by their husbands. If men transgressed, the This change in understanding is not surprising given the community or family would simply talk to them, telling them the context. Many academics have written on the commoditisation appropriate way to behave (although some key informants felt of bride price in the Pacific more widely.28 29 Solomon Islands this rarely happened in practice). While women’s behaviour was has not been immune to modern and capitalist influences, and, strongly policed and women’s transgressions often resulted like other Pacific nations30, the arrival of colonial influences and in severe punishment, men were far less likely to be held missionaries meant that outsiders have likely overlaid their own accountable for their actions. These ramifications, as illustrated western assumptions about what the local cultural transactions in the data set, are a further indication of gender inequality, meant. Previously, Solomon Islanders did not frame the practice which global research suggests is the root cause of VAW. with understandings of payment, but rather local languages described an exchange or gift. As such, bride price was never 3.3 Bride price originally about ownership or property. As the exchange below between one interviewer and an older Interviewer: “If a man [pays] the bride price, with shell man in Malaita highlights, there has been a shift in attitudes money or whatever, is it ok for him to hit or assault and understanding of bride price. his wife?” Participant: “Yes, for me, in my own thoughts, I paid for Interviewer: “What does that practice of ‘buying a woman’ you [a woman], so you must stay straight [behave well] mean in this community, what is the significance?” for me. So, if you do something wrong against custom, I Participant: “Before, marriage was when you joined two must teach you a lesson. It doesn’t mean I will beat you tribes together…I remember the elders before, they until you die, just for you to learn a lesson.” saw [bride price] as a good thing, like the tribe or the – Male community member, Malaita girl, they saw some value in her. For example, she was a hard worker, but not only because of [just the] girl, Bride price is a payment made from the groom and the groom’s because there was some value in uniting her tribe or her family to the bride’s family at the time of marriage. Most family with theirs. That’s why they paid, in custom. But
25 Wardlow, H., (2006). Wayward women sexuality and agency in a New Guinea society, Berkeley: University of California Press. 26 Papps et al, 1983(1983) ‘The Role and Determinants of Bride-Price: The Case of a Palestinian Village [and Comments and Reply]’. Current Anthropology, 24(2), pp.203–215. 27 Conway, J. and Ennio, M. (1990) Marriage in Melanesia: A Sociological Perspective, Papua New Guinea: The Melanesian Institute Point 15. 28 Filer, C. 1985 ‘‘What is this thing called ““Brideprice”?’” Mankind 15 (2): 163-83 29 Valeri, V. (1994) ‘Buying Women but Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance,’ Man 29: 1-26 30 Jolly, M. 1994 Women of the Place: Kastom, Colonialism and Gender in Vanuatu. Camberwell, Australia: Harwood Academic Publishers.
18 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS [in modern time], you see men just looking at a woman violence were factors, many stated that while women could leave and saying ‘oh, she’s mine’ without any thought to her for a short time, she would be expected to return to her husband background or family…The woman doesn’t have any say eventually, otherwise compensation would need to be paid. about it, because that’s culture, the way people see it, it’s like going to the store, you go and pay for it. Interviewer: “So, in your opinion, for example, if your Before, in terms of custom, it had nothing to do with the husband treated you badly all the time or you didn’t have boy and girl you see, the elders and parents looked for a children, is it okay for the woman to leave the man?” woman for the man, because they understood the value Participant: “She can leave, but if they paid for her then she in the girl and her tribe and how she could benefit them, will always and forever be under the control of the man.” for example, she might be good at making shell money, – Female community member, Temotu. that’s how tribes [survived] by seeking out the resources they didn’t have through bringing them into their family.” Participant: “What I think is that he has the right to say – Male community member, Malaita that [she is paid for so she must stay], because he paid for her, so her family doesn’t have the right to say [any] Shifts in the practices are also indicated in the currency used for thing. It’s like if you pay for something in the store, you such exchanges. In the past, traditional currency was exclusively own it. You don’t have to return it to the store.” used; in Malaita a type of ‘shell money’ and in Temotu ‘feather Facilitator: “It’s your property?” money’ were given for brides. Nowadays it is common to use both traditional or modern currency, or as one woman from Temotu Participant: “Yes, it’s your property. So if the man pays put it: “Today we use the ‘white man’s money’”. This research bride price and you go and stay with him, even if he suggests that bride price is now becoming competitive and treats you badly, it’s hard for you to leave, because he’s defined in terms of commodification31, as indicated by participants paid for you! He paid money to your parents for you to who reminisced about when bride price was not so expensive and leave your house and come and live with him, so you their feelings that “these days people charge too much.” can’t leave [husband’s house] and go back, because he’s already asked for permission from your parents.” 3.3.2 Tying bride price to gender roles and discipline – Young female community member, Malaita
While the exact rates of VAW and how it relates to bride price “If the bride price is big [expensive] it only makes it are unknown, the interview and FGD data suggests that more worse for the woman, because she can’t leave [a violent recent ideas surrounding ownership of a woman are being used relationship], so she just stays quiet. It’s usually her as justifications for violence. However, it is not simply the idea side of the family who advises her to stay, because the that a woman is considered to be owned that justifies violence, size of the bride price. The size of the bride price will but also the fact that bride price places social expectations on determine her freedom to leave, so say it’s an average women’s shoulders. bride price, it will be easier. But you know the pride of us Malaitans, these days some men want a big bride price.” As a publicly acknowledged exchange, bride price performs an important social function for women’s status and role in the – Male community member, Malaita wider community. When bride price is paid, a woman, recognised There was evidence this belief was also changing however, as now as a married woman, is granted respect and honour; she is legitimised and seen as a woman having value. some respondents challenged this notion that a bride price makes it difficult for a woman to leave an abusive marriage. Participant: “I will say that the marriage is only respected once the bride price has been settled. Until that time the Interviewer: “Some people believe that when a man’s woman still belongs to the public…” family buys a woman, that it is hard for the woman to leave her husband, what [are] your thoughts?” Interviewer: “So, you are saying that it has an impact on the woman, because it gives her more respect when her Participant: “In the past, people really held on strongly bride price has been paid.” to that idea, but these days the practice is unfavoured, Participant: “Yes, until then, she is nobody’s wife.” these days if a man doesn’t treat his wife properly, even if he paid for her, she can leave. Last time, not so much, Interviewer: “So, it gives value and respect to the woman?” but this time, she can leave…it’s changed.” Participant: “Yes. And that woman will look upon herself – Female community member, Malaita as a married woman. [She’ll say] ‘I have been paid. People respect me. My husband’s people respect me Interviewer: “Some people say that if a man has paid for because they paid for me’.” his wife, it’s hard for her to leave him, what do you think – Male community member, Temotu. about that?” For participants in the study, the issue of women leaving or Participant: “That’s not right, because she is a human staying with an abusive husband was explicitly tied to bride price. being; if you treat her badly, she will leave, no matter While some opinions differed, especially if children or severe how hard you try and get her back, it’s her choice to go if
