Notes

1 Democratic Aspirations, Democratic Ambiguities 1 . Bill Ashcroft, “Representation and Liberation: From Orientalism to the Palestinian Crisis,” in : A Legacy of Emancipation and Representation , ed. Adel Iskandar and Hakem Rustom, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 295. 2 . Ibid. 3 . I have tried to work through the complexity of Said’s postcolonial positionality in “Camus, Said, and the Dilemma of Home: Space, Identity, and the Limits of Postcolonial Political Theory,” Strategies: Journal of Theory, Culture and Politics 15, no. 2 (2002): 239–258. 4 . Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979). 5 . Leela Gandhi, Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 2. 6 . The self-analysis of as a democracy and the working through of the tensions between the requirements of Zionism and democracy are ongoing. See for example the work of Bernard Avishai, The Tragedy of Zionism: How Its Revolutionary Past Haunts Israeli Democracy (New York: Allworth Press, 2002) and The Hebrew Republic: How Secular Democracy and Global Enterprise Will Bring Israel Peace at Last (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2008). More recently, Ben White considers the problem posed by for Israeli democracy in Palestinians in Israel: Segregation, Discrimination and Democracy (London: Pluto Press, 2012). 7 . An excellent example of this kind of negotiation between the idea of democracy and the way it manifests itself in different practices in different locations can be found in Lisa Wedeen, “Concepts and Commitments in the Study of Democracy,” in Problems and Methods in the Study of Politics , ed. Ian Shapiro, Rogers M. Smith, and Tarek E. Masoud (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 274– 306. In this case, Wedeen discusses the qat chews of Yemen as demo- cratic practices in public spaces. 8 . See, for example, Shmuel Rosner, “You Asked for Democracy: What Hamas’ Election Means for the Peace Process” Slate , January 26, 2006, http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/foreigners 148 NOTES

/2006/01/you_asked_for_democracy.html (accessed January 30, 2006); and Denis Loof, “Democratic Double Standards: The Election of Hamas and the Aftermath,” Lexington University Circuit, March 16, 2011, https://blsciblogs.baruch.cuny.edu/luc/2011/03/dem ocratic-double-standards-the-election-of-hamas-and-the-aftermath / (accessed March 31, 2011). 9 . Edward W. Said, Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward Said, ed. Gauri Viswanathan (New York: Pantheon Books, 2001), 249. 10 . See James Bohman, Democracy across Borders: From Demos to Demoi (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010). 11 . Edward Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 47. 12 . Edward W. Said, The Politics of Dispossession (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), xix. 13 . Edward Said, The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (New York: Vintage Books, 2001), 209. 14 . Ian Shapiro illustrates the propensity for institutional design among democratic theorists when speaking of the need for deliberation among democratic citizens: “Because people cannot really be forced to deliberate, the challenge for democratic institutional designers is to structure the incentives so that people will want to deploy delib- eration to minimize domination in the course of their endeavors.” See Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 5. While the problem of institutional design is a vexing and important one, it puts the cart before the horse in our present discussion. People must first agree to live in conditions con- ducive to democratic practices before the latter can be efficaciously engaged in. Marla Brettschneider is closer to our problem when she proposes that “as we engage with the ‘how’ question, of how to get on together in a democracy based on the experiences and insights from the margins, we find that we must reevaluate concepts that are currently seen as core facets of Western democratic thought.” See Brettschneider, Democratic Theorizing from the Margins (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007), 199–200. 15 . Edward W. Said, Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward W. Said, ed. Gauri Viswanathan (New York: Pantheon Books, 2001), 249. 16 . The Arab Spring is an interesting manifestation of this idea. See Michaele L. Ferguson, Sharing Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 3–11. 17 . The difficulties of making assumptions about democratic possibilities are illustrated by the Arab Spring and afterward. See for example Sheri Berman, “The Promise of the Arab Spring: In Political Development, No Gain without Pain,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013, http:// www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/138479/sheri-berman/the -promise-of-the-arab-spring (accessed February 15, 2013). NOTES 149