31 See Wardlow, 2006 for similar discussion in Papua New Guinea and also Melanesia more generally.
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 19 she wants. No matter if you paid for her, it’s hard for you commented this ought to change and that talking about violence to control her, it depends on her. So that’s your failure [if was good for raising awareness and resolving problems. you treat her badly and she leaves].” “Yes of course, [talking about VAW] is a good thing, we – Male community member, Malaita need to know about it because before we were just blind More generally, the divergence of views on gender roles and and didn’t know about anything. So, it’s good, and if expectations expressed by young people, especially by young some of the families don’t hear about it, we will tell them men in FGDs, indicate that attitudes may be gradually shifting. ‘well this is what we learned in the session [referring to Youth FGDs, particularly in Malaita province, revealed that young community conversations].’ Yes, it’s a good thing.” people from the same communities often did not hold the same – Female community member, Malaita. opinions, and in some cases, held views that were in complete opposition. This suggests that these gender norms may be 3.5 Community understanding of the less entrenched or that individual attitudes may be gradually changing. Further research on this issue would help confirm the causes of violence depth and breadth of this change. Evidence on VAW in the Pacific, and around the world, strongly suggests that gender inequality is a root cause of VAW.32 3.4 Community understanding of Compared to community members, the CEFs demonstrated a different forms of violence better understanding of gender inequality, how this manifested in their own lives and the links between gender inequality The most common forms of violence cited by focus group and and VAW. This is likely due to the extensive training CEFs interview participants were physical violence and arguments. had undertaken on VAW and gender equality, and the more Financial violence was also often raised, though most consistent programmatic exposure CEFs received as part of community members talked about the misuse of household program implementation. While Oxfam CEFs were not directly income, especially for the purchase of alcohol, rather than men asked what causes VAW, their understanding of gender exerting financial control over women. inequality and male dominance was commonly acknowledged in their responses during interviews. For example, one female CEF This research originally intended to focus on the social norms acknowledged not only the role of power in gender inequality that drive family and sexual violence. However, in the process but men’s reluctance to change. of refining the research tools, local researchers advised that it would be difficult to explicitly raise the topic of sexual violence “In reality, such men overpower their wives, they think they have the power. When we talk about gender with community members, particularly when interviewers would equality, he says he will not overpower his wife. He not have sufficient time to build the rapport required to discuss blames his wife, but he should blame himself. They still such private and taboo topics. The final research tools included want to overpower their wife and children, to command questions about family violence more broadly, which would them to do [something] according to his wish, so he capture different types of violence — including sexual violence does not want to participate in gender equality as he — if raised by respondents themselves. wants to hold onto his power, and his abuse against his Sexual violence was rarely raised in interviews and FGDs. When family. Although he is aware of the program, it will take it was raised by one CEF, it was in the context of risks faced time. As the communities practise and participate in the by women in public spaces rather than in the private sphere. program, then he will realise that he is the only one who Community members only raised sexual violence five times does not change in his community. So maybe someday in passing, with one female community member from Temotu he will slowly change but may need time.” stating that sometimes men would “demand sex from their – Female CEF, Temotu wives when they are drunk”, however, it was “not that common”. However, in spite of CEFs’ knowledge, this understanding One male participant from Malaita said that community members was not yet evident among community members. Only one are often afraid to report sexual violence because it is seen as community woman from Malaita recognised power as a root a private matter. When community members did raise sexual factor in VAW, saying: violence, the interviewers rarely probed for further information. The lack of discussions around sexual violence between “My own opinion is that it is all about power. My thinking researchers and participants is nonetheless noteworthy. The is that the man likes to have the power over the woman, fact that Solomon Islanders appear reticent to discuss sexual he wants to be the boss, so then violence happens.” violence, and sexuality more broadly, due to the taboo nature of – Female community member, Malaita the themes indicates a space for further program development and research. This lack of understanding was also a finding from the STAV program. The STAV end of program evaluation report found that, Domestic violence was also considered a private matter and while the family-centred approach was successful in engaging was not discussed publicly. However, some community members communities to start addressing the endemic levels of violence,
32 Fulu, E. et al (2016).
20 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS this approach “failed to effectively identify gender power other family members. However, some men indicated they imbalances as the root cause of VAW. This is evidenced by the thought some women were also starting to drink. fact that community members identified external factors as the cause of violence (i.e. alcohol consumption, women’s gossiping, Facilitator: “Who usually drinks, the mother or the father?” and jealousy were commonly cited as the causes of violence).”33 Participant: “Nowadays they both drink! Mothers and fathers!” The findings in the Safe Families program are similar. When [Everyone laughs] asked what the root causes of VAW were, community members in particular pointed to issues such as gossip, alcohol Participant: “Yeah when the father drinks, the mother is consumption, infidelity, jealousy and gambling. These are not angry, so then she drinks.” the causes of violence, but are reinforcing factors. While they [Everyone laughs and confers] can increase the severity and frequency of violence, they are - Young male community members, Temotu not the root cause of VAW. The role of alcohol in intimate partner violence is complex. The 3.5.1 Infidelity and jealousy association between alcohol use and partner violence is likely to be due to a combination of factors: alcohol contributes Jealousy over actual or perceived infidelity was mentioned to violence through enhancing the likelihood of conflict and frequently as a reason men or women might act violently towards reducing inhibitions.34 Ultimately, the use of alcohol does not a partner. While some respondents mentioned arguments between explain the underlying imbalance of power in relationships women over male partners, as well as women getting angry with where one partner exercises coercive control. In the context unfaithful husbands, overwhelmingly the data suggests this of Solomon Islands, effectively addressing alcohol abuse is an predominantly took the form of men’s violence towards women. important component of initiatives aimed at decreasing the The common phrase used for infidelity in Malaita and Temotu prevalence and severity of violent incidents, and other positive is “02”, in reference to a person’s second partner. (A primary outcomes such as more income for households, greater health partner is referred to as “01”). While infidelity was widely viewed benefits, and increased well-being. However, international as unacceptable, it appeared to be relatively common. And while program evidence shows that tackling alcohol consumption it was generally agreed that both women and men could be to reduce violence is more effective when combined with unfaithful, it was also commonly understood that women were approaches which also actively address gender inequality.35 responsible for behaviour which might make their husband jealous. Behaviour such as talking to and spending time with men who Community members also raised alcohol as an issue in relation to are not relatives, or travelling far from home alone for extended the misuse of money, specifically by men. Many respondents said periods, may result in a husband being violent toward his wife. that while the man is the head of the household, women are better There was an acceptance of violence towards women who were at managing the money because men will spend it on alcohol. unfaithful (real or perceived), as illustrated in the quotes below. “In my view, in some families it is the women who are “…If she swears at her husband or is unfaithful to him, responsible for looking after money and in some it is people will say it’s okay for the man to hit her, she both the father and the mother who control the money. deserved it. It’s just how we think here.” But I think it is best for women to control the money… – Male community member, Malaita Because if daddy controls the money, he will go and drink and misuse the money, but mummy knows how to “Women have jealous minds and men have jealous minds control the money and manage it in the house.” too. But some jealous man, for example, if they saw their wife talking with other men, they just don’t waste time, – Female community member, Temotu they see their wife and they just beat her. They’ll think Local informants also pointed out that the common practice ‘this is not right by me; I am going to beat you’. They paid of giving women control over household finances is not always [bride price] for her. And later he might regret it and see empowering for the woman if the ability to make decisions is what a stupid thing he has done, but the woman should not genuinely in her control. In some cases, this allocation respect people and not behave like that.” of responsibility can be viewed as merely shifting the burden – Male community member, Temotu. of another household management task from the man to the woman. Local respondents also observed that this practice 3.5.2 Alcohol could increase women’s vulnerability to violence when men give women control over household finances but do not accept the The men and women interviewed generally agreed that men’s financial decisions she makes. abuse of alcohol was seen as a major cause of violence, particularly between husbands and wives, but also between
33 Barclay, A (2015:6) STAV End of Program Evaluation Report 34 Secretariat of the Pacific Community (2009). Solomon Islands Family Health and Safety Study. SPC: Noumea. 35 Our Watch, Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS) and VicHealth (2015) Change the story: A shared framework for the primary prevention of violence against women and their children in Australia, Our Watch, Melbourne, Australia.
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 21 3.5.3 Violence as a result of women’s transgressions 3.6 Legislation against family violence
As already discussed, there are certain expected behaviours in The adoption of the Family Protection Act 2014, the national Malaita and Temotu that make up the gendered social norms for legislation which deems domestic violence unlawful, has women. These include not gossiping, not going out too much had some impact on community attitudes and behaviours. and doing the household chores. Community members said it Anecdotally, there was some indication that men, since being was common for women to experience violence if they did not made aware of the act, now think twice before beating a abide by these norms, and that it was justifiable. woman. However this behaviour change is not due to a shift in understanding that violence is wrong, but a fear of punishment. “I have seen other communities where the way of the Consolidated and verifiable data on convictions as a result of man is the only way. If he comes home and the woman the implementation of the act is not yet available. However, a hasn’t cooked dinner, he will beat her and she will cry, family protection report prepared by SAFENET documenting rates that is the normal way he treats her.” of reports, trials, and convictions is being prepared for Solomon – Young male community member, Malaita Islands Parliament. SAFENET is part of the Ministry of Women, Youth, Children and Family Affairs (MWYCFA). “When women gossip their husbands beat them. When women are involved in infidelity and do things that are Participant: “I have the right to beat [my wife], violence perceived as not right within the household, husbands would most certainly happen. I think that I would be beat them for these. When husbands hear that their wives violent but then I also think in terms of the law… Because are involved in 02 or gossiping, they will beat them.” she might go and report me, and I would go to prison.” – Female community member, Temotu Interviewer: “Okay, so what did you come up with? You said you would think in terms of violence and then in “It starts in the house…because the family paid for her. terms of the law, so what would you do? Would you beat So if she is lazy… if she doesn’t work hard in their house, her or not?” and the husband hits her, [the family] will say it’s okay because she was too lazy. Then, if the woman goes out a Participant: “I wouldn’t beat her.” lot, people will say ‘let him hit her.’” Interviewer: “Why do you say that?” – Male community member, Malaita Participant: “Because the law prevents it.” – Male community member, Malaita. The fact that community members identified reinforcing factors as causes of violence is concerning. When community members One man in Temotu pointed out that sometimes there were believe factors like alcohol consumption or infidelity are causes incompatibilities between the law and local custom or the church. of VAW, it can create an environment where the violence is considered justified, or having only occurred due to the man “I think that in terms of custom, there are some areas having an alcohol problem. On the other hand, reinforcing that do not coincide with the law… or is not right factors such as alcohol consumption and poverty are significant according to the church. For example, if my wife slept realities in Solomon Islands that need to be addressed within with another man, according to custom it is right for me the contexts they arise. to…kill/beat her, but this is a breach to the law and the church. So sometimes areas like that are forbidden by the law but the custom supports it… this means there are ways of going about issues related to violence.” – Male community member, Temotu.
22 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS Photo: Kim Litera/Oxfam
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 23 4. FINDINGS: Promising results from the Safe Families Program
“I always look back, before, when I was single, my sisters Interviewer: “Has this program impacted your personal and my mother were always the ones who washed my life or your relationship with others?” clothes, who cooked for me, and they always washed the Participant: “Yes. Ever since I attended the [program] dishes. The Safe Families program changed my attitudes activities, I’m trying to change my attitudes, behaviours and behaviours towards gender roles, so me and my and character towards my family. People look at me as a wife have agreed that when I am out of the house [in the role model in the community, because I am the Chairman morning for work], she takes over the household work. of the Committee, so that’s some of the differences I From 4.30pm, when I am back [at home in the evenings], have seen happen in my own life.” all the work in the house I have to do it, because [my – Male community member, Temotu. wife] has spent the whole day doing that. So, I bath our child, feed her, cook, wash, those things. The social Some respondents reported that they had changed their norms of our community say that those [tasks] are behaviour due to the Safe Families program. Perpetrators things for women to do, but no, the [Safe Families] said they were now less inclined to use violence, and women program told me that I can do it.” reported increased confidence to participate in activities – Male CEF, Malaita outside the home.
Overall, there are early signs of changes in the program Interviewer: “From your experience, what kind of method communities in Malaita and Temotu. While the changes may did you use to teach your wife? Or what sort of methods seem small, they are not insignificant. Findings from this study do others use?” reflect the global evidence on shifting social norms: sustained Participant: “[Laughing] Bro, in the past, I used to love and meaningful social change on a large scale often takes years hitting women when they did the wrong thing, but this or even generations36. While it is difficult to isolate the changes time I have changed a little bit, because of the trainings observed and attribute them to the Safe Families program, by Oxfam. Now…I just hit something else when I get angry the study uncovered many encouraging indications that the at my wife. So, these days I don’t experience that what program was contributing to real, positive changes in attitudes we are talking about very much, because now we talk and behaviours around VAW. While variable in scope and scale, about it in the house and it’s finished, once I know I am critical changes were also observed around strengthened getting angry, I just walk out.” support for community response to VAW. – Male community member, Malaita 4.1 Changes in awareness, attitude, Interviewer: “Do you think the program made an impact in and behaviour of community members your personal life and relationships with other people?” Participant: “Yes, it really made big changes in my Community members increased their awareness of the issues life. For example, in the past I’m someone involved related to VAW. One male community member noted that the in unwanted activities such as drinking [beer] and program had helped him understand violence better: shouting in the community. But at the moment I don’t drink anymore because I know that if I drink, I will shout Interviewer: “What were the most helpful and least in a disorderly manner, which will cause violence in the helpful activities [of the] Safe Families program?” community or I swear a lot too. But now I don’t talk badly Participant: “Well, one is this awareness, this education, about another person anymore…I now respect other you need to educate people about what violence is. people. The introduction of the program helped me to Because I understand that violence is not just physical, stay out from these unwanted activities.” there are lots of ways, like intimidation, you don’t need to – Male community member, Temotu hit her, you can shout at her and [those} kind of things.” – Male community member, Malaita “Before this program, I was a woman who was very ashamed. It would be hard for you to see me walking Some community members also reported attitudinal shifts as a around, I stayed in my house. I stayed there for 10 direct result of exposure to the program: years of the past 11 years. Now we say, ‘Okay! Let’s do our meeting at [name omitted]’s house’. So, there I got
36 Our Watch, Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS) and VicHealth (2015) Change the story: A shared framework for the primary prevention of violence against women and their children in Australia, Our Watch, Melbourne, Australia.