18 . See Paul Woodruff, First Democracy: The Challenge of an Ancient Idea (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). 19 . See Peter Y. Medding, The Founding of Israeli Democracy: 1948–1967 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990) and David Engel, Zionism (Harlow, UK: Pearson Education Limited, 2009). Compare with the account of, for instance, Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (New York: Norton, 2001). 20 . Edward Said, The Question of Palestine (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), 29. 21 . See Avishai, The Hebrew Republic . 22 . See As’ad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics after Arafat: A Failed National Movement (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2010). Said’s criticism of the Arafat regime is ongo- ing from the first Gulf War through Oslo and until Said’s death. See the occasional essays in and commentaries in Edward Said, Peace and Its Discontents (New York: Vintage Books, 1995), End of the Peace Process , and From Oslo to Iraq and the Road Map: Essays (New York: Pantheon Books, 2004). 23 . Bonnie Honig interrogates the near centrality of “foreigners” to democratic self-understandings and development in Democracy and the Foreigner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). 24 . Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994). 25 . Said, Politics of Dispossession , 233. 26 . Edward Said with David Barsamian. Culture and Resistance: Conversations with Edward W. Said (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2003), 105. 27 . Said, Politics of Dispossession , 291. 28 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 33. 29 . See note 5 above. 30 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 19. 31 . Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism . 32 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 401–02. 33 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 36. 34 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 241. 35 . Ibid. 36 . In End of the Peace Process (36–37), Said, in the run-up to 1996 Palestinian elections, argued that elections were encouraging but that “they must be part of a continuing dynamic in which the government is entirely accountable to citizens who have the right to vote and thereby directly affect the government’s performance. For this, we need a func- tional civil society, with trade and professional associations, an inde- pendent judiciary, a relatively free press, and a well-endowed education system.” See also Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism, 192. 37 . Said, End of the Peace Process , xviii. 150 NOTES

38 . Wendy Brown, “We Are All Democrats Now . . . ” in Giorgio Agamben, et al., Democracy in What State? (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 44. 39 . Ibid., 44–45. 40 . Ibid., 49. 41 . Ibid., 57. 42 . Sheldon Wolin, Politics and Vision: Continuity and Innovation in Western Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 603. 43 . Ibid., 602. 44 . Ibid., 587. 45 . Ibid., 602. 46 . Ibid., 586. 47 . Sheldon Wolin, “Fugitive Democracy,” in Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political , ed. Seyla Benhabib (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 43. 48 . Ferguson, Sharing Democracy , 161. 49 . Ibid., 162. 50 . Chantal Mouffe, The Democratic Paradox (Brooklyn, NY and London: Verso Books, 2009), 33–34. 51 . Edward Said, “Traveling Theory” in The World, The Text, and the Critic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 226–247. 52 . Ibid., 239. 53 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 278. 54 . Said, The World, The Text, and The Critic , 241. 55 . Ibid., 239. 56 . Ibid., 241. 57 . Ibid. 58 . Ibid., 242. 59 . Ibid., 247; my emphasis. 60 . Edward Said, Reflections on Exile and Other Essays (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), 438. 61 . Ibid.; my emphasis. 62 . Carlos Forment, “Peripheral Peoples and Narrative Identities: Arendtian Reflections on Late Modernity,” in Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, ed. Seyla Benhabib (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996): 314–330. 63 . See a neo-Kantian argument for human rights in Seyla Benhabib, The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents, and Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 64 . For example, see Said, End of the Peace Process , 36–37; 227. 65 . See Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt- Brace, 1973), especially “The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man,” 267–302. 66 . Said, Question of Palestine , 29. NOTES 151

67 . Domenico Losurdo, Liberalism: A Counter History (London: Verso Books, 2011). 68 . Said, Question of Palestine, 29. 69 . The rhetoric of the “peace process” is still colored by this kind of lan- guage and the accompanying assumptions. For instance, during the 2012 American presidential campaign, Republican candidate Newt Gingrich claimed that the Palestinians were an “invented” people. See Associated Press, “Palestinians are an invented people, says Newt Gingrich,” , December 9, 2011, http://www.guardian .co.uk/world/2011/dec/10/palestinians-invented-people-newt-gingrich (accessed January 10, 2012). 70 . Mouffe, The Democratic Paradox , 8. 71 . Ibid., 9. See also Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political , trans. George Schwab (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. 72 . Mouffe, The Democratic Paradox , 140. 73 . Ibid., 105. 74 . Ibid., 104. 75 . Ibid., 105. 76 . James Bohman, in the context of the European Union, makes the argument for democratic sovereigns sharing sovereignty across bor- ders, thus demoi sharing in governing a trans-border conception of the demos . See Bohman, Democracy across Borders . 77 . Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism , 2. 78 . Ibid., 22. 79 . Giambattista Vico, New Science (New York: Penguin Classics, 2000). Vico is a constant presence in Said’s work, grounding his theoretical constructs and his political concerns in the world of the everyday, starting with the concluding chapter of his first book. See “Conclusion: Vico in His Work and in This” in Edward Said, Beginnings: Intention and Method (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), 345–382. 80 . Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism , 21–22. 81 . Ibid., 22. 82 . Ibid., 26. 83 . We should take care to situate Said’s use of postcolonial assump- tions outside of the assumptions scholars like Spivak caution against, that is, that margins necessitate centers and, therefore, retain former colonial relations of domination. See Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, A Critique of Postcolonial Reason: Toward A History of the Vanishing Present (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999). Duncan Ivison’s effort at reconciling the concerns of the postcolonial out- look with the dominant assumptions of Western political order ends up positing the possibility of liberalism as a modus vivendi rather than an overarching system or even defined set of rules. See Ivison, Postcolonial Liberalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002). Most recently, Margaret Kohn and Keally McBride argue 152 NOTES