24 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS used to walking on the road, but before that I never their involvement in the Safe Families program, they considered used to walk around.” themselves to be the boss in their home, with control over other – Female community member, Malaita family members. The program provided some motivation for a process of self-reflection. After exposure to Safe Families, the There were also recorded impacts on some bystanders. One man CEFs realised they were influenced by gendered stereotypes and from Temotu reported that he was now more likely to discuss acknowledged that their gender-biased attitude to housework violence prevention openly in the community as a result of his was a controlling behaviour. They gradually dispelled such exposure to the program. attitudes and engaged themselves more in domestic tasks to support their partners, while learning and undergoing training Interviewer: “Okay, can you give one major change that for awareness activities. Although men were generally not the program brought on you personally?” involved enough in housework, gradual changes in attitudes were instrumental in developing good relationships with their Participant: “I used to be a very quiet person and stay wives, as they reported having more receptive attitudes. a lot in the house, I don’t go from house to house. But now I feel that I want to go out to other houses and talk “I tended to see myself as a boss and relax a lot while about violence. I myself am very interested to discuss my wife does all the house chores. But now, I have now about violence, when I see that [other people] are… come out of that mentality. This is a very hard thing. I violating the rights of others, I will intervene and have a start to work collaboratively with my wife, we share ideas conversation with them telling them that it’s not right…I and decide together. It is one thing that impacted me also approach husbands and wives who argue a lot and positively as a CEF.” tell them the right ways of dealing with issues. Things – Male CEF, Temotu like: when you discipline your child, do it appropriately. “Before, I used to get very angry. If I see something is not I feel that I have a responsibility to do something about right, I instantly engage chiefs to help solve the problem. violence in the community. I am a quiet person before But now when I joined the program, if my wife is angry but now I sometimes took the lead to stop unwanted with me, I just humble myself and communicate with her activities in my community. In the past, when I see two in a very acceptable manner. People have witnessed this people arguing, I get scared but today I will approach change in me and confirmed the changes.” them and try and sort out the issue.” - Male community member, Minerv – Male community member, Temotu Staff members in particular, whose job was to promote violence One older man from Malaita made a point of saying just how long prevention and shifts away from the social norms that permit social change takes in his community: violence, found themselves in a complicated situation as they came to realise that their previous behaviour was contradictory “All the programs do is talk, they come and talk to me to the goals of the program. This self-reflection led them to but I am a man who has been brought up in a culture, become less tolerant of violence in themselves. Many came that’s how we live. You come and talk to me about a new to understand that in delivering complex and challenging idea that I need to adopt…well… Safe Families only came messages around attitudes and behaviours that drive violence, into the community this year, so we wouldn’t expect for they also had to change their behaviour. it to have a result yet. It takes time, you are dealing with human beings, they don’t change overnight.” “Before I had any involvement in the program, my behaviour – Male community member, Malaita and attitude were altogether different…I look back now I can see that there was a lot of areas where I committed violence. So, when I started, I realised that everything I had 4.2 Self-reflection and been doing was against the goal of this project.” transformation of community – Male CEF, Malaita engagement facilitators Although a rigorous assessment has not been conducted to The Safe Families program played an important role in raising verify whether the Safe Families program’s community awareness awareness of unequal gender relations and social norms activities had reduced violence at the end of phase one, our that condone violence. Unsurprisingly, improved knowledge, research has shown important changes in some participants’ awareness, attitudes and self-reported behaviour appear more knowledge of VAW and gender inequality. The study also captured significant amongst the CEFs and the members of FVPRAC. Many a change in attitudes toward social norms, gender stereotypes, participants, particularly male CEFs, expressed that prior to and acceptance of VAW. Comments on these changes were
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 25 Box 1: Summary of provincial alliance groups
Malaita Province Temotu Province
• Frequency of meeting: Bi-monthly • Frequency of meeting: Bi-monthly
• Members of alliance group: ACCOM, authorised justice • Members of alliance group: church groups, community (SPC RRRT), church groups, correctional services, representatives, correctional services, Family Support magistrate, Malaita Christian Care Centre, Market for Centre, magistrate, Ministry of Health and Medical Change, Ministry of Health and Medical Services, Ministry Services, police, provincial government. of Women Youth Children and Family Affairs, MPCW, police, Solomon Island Women in Business Association. • Meeting proceedings: Steered by Oxfam Safe Families team with support from provincial alliance coordinator • Meeting Proceedings: Usually steered by the Oxfam Safe Families team. Discussions would be on sharing • Resources: Utilised their own resources for community resources, strengthening informal referral systems, and mobilisation during community visits. requesting capacity training on gender prevention work.
• Resources: Utilised their own resources for community mobilisation during community visits.
predominantly made by CEFs and FVPRAC members during of belonging and social connectedness to the people they are the evaluation of phase one. However, changes made during working and living with in their communities. the implementation of the program were not systematically monitored. The program needs to introduce monitoring processes to measure and demonstrate how participants’ knowledge 4.4 Strengthening local response to and attitudes change, and the magnitude of these changes in family violence response to the interventions to prevent family violence. One of the crucial components of the Safe Families model is the establishment of the Provincial Alliance (PA), a network aimed at 4.3 Improved capacity and self-esteem promoting collective actions to prevent family violence.37 While the original aim of PAs was to coordinate prevention activities at The participants of Safe Families regarded overall capacity the provincial level and raise awareness, a positive unintended building and knowledge transfer as positive outcomes. For outcome was strengthening family violence response services. many, the program introduced concepts they had never been Initially, the PAs comprised exclusively of members from various exposed to, and this gave them new knowledge and skills. VAW response agencies. However, facing the low level of “It is also rewarding in the trainings…on things I do not awareness of their activities, the alliance and the communities know: how to approach people, how to work as a facilitator decided to also include community representatives. in communities, and it really upgraded my knowledge on With community representatives actively involved in PAs, they how to work with communities.” could successfully develop and strengthen service delivery at – Female CEF, Temotu the provincial level. Through engagement with Safe Families, the community received support to provide better services to survivors Another distinctive aspect of change is that Safe Families of violence and developed a referral system. Many PA members, enabled staff to increase their self-efficacy. In particular, CEFs and community members stated that the referral system is female staff and community members who used to be shy and functioning, with some survivors already benefitting from it. For introverted stated that engaging in this program enabled them example, in the past, most of the survivors did not report violence to be more positive and outgoing. to the police. However, the reports of survivors who receive “I was a bit reserved at first to be honest. But as time hospital care are now shared with the police. Hospitals and the goes, I started training my mind to be confident and police cooperate closely to monitor these incidents. soon found myself in love with my duty and that’s what happening right now.” “At the beginning, most of the cases used to come into medical, but then they never came to the police. [Instead] – Female CEF, Temotu they used to run away. [The report] didn’t make it to the This process reflected an improvement in self-esteem and police, but now [the police] receive referrals from medical.” feelings of self-confidence. There was a strengthened sense – Provincial alliance member, Temotu
37 Two provincial alliances were formed, one in Malaita and one in Temotu.
26 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS “If it was [an incident] involving violence then they can 4.5 A decrease in violence? just ring the police. The police appear. Take them to the hospital. These [police officers] are the alliance members A majority of respondents felt violence remained a big problem who take them to hospital… After treatment, then they can in their communities. refer them to the Provincial Council of Women who have the accommodation [shelter].” Facilitator: Is family violence a problem in this community? – Oxfam staff member, Honiara Husband beating his wife, wife beating her husband, is that a big problem in this community, as you see it?” In the PA network, police now engage in activities to inform Participant: “Yeah, it is a big problem in this community. community members about the Family Protection Act 2014. They Husband and wife argue, fight. The woman runs away.” also support FVPRAC to review and suggest amendments to the – Young male community member, Malaita community by-laws, so they are consistent with the values and policies of Safe Families.38 This process enhances community Facilitator: “Is [violence] a big problem in the community?” knowledge that violence is not acceptable and can result in Participant: “In this community violence is normal, even criminal charges. though awareness has been done, it still continues. A man “In the past people did not concern [themselves] about wakes up with violence in the village. So, I don’t know why domestic violence, however people are [now] informed it is this way, the awareness happens, they hear it, the and understand how to deal with violence. Therefore, very next day [violence] continues.” they formulate community by-laws and impose penalties – Young male community member, Temotu according to the nature of cases.” Interviewer: “Do people in this community see family – Male CEF, Malaita violence as a problem in the community?” Despite this effort, staff members found that some community Participant: “Yes…Prior to Oxfam coming here, we thought by-laws still did not correspond to gender sensitive principles, those things [violence] are just normal practices that we such as fines and prohibition being enforced for women wearing do, but when Oxfam came, we realise that these things trousers. Community by-laws should be regularly reviewed and constitute violence or abuse, so at the moment, we now revised as needed, and further awareness activities need to be recognise what violence is all about and the problems it conducted. Responsibility for reviewing the by-laws currently caused in the community.” sits with village committees and community chiefs. – Male community member, Temotu Knowledge sharing with community members, particularly chiefs Some respondents reported that the Safe Families program had and FVPRAC, provided the community members with practical reduced the incidence of violence in their communities. While this skills and guidance to cope with issues relating to family is a promising finding, it should be treated with a degree of caution violence. Some CEFs commented that prior to the introduction for a number of reasons. Firstly, community members may feel of Safe Families, family-related troubles were mediated by the chief, and conflict settlements often required parties to keep inclined to report positively about an intervention out of fear that quiet. Now, the chief and FVPRAC members closely monitor current and/or future interventions and other benefits or services reported cases of violence brought to them and seek to might be removed if an intervention is deemed unsuccessful. intervene with appropriate precautions and measures. Where Secondly, as previously mentioned, community members often possible, they also offer support through the network with justified VAW as a form of discipline. In cases where a community relevant expertise and agencies developed by the PA. member reported that they thought violence in their village had reduced, it is not clear whether they meant all forms of VAW had “The [Family violence Action Committee] is tracking decreased or so-called unjustified violence had decreased. Lastly, incidences of violence happening in the community, global research shows that VAW frequently occurs in the home.39 and…have intervened in violence cases that happen in In communities where there is some growing awareness that VAW the community.” is not acceptable, violence can often occur privately and quietly — Male CEF, Temotu behind closed doors, without community awareness.
“One area I saw help a lot was related to problem solving especially among chief because in the past chief found it hard to solve problems… but the program has provided more skills and tools to deal with problem in a systematic and appropriate manner.” – Male community member, Temotu
38 Apart from the state laws, each village community develops their own by-laws to regulate community activities and ensure a safe and peaceful environment in the areas of crime, custom/tradition, family protection, health and environment, marine and fisheries and other natural resources, and community governing body. By-laws are updated or revised as appropriate by the governing body of the community with advice from police. Safe Families encouraged communities to clearly stipulate non-acceptance of any forms of domestic violence. 39 Our Watch, Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety and VicHealth (2015) Change the story: A shared framework for the primary prevention of violence against women and their children in Australia, Our Watch, Melbourne, Australia.
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 27 5. FINDINGS: Effective (and less effective) elements of the Safe Families program
The findings presented below focus on the most effective The program encouraged CEFs to undergo a personal elements of the Safe Families program, specifically in the transformation through learning, reflection and commitment activities of training for gender equality and reducing VAW, to change. It may take some time to achieve, but Safe Families establishment of partnerships and networks, and development provided them with a solid foundation for self-reflection and of the community action plans. These findings are drawn from discovering positive changes in individuals. After receiving the program documentation and opinions expressed by program training on women’s rights, feminist approaches, family violence staff, PA members and some community members. A rigorous and fraud awareness, staff recognised that some of their evaluation of the program with predetermined indicators to help behaviours were inappropriate, and they were confident to raise verify some of these findings would be valuable. these issues with management. In very few cases, this resulted in the termination of individual staff contracts.
5.1 Effective elements of the Safe Long-term relationship to establish trust and rapport Families program with community members
The CEFs were able to develop trusting relationships and rapport 5.1.1 Driving personal transformation with community leaders and members over the three year duration of the program. Many staff members and CEFs reported that this Carefully selecting and supporting CEFs and providing them was key to the successful program implementation. Trust is an with an intensive training program, a lengthy implementation underlying basis of all relationships, but it is not possible to earn period and a well-designed toolkit were keys to making the Safe trust without prolonged contact based on meaningful interactions. Families program more effective. These strategies particularly Although trust is a general term and the participants did not specify assisted with the capacity development of staff members and what it meant to them, the interpretative analysis implies that facilitators, and their personal transformation through learning, trustworthy individuals are: capable, act on their word, and sincere reflection and commitment to change. and honest. Some staff members and CEFs described that the Establishing role models in the community community would likely trust them if they sent messages that are new and useful to their lives, or helped to effectively manage and The training program for CEFs, provided by IWDA, was designed coordinate the activities and groups that promoted the program. to develop the skills to influence program participants and increase awareness of gender issues, human rights, “[Temotu PA coordinator] had a better understanding of power relations and social norms related to gender-based project…Because of this higher level of education, he violence. Apart from the skills, knowledge and know-how for was more analytical. He could think outside of the box… facilitation, the intensive training also emphasised how program they relied so much on him… “ implementers (staff members, CEFs, FVPRAC and PA members) - Oxfam staff FGD, Honiara should change their own attitudes and behaviours. CEFs were told that they would be expected to be role models for gender Staff also gained trust by fulfilling their commitments to equality and respectful relationships in their communities. communities as promised. Some CEFs talked about their efforts to This message had a powerful effect on them in developing carefully plan every community visit rather than making impromptu responsible attitudes and behaving accordingly. As they visits. Participants said that CEFs were trustworthy if they were proceeded with awareness activities, they gradually understood reliable and did what they said they would do. This included the meaning of serving as role models for community residents keeping to schedules and showing up for activities at pre-arranged to emulate. times without cancelling. This dependability helped the program to operate smoothly and earned strong support from the community. “Our public appearance and our contact with people day- to-day is very important. I see that I am like a role model “In the communities I worked in, I really find it easy of what we teach through Safe Families program. People because of their support…when I want to visit a see that I put in action what I talk about so it helped community, I write a letter informing the community them do the same thing. When they see me as a role about the upcoming visit and everything will be set in model it helps them to change. I see it as ‘actions speak order to prepare for my visit without any difficulty. So louder than words.’” that is one area I see that they are very supportive, especially to us CEFs”. – Male CEF, Temotu – Male CEF, Temotu