that working from theories of decolonization might be more pro- ductive than seeking a unitary postcolonial perspective. Their work shows how “the attempt to envision and the ability to create a decol- onized regime, population, identity, economy and ethic are certainly influenced by colonial legacies” (153) The multiplicity of colonial and decolonization experiences demand attending to particularities rather than seeking ultimate foundations. See Kohn and McBride, Political Theories of Decolonization: Postcolonialism and the Problem of Foundations (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). 84 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 46–47. 85 . Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism, 46–47. See also William V. Spanos, The Legacy of Edward W. Said (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2009. 86 . Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism , 46–47; my emphasis. 87 . Ibid., 140. 88 . Ibid., 141. 89 . Ibid. 90 . Mouffe, Democratic Paradox , 134. 91 . Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism , 142. 92 . Ibid., 141–142. 93 . Jean-Francois Lyotard, The Differend: Phrases in Dispute , trans. Georges Van Den Abbeele (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988). 94 . Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism , 142. 95 . Ibid., 143. 96 . Ibid. 97 . Ibid., 144. 98 . W. G. T. Mitchell, “Secular Divination: Edward Said’s Humanism” in Edward Said: A Legacy of Emancipation and Representation , ed. Adel Iskandar and Hakem Rustom (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 491.

2 Unsettling Attachments and Unsettled Places 1 . The meaning of “humanity” and how the question should be approached are, of course, deeply contested. See for example, the attempt by Martha Nussbaum to reclaim a partially “essentialist” notion of human being in her “capabilities” approach in Creating Capabilities: The Human Development Approach (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011). Judith Butler remains cautious about such a project, writing in Giving An Account of Oneself (New York: Fordham University Press, 2005), 6, that “the problem is not with universality as such but with an operation of universality that fails to be responsible to cultural particularity and fails to undergo a reformulation of itself in response to the social and cultural conditions it includes within the scope of its applicability.” Said’s commitment NOTES 153

to the human is not so well-developed philosophically, but that, I think, is the value of his political project. Such basics are to be taken for granted and then worked out through multivalent processes of recognition. 2 . Edward W. Said, The Question of Palestine, (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), 8. 3 . See for example, the opening lines of the State of Israel’s “Proclamation of Independence” of May 14, 1948 in The Israeli-Arab Reader: A Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict, ed. Walter Laqueur and Barry Rubin, 7th ed. (New York: Penguin Books, 2008), 81: “The Land of Israel was the birthplace of the Jewish people. Here their spiritual, religious and national identity was formed. Here they achieved independence and created a culture of national and universal significance. Here they wrote and gave the Bible to the world.” The text goes on to cite the historical experience of Jews, their commit- ment to the land throughout their exile, and their return where “they reclaimed the wilderness, revived their language, built cities and vil- lages, and established a vigorous and ever-growing community, with its own economic and cultural life.” 4 . Said was sure that Oslo was a failure for Palestinians from very early on. See, for example, “The Middle East ‘Peace Process’: Misleading Images and Brutal Actualities” in Edward W. Said, Peace and Its Discontents: Essays on Palestine and the Middle East Peace Process (New York: Vintage Books, 1995), 147–164. See also Edward Said, The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (New York: Vintage Books, 2001) and Edward Said, From Oslo to Iraq and the Road Map (New York: Vintage Books, 2004). Sara Roy’s work was particularly effec- tive at demonstrating the effect of Oslo on the lives of Palestinians. See Roy, Failing Peace: Gaza and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict (London: Pluto Press, 2007). 5 . The Manifesto of the Bilu group in 1882 declared that it wanted “A home in our country. It was given us by the mercy of God; it is ours registered in the archives of history.” See Laqueur and Rubin, eds.,The Israeli-Arab Reader , 4–5. 6 . Articulating the Palestinian story is the focus of Said’s political work from very early on. In The Question of Palestine , 5, he notes that “what is most important is the continuing avoidance or ignorance of the existence today of about four million Muslim and Christian Arabs who are known to themselves and to others as Palestinians. They make up the question of Palestine, and if there is no country called Palestine, it is not because there are no Palestinians. There are, and this essay is an attempt to put their reality before the reader.” 7 . Of more than passing interest in this regard are the Israeli Land Acquisition Law (1953), the Law for Requisitioning Property in Time of Emergency (1949) and the ever-present Law of Return. Said makes recurrent reference to these and other such property laws that 154 NOTES