28 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS Being a role model was one of the key messages to CEFs to awareness raising was not very engaging for some community demonstrate moral behaviour and honesty. Of the three elements members and did not hold their attention for long. They realised of trustworthiness explained above, being capable and reliable the need to add education-entertainment or a so-called are observable in a short period of time. However, being a edutainment approach that includes drama/street theatre, role model takes longer to establish. Investing in a prolonged singing, games or sports events to deliver messages in a more relationship with the community gradually helped the CEF act with effective and engaging way. integrity and generated mutual respect and credibility. Some CEFs commented that if they elicited trust, it enabled them to cope “I have noticed, if you just come into this community to well with any challenges they encountered. They were also able do a talk, then I see how people get bored. People have to gain the community’s understanding even when community gotten used to the dramas, so now they expect more expectations were not aligned with program objectives. exciting things, and it will make the messages more accessible to more people, so let’s continue to program “…my relationship with the community I work with is but put the messages into small dramas.” very good. People respect me because of my conduct like moral behaviour. The community knows me, so they – Female CEF, Malaita respect me, and I respect them too. So, my working Using performances to share key messages was a tactic that together and my relationship with them is very good.” attracted more participants. A special arrangement was made – Male CEF Temotu to conduct these activities in the evenings after office hours or on weekends so that more community members, particularly 5.1.2 Adapting practice to local context younger individuals, were able to attend. While this successfully increased participant numbers in some cases, there were Message delivery additional challenges related to maintaining program fidelity and preventing the distortion of messages (see section 5.1.2). It is important to maintain a good balance between program fidelity and the need to adapt to local contexts. All CEFs reported Outreach effort that the training they received from IWDA was informative, provided new knowledge and built their capacity to facilitate The manual-based approach did not lead to community awareness activities. However, when they started to deliver mobilisation or increased participation in activities, particularly those messages in the field, they encountered some difficulties. for those with special needs. The initial plan assumed that For example, CEFs were asked many challenging questions by participants would turn up if invited to meetings, and CEFs community members which were not covered in the toolkit. CEFs could mobilise them and promote participation as instructed. therefore adapted by holding impromptu discussions, gave their However, certain sectors of the population were excluded from best possible responses, and promised to seek further answers. this process because of immobility and reluctance to discuss Responding to this problem, the project manager of Safe Families sensitive issues. These groups included the elderly, community monitored the quality of key messages and interactions with members with mobility problems and those potentially community members and attempted to consolidate all questions experiencing violence. There was a concern that participation and answers to standardise responses and explanations. The would expose violence happening within a family or lead to a project manager suggested collecting this information and general loss of privacy. There also was potential for secondary compiling it into a guidebook. In addition, the large toolkit did not victimisation as a result of publicly disclosing domestic matters. fit within the planned schedules for communities. This meant that In response, the CEFs in Temotu modified the initial plan and some CEFs had to shorten the sessions without changing the introduced house-to-house visits to deliver key messages to original principles and contents. raise awareness within such groups. This achieved a positive outcome, ensuring an inclusive intervention that attempted to “The challenge now for us CEFs is really adopting this maximise accessibility and participation of marginalised groups. support with our own creativity, like how creative can we be to get the message out to communities and continue “Sometimes some married people…may feel bad in case fighting for what we are fighting for.” they are being seen as violent person, so we usually – Male CEF, Malaita visit them at their homes. We ensure we visit people with disability. Sometimes it is challenging therefore needs CEFs also witnessed a decrease in participant numbers as time, effort and commitment to reach all the people.” time went on. Some mentioned that the conventional style of – Male CEF, Temotu
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 29 Along with targeting individuals and families, outreach to are also able to obtain violence incident reports within this organisations in the communities is an alternative way to network (reported by the hospital, for example). This makes demonstrate effective message delivery to a sizeable group. For it possible for key stakeholders to share information, thus example, most community members are Christians. The church enabling a more comprehensive understanding of family congregation is an ideal place to effectively raise and talk about violence within communicates. the issues of family violence, gender equality and human rights. Some church leaders were selected as members of the PA as The PA was also engaged in awareness activities, in which well as FVPRAC. On some occasions, these leaders delivered key police shared knowledge about the Family Protection Law and messages in their churches about what they have learned and supported the redevelopment of community by-laws. Some CEFs understood in Safe Families. Other church members involved in and FVPRAC members commented that this process promoted Safe Families helped disseminate ideas and messages of family police presence and enhanced the understanding of the legal violence issues in the church, resulting in a spill-over effect. system in relation to the allegations of violence.
“I think it has made a positive impact inside the Church 5.1.4 Multiple component approach and allowed us to incorporate issues of domestic violence. The Church is very strong against the After facilitating awareness activities, CEFs supported ordination of women but now Priests are starting to learn communities to establish FVPRACs to promote and sustain that culture or religion does not give people the right violence prevention, and to develop a community action plan to abuse women and children. So, I have seen changes (CAP) to address their own priority projects to stop family in that respect, they [priests/pastors] have started to violence. It was largely a community-led plan prepared in a become advocates against violence in the community, participatory manner. whereas before they stayed silent.“ – Provincial alliance FGD Temotu Some staff members noted that despite the existence of community-based voluntary activity committees (such as When organising activities, CEFs tended to passively wait for the water, heath and income generating committees), FVPRAC participants to come and join. Instead, the CEFs could identify was the only group that received practical, instructive, and opportunities to deliver key messages at existing events, such systematic training and was encouraged to design their own as at community members’ homes, workplaces, schools and comprehensive activities to prevent family violence. churches. In the communities, churches are able to attract more women and men, and potentially play a role in delivering “They really appreciated the training [to develop CAP] messages on violence prevention and identifying family members because in most of the communities, we have lots who hint at their exposure to violence and are seeking help. of established committees, like church committee, development committee or whatever, but they are not really functioning, because they don’t know really their 5.1.3 Holistic approach in project design roles and responsibilities.” Integrated approach for prevention and response – Male Oxfam staff, Temotu
Safe Families aimed to promote a community-led integrated The components of CAPs and how they were developed differed approach, which addressed both prevention and response to from community to community, but they generally contained family violence. Awareness raising activities aimed to reduce training, awareness building, amendments to community by- violence through public discussion about practices and norms laws, development of small-scale grant applications and plans that condone and reinforce VAW. Community mobilisation to secure a budget for safe environment and other community approaches were complex interventions that involved many facilities (i.e. walls and gates). For example, one community stakeholders, such as women and men, youth, chiefs, religious in Malaita listed water and sanitation facilities in their CAP, leaders, police, political leaders, the provincial government, and because community members were concerned about the risk women’s organisations. Safe Families also established a system of sexual assault when young women and girls travelled long of service delivery and referral with special support from the distances to collect water and emphasised the importance of different expertise found within the PA. Most of the participants situating this facility at a proper location. from the community members, CEFs and PA, commented that the referral system and service delivery are now functioning “Because the project was just about awareness, we properly in response to the needs of survivors of violence. couldn’t go into livelihood activities and fulfilling the basic needs of communities. For example, some of “I think that when you do primary prevention, you also the communities have a problem with water too and need to step up…response services… because we are the women have to paddle far away to get water and raising awareness and people will be disclosing and sometimes they can get raped or harassed along the way, asking for services. You can see that link.” so I think we need to look at what are some of the practical – Male CEF, Malaita things we can do for communities that will help women.” – Female CEF, Malaita Many participants from the PA and CEFs described that the survivors in need of support for health services are now referred This type of project is not directly related to the original aims of to hospitals, shelters, and legal services as necessary. Police the program, which were to focus on community-based education.
30 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS However, it might be more realistic to combine prevention activities know you have helped them connect to different services: with material-based investment in order to respond to the realities community and police, community and medical, community of community members’ lives, and enhance their initiatives and and provincial government. But they still don’t realise that motivations to implement projects together. Many participants it is the Safe Families program that provided that support, raised the need to include tangible elements in the program to so they’ll still say that ‘Safe Families didn’t do anything improve their livelihoods, while some expressed scepticism about for us’ because their mindset is focused on looking for the efficacy of stand-alone projects that exclusively focus on tangible things to be set up in the communities.” awareness to change attitudes and behaviours to stop violence. – Male CEF, Malaita Some communities had already started a savings group for women in this program during phase one, followed by income generation As noted above, this program employed a community activities (e.g. market development) in which awareness activities mobilisation approach to stop VAW. Yet, in resource-constrained for violence prevention are already incorporated. and remote communities, such as those in Solomon Islands, a violence prevention program based on a multiple component “However the Safe Families program is mainly focused on approach will likely be more effective. Such an approach could changing the attitude and behaviour of human beings. generate a synergistic effect through providing support in living They will never really appreciate it, even though they environment and livelihoods.
Figure 2: Effective Elements of Safe Families Program
• Training to encourage role model for community Supporting approach Personal • Long term relationship Transformation with community based on trust
• Integrated Change Social Norms/ approach for Gender Attitudes that prevention and • Creative key drive Violence Against response message delivery Women & Girls • Multiple component • Inclusive Outreach approach efforts
Adapting Holistic Practice to Approach in Local Context Project Design
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 31 5.2 Less effective elements of However, when the program introduced more diverse and flexible safe families methods of engagement, young women and men started to participate actively. Data analysis revealed four key themes for less effective elements: “Another isolated group, and this is more before, is the 1 ‘Only talk’ approach youths, because they think the program is just for married couples. But since this theatre group came in, it’s really 2 Mobility and migration engaged young people from the start, so they are now among the most active.” 3 Involvement of youth - Male CEF, Malaita 4 Donor-led design and delayed implementation. It is clearly important to involve youth in programs that shift the social norms and gender attitudes that drive violence in the 5.2.1 ‘Only talk’ approach long term. In terms of development of attitudes and beliefs that The primary objective of Safe Families was to reduce violence support gender stereotypes and gender-based violence, there at the community level through changes in public discourse, is some evidence to suggest that these attitudes are developed practices, gendered attitudes, beliefs and social norms that early among adolescents and are reinforced by prevailing drive family violence. Awareness-building activities about gender social norms.40 Beyond merely targeting youth as participants, inequality and family and sexual violence were conducted by programs could more effectively engage youth as a cohort if CEFs for 3-4 months with small groups of women, men, youth, they were included in the design and implementation of the community leaders, and religious leaders. This was guided by intervention. More research would be needed to fully understand CEFs using a toolkit, and key messages were constantly revisited the enablers and barriers to youth involvement in the Solomon and reinforced. Yet, the conventional mode of repeating the same Island context. topic on violence did not necessarily guarantee that conversation would be sparked and sustained among participants. Many participants, including CEFs and Oxfam staff, pointed out that a 5.2.3 Donor-led design one-way approach with ‘only talk’ was not engaging and did not Safe Families program staff indicated that the project design inspire or capture the interest of community members. This had a process was complex and, at times, challenging. Staff felt that significant impact on attendance levels. local expertise was not always considered by the donor, who led “So, it’s hard to just be asking people to come and say: ‘Ok the design of the project, and this did not give enough space we want to talk about violence.’ There is less interest. So, for partners to contribute. It is important, however, to highlight we need to figure out what keeps communities together.” that the donor took on-board the concerns expressed by Oxfam, - Oxfam staff FGD, Honiara which resulted in Oxfam leading the design for the second phase of the project. “Because people will be irritated to hear the same thing over and over and at the end of the day, it’s like giving a “The process for developing the design document wasn’t test and asking them if they memorise the lesson.” what we expected. We expected more engagement, to - Male Oxfam staff, Malaita do back and forth and designing the workshop together. We understood why we would do it in a certain way and Thus, many suggested that there should be more also because during the reflection session last year in appealing options for delivering key messages, such as the November, we had gone in detail, brought in the staff from aforementioned ‘edutainment’ format. This change in approach the provinces and they had shared their thoughts about was made partway through the program. what worked what didn’t work. We had a lot we wanted to input and share. But it was very top-down.” 5.2.2 Involvement of youth – Oxfam staff member, Honiara.
Youth represents an important group to work with in order to prevent future violence, yet their attendance was low. One reason 5.2.4 Temporary delays in program implementation for low attendance was due to their work and school commitments. Some CEFs reported that a delayed transfer of funds to the field “The young girls attend more as they follow their mothers while negotiating a contract extension with the project donor to the meetings. That is daytime meetings. But during resulted in a temporary suspension of activities and threatened programs held at night that incudes dramas and skits the success of the project. This was particularly noteworthy being done, the whole community attends. Both males when community members were enthusiastic about making and females. But during [daytime] meetings, young boys changes. The interruption affected community members’ morale participates less.” and caused some challenges when restarting the activities. – Female community member, Temotu
40 Harris, A et al., (2016) The Body Shop Australia. (2006), Blanc, A. (2001), Barker, G. (2000)
32 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS Photo: Kim Litera/Oxfam
“What I have experienced is that I might go to the “Before the program came, if I disagreed, I would get angry community this week, but then we might have to stop for at my wife, we would fight, but since the program, she another three weeks [while waiting for program funds to knows when to stay silent, now she knows when to stay come through] and the community might think, have we [silent] so that is one thing the program has achieved. Now finished? So you see, we need support in terms of improving when I say something is not right, my wife realises it is not the process and availability of funds for activities, because right… that’s how I know the Oxfam program has had some it affects the interest of communities in the program. impact. Because in every home, if the man disagrees with When people are in the mood for implementing activities to something, there will not be violence if the woman is quiet. prevent and respond to violence then we need to keep that If the woman retaliates, there will not be peace.” fire burning. If the fire dies out then you have to go looking – Male community member, Temotu for matches, and they are in Honiara.” – Male CEF, Malaita Further evidence of this is found in changes to some of the by-laws. While many have identified mostly positive changes, in some cases the by-laws have been amended in ways that are not 5.2.5 Distortion of program message consistent with the principles of gender equality. The community It is evident that a small number of participants misunderstood by-laws should regularly be revisited and revised if necessary, the core messaging of the program. This led to a small number of and further awareness activities need to be conducted. women adjusting their behaviour in order to avoid violence, when “Before I left [Oxfam] and saw a draft of one of these by- the message was targeting men and asking them to recognise laws and it has things in it like: “Women are not allowed and change their harmful behaviour. This confusion seemed to to wear trousers”. I was asked to pay a 50 dollar fine for go deeper than simply employing a safety strategy, for example, wearing trousers. I said I’m comfortable with my dress code intervening with someone who is sober is much safer than with I’m not paying anything.’” someone who is drunk. Participants spoke clearly to themes of the good woman, where women are expected to be passive, self- - Female Oxfam staff, Honiara disciplined and obedient to their husbands. Further research is needed to understand where this distorted understanding is coming from. It could be a combination of “I’m one woman who argues consistently with my factors, such as receiving second hand knowledge from other husband...So, when Oxfam came in, I said, this is true life, community members or community members’ own biases what Oxfam said is good… If he goes drinking, I will say, altering their understandings. While on the whole this was it’s okay… No matter our daddy goes drinking, I do not not a large-scale issue, it could prove to be problematic if get angry with him. Because if I get angry with him when not identified and corrected. It is therefore important that he is drunk, he will hit me… and I’ve been in the program the program establishes measures to strengthen message learning all these, so I better act appropriately. When he is delivery, as well as adequately monitor and evaluate community normal then we can talk.” members’ understandings of gender inequality and VAW before – Female community member, Temotu moving onto further stages.