work to the disadvantage of “non-Jews” throughout the history of the current state of Israel. See the accounts in John Quigley, The Case for Palestine: An International Law Perspective (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990) and, more recently, the scrupulously detailed work of Eyal Weizman, Hollow Land: Israel’s Architecture of Occupation (London: Verso Books, 2012) and Ben White, Palestinians in Israel: Segregation, Discrimination, and Democracy (London: Pluto Press, 2012). 8 . Said distinguishes the two terms in the following way: imperialism is the theory; colonialism is the practice. I use them together as a reminder that they are connected and connote one set of processes. See Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), 9. 9 . See for example Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: An Exploration of Landscape and History (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010). 10 . This phrase describes the strategy of settler movements since 1967 but is applicable to the period leading up to the founding of the state as well. It also has other resonances, as in shedding light on the Israeli passion for archaeology. See Nadia Abu El-Haj, Facts on the Ground: Territorial Self-Fashioning in Israeli Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002). 11 . Said, Question of Palestine , 14; my emphasis. 12 . Ibid., 181. 13 . See Carlos Forment, “Peripheral Peoples and Narrative Identities: Arendtian Reflections on Late Modernity,” in Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, ed. Seyla Benhabib, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). 14 . Justifications require access to language and imagery familiar to one’s audience. Said’s concern with issues of place and disposses- sion were supplemented by a particular understanding of discourse. Underlying but not overwhelming his work is a Foucauldian sen- sitivity to the relationship of knowledge to power. See especially Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 3. To control discourse, its structures and definitions, is to have and exercise the power to name one’s environment, to name the experi- ence of its human inhabitants, and to name its others. 15 . Said, Question of Palestine , 73. 16 . Their claims were grounded in the experience of Jewish people in Europe and in other sources deep in Western consciousness. Indeed, before 1947, only two things exist in this space. The international community’s embrace of one and disregard for the other helps create the seemingly intractable conflict between the two communities. One of these is the interpretation, that is, Zionism’s narrative claims to the space then called Palestine. These antecedent justifications, for- mally recognized and supported since the Balfour declaration, were NOTES 155

further enhanced in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War by the West’s guilt over the Shoah. The tragedy of Holocaust in particular, made the argument more compelling and the vision that much more imperative to realize and more and more impossible to resist. 17 . Said, Question of Palestine, 16. 18 . But not without some reservations along the way. Compare the “Balfour Declaration” with the British government’s tepid “White Paper” of May 17, 1939, and The Jewish Agency for Palestine’s “Zionist Reaction to the White Paper” in Laqueur and Rubin, eds., The Israel-Arab Reader , 16 and 44–51. The ’ relative inefficacy in pressing the case of Palestinian rights dates from very early in the history of the State of Israel. See, for example, United Nations Resolution 194 (December 11, 1948) that provided, among other things, that “refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date,” and that those wishing not to return should be compensated. Laqueur and Rubin, eds., The Israel-Arab Reader , 85. See also Said, Question of Palestine , 48. 19 . The emerging literature is both diverse and impressive. See Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997) and The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (New York: Beacon Press, 2006) and Muhammad Y. Muslih, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988). Articulations of Palestinian experience include those of Mourid Barghouti, I Saw Ramallah (New York: Anchor Books, 2003); Ghada Karmi, In Search of Fatima: A Palestinian Story (London: Verso, 2009); Raja Shehadeh, Strangers in the House: Coming of Age in Occupied Palestine (New York: Penguin Books, 2002); When the Birds Stopped Singing: Life in Ramallah under Siege (London: Profile Books, 2003); and Palestinian Walks: Forays into a Vanishing Landscape (New York: Scribner, 2007). See also Sari Nusseibeh, Once upon a Country (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007. 20 . Thus critics of Israeli policy become anti-Semites or, when Jewish, “self-loathing.” See, for example, Judith Butler, “The Charge of Anti-Semitism: Jews, Israel and the Risks of Public Critique” in Butler, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence (London: Verso, 2004) and her later elaboration upon these themes in Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012). 21 . Said, The Question of Palestine , 66; his emphasis. 22 . See Benny Morris, Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881–2001 (New York: Vintage Books, 2001) and com- pare Ilan Pappe, A History of Modern Palestine, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 156 NOTES

23 . An ongoing concern of Said, Butler, and a scholar like Jacqueline Rose. See Rose, The Question of Zion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005) and The Last Resistance (London: Verso Books, 2007). See also David Grossman, Writing in the Dark: Essays on Literature and Politics, trans. Jessica Cohen (New York: Picador Books, 2008); Marc H. Ellis, Israel and Palestine Out of the Ashes: The Search for Jewish Identity in the Twenty-First Century (London: Pluto Press, 2002); Jeff Halper, An Israeli in Palestine (London: Pluto Press, 2008); and Rabbi Michael Lerner, Embracing Israel/Palestine: A Strategy to Heal and Transform the Middle East (Berkeley, CA: Tikkun Books, 2012). 24 . See the excellent detailed work of Roy, Failing Peace . 25 . Pieter H. F. Bekker, “The World Court Rules that Israel’s West Bank Barrier Violates International Law” http://www.asil.org/insigh141. cfm (accessed August 4, 2005). 26 . See Harry de Quetteville, “Settlers Evoke Images of the Holocaust as Israeli Forces Move in to Clear Them from Gaza,” The Telegraph , August 14, 2005, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews /middleeast/israel/1496201/Settlers-evoke-images-of-the-Holo caust-as-Israeli-forces-move-in-to-clear-them-from-Gaza.html (accessed August 28, 2005). 27 . As more Israeli records of the period become available, excellent work continues on the period Palestinians call “ al-nakhba ” or “the Catastrophe.” See especially Nur Masalha, The Palestinian Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory (London: Zed Books, 2012). See also the collections, Eugene Rogan and Avi Shlaim, ed., The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Ilan Pappe, ed., The Israel/Palestine Question: Rewriting Histories (London: Routledge, 1999); and Pappe’s compelling and provoca- tive account in The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford, UK: Oneworld Publications, 2008). 28 . Israel’s survival as currently constituted is and has been the priority of every “peace” plan since its founding. The cost of this priority to others has only recently begun to be considered, but still in ways that serve Israeli interests first. Even as Palestinians exist de jure, their experiences and interests are mere diplomatic ciphers to larger ends having little or nothing to do with their well-being. See Said’s post- Oslo work, including From Oslo to Iraq and the Road Map . 29 . The distinction between “space” and “place” is from Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). 30 . During the disengagement, Gazan settlers invoked images of the Holocaust, going so far as to tattoo numbers on the arms of their chil- dren whom they dressed in concentration camp garb and calling the NOTES 157

Israeli soldiers there to carry out the disengagement order “Nazis.” See Quetteville, “Settlers Evoke Images of the Holocaust.” 31 . Said, Question of Palestine , 181. 32 . Said, Peace and Its Discontents , 249. 33 . See Daniel Byman and Natan Sachs, “The Rise of Settler Terrorism: The West Bank’s Other Violent Extremists” in Foreign Affairs , August 14, 2012, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/137825 /daniel-byman-and-natan-sachs/the-rise-of-settler-terrorism (accessed August 17, 2012). See also Talal Asad’s nuanced approach to understanding what and how we label “terrorism” in his On Suicide Bombing (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007). The essays in George Kassimeris, ed., Playing Politics With Terrorism: A User’s Guide (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008) concern themselves with the way political actors should respond to terrorist actions. 34 . Compare Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s disengagement plan (2004) and disengagement speech in 2005 with the execution of Operation Cast Lead in 2008. See Laqueur and Rubin, eds., The Israel-Arab Reader , 