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 33 6. Recommendations
Based on the findings of this study, the following as unacceptable, physical violence was readily justified recommendations for the future implementation of the Safe in cases where a woman had transgressed and needed Families program are suggested below: to be taught a lesson by her husband. The acceptability of physical violence as a form of discipline is problematic 1) Work with communities to ensure interventions are and appears to present a significant barrier to shifting transformative of attitudes, norms and behaviour, and not norms around VAW. Complementing VAW messaging with limited to awareness-raising. Many prevention initiatives information about the harm and potential alternatives to focus on increasing community awareness about gender corporal punishment could help shift the norms around inequality and the root causes of VAW. But while awareness physical violence. Such an approach will also contribute to raising may be a critical first step in the process of promoting non-violent social norms which reject VAW and transformation, it is important that the intervention extends other forms of violence more broadly. beyond merely improving knowledge and awareness about VAW. It is also important to ensure that the local 4) Continue to build on the role-modelling approach. This context and local norms — for example, norms around study showed that the role-modelling approach was alcohol consumption and the socioeconomic context (see effective in not only catalysing internal transformation Recommendation 9) — are also taken into account. As at the individual level but also then reinforcing program evident in this study, the shifts in knowledge, attitudes messaging to the community through the actions and and self-reported behaviour of program staff compared behaviour of project staff. to the relatively smaller shifts experienced by community members illustrates that social change and behaviour 5) Include the subject of bride price in program messaging change is a gradual process which takes time and long- and community dialogues on VAW. There are programmatic term programmatic exposure. Transformation of harmful opportunities to move away from the commodity-related social norms around VAW are more likely to occur when notions of bride price, and reinforce the positive traditions individuals understand concepts of inequality and power in more closely aligned with ‘bride wealth’. For example, interpersonal and community dynamics — a process that emphasising that marriage-related exchanges are often involves critical self-reflection. Global evidence shows embedded in larger systems of reciprocity and kinship that interventions that focus on building interpersonal formation that emphasise the empowering, positive aspects skills, such as communication skills, and approaches that of it for women, rather than notions of so-called ‘ownership’. emphasise positive modes of masculinity are also more These messages and dialogues would be more effective if effective in shifting attitudes, norms and behaviours.41 supported by engaged local community leaders. Greater transformation could also come from approaches 6) Monitor and evaluate the implementation and the impact of which promote gender justice and involve identifying and the program. It is vital to monitor and evaluate the process addressing the barriers to gender equality. of personal transformation of staff members, CEFs and 2) Ensure the program emphasises the benefits of gender FVPRAC. Monitoring to measure knowledge, attitudes and equality to the community. While community awareness behaviour may be introduced using a sophisticated theory- of the Family Protection Act appeared to result in some based approach for behavioural change. This can be of great 42 self-reported changes in behaviours (namely, curtailing use for presenting scientific evidence. perpetration of VAW) it would be better to see this based 7) Adopt more engaging and creative approaches. To increase on the understanding that women deserve to live free from participation in awareness activities, consider the utilisation violence. While male program staff often described how of arts, dance, drama, sports, radio, television, and their improved understanding of gender equality resulted other mediums that are more likely to engage community in them taking up a greater proportion of household chores members. However, the quality of ‘edutainment’ activities and child rearing duties, in this study, articulation by men should be regularly monitored by program staff to ensure of why gender equality was beneficial to men was notably that messages are not distorted. missing. Safe Families could strengthen their programmatic messaging by focusing on the positive rather than punitive 8) Focus on children and young people. As beliefs that support – emphasising and demonstrating how gender equality is a gender stereotypes and gender-based violence are developed positive outcome for both men and women. in childhood and early adolescence, concrete strategies to involve more young community members in the program need 3) Actively shift social norms around corporal punishment. be developed. Beyond merely targeting youth as participants, This study found pervasive acceptance in the community the Safe Families program could more effectively engage for corporal punishment. While VAW was mostly viewed
41 Fulu, Kerr-Wilson, and Lang (2014) ‘What works to prevent violence against women and girls? Evidence review of interventions to prevent violence against women and girls, UK Department of International Development. 42 For example, SASA! applied ‘Transtheoretical model theory’ (Prochaska and DiClemente, 1997) to see the process of behavioural changes.
34 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS youth as a cohort if young people were also included in Safe Families program is impactful, sustainable, and avoids design and implementation of the intervention. unintended negative consequences, it is advised that 9) Explore potential linkages between the Safe Families program and other community development and economic learnings from rigorous testing of program implementation development programs. Poverty, lack of employment opportunities, limited access to water and sanitation are just some of the difficulties faced by communities in on one site are documented. Solomon Islands. Arguably, prevention interventions which acknowledge and address multiple forms of disadvantage and inequalities experienced by community members would 11) Ensure a collaborative co-design process for the be far more effective in securing buy-in and community engagement. While a single program could not address all development of prevention initiatives. Given the evidence the social, health, environmental, and economic challenges in a low-income country, it would be worthwhile for Safe around effective prevention intervention efforts in the Pacific Families to explore and potentially establish links between other organisations and/or programs focused on WASH, is still emerging, design processes that value and actively economic empowerment, education, health, climate change adaptation, and other development issues. This would include local expertise, local stakeholders, and community result in a more holistic approach to poverty reduction and rights promotion, while at the same time fostering greater members with help ensure that interventions are tailored collaboration and cooperation within the community and international development sector. to the local context. A genuine co-design process will also 10) Optimise and refine pilots, utilising lessons learnt to inform scale-up. In order to ensure that the future scale-up of the ensure a greater sense of local ownership for the program.
Photo: Kim Litera/Oxfam
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 35 7. references
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36 TRANSFORMING HARMFUL GENDER NORMS IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS 8. appendix
Safe Families program summary
Official Project Title Let’s Make Our Families Safe program Solomon Islands
Brief Title Safe Families program
Donors/ Implementing agency Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) of Australia Oxfam Australia and Oxfam Solomon Islands
Why Solomon Islands women experience significant and persistent gender inequality, which is also reflected in extremely high rates of physical and sexual VAW and girls. In response to these concerns, a ten-year strategic initiative, supported by the Australian Government, was launched to prevent and respond to family and sexual violence in Solomon Islands. Safe Families is a multi-layered approach to violence prevention that aims to influence the social and cultural norms, values, attitudes and beliefs that contribute to family and sexual violence, as well as enabling and resourcing collective action to prevent and respond to violence.
What (materials/ procedures or Materials: Posters, leaflets and toolkits were developed and provided to communities activities) Procedures: Mobilising communities to prevent and respond to family and sexual violence. Enabling and resourcing collective action by coalitions through the PAs. Building the evidence base on successful violence prevention strategies through research and evaluation.
Who provided support and Oxfam staff provided overall management of the program and supervision of field staff. implemented the intervention IWDA gender specialists provided training to CEFs (four females and four males in two provinces). Eight CEFs mobilised communities and provided awareness activities, and supported the establishment of FVPRACs. PA members (7-8 people each in two provinces) provided coordination of services and awareness- raising activities.
How Face-to-face trainings, workshops, community dialogues, meetings, edutainment such as street theatre, singing, sporting events, and house-to-house visit outreach activities.
Where Malaita Province (Gwailiki and Lilisiana, followed by 10 new communities: Auki Island, Dukwasi, Fiu, Folodako, Kunu, Lalofo, Malawai, Oibola, Siwai and Tatabebe). Temotu Province (12 communities: Area 4, BANEPA, Banie, Banua, Malo, Manoputi, Miner, Minevi, Nella, Nemba, Noepe and Venga.
When and how much Between 2015-2018 (phase one). Three weeks training for CEFs. Three years of mobilisation. 3-4 months of awareness activities. Two years for both the provinces to develop all their CAPs.
Modification of intervention Introduced edutainment activities (Drama, singing, sports, etc). Conducted outreach activities for those who were not able to join the activities.
Number of participants who Approximately 4,000 people in two communities of Malaita, and 3,000 people in 12 communities of Temotu. received interventions
A STUDY OF THE OXFAM SAFE FAMILIES PROGRAM 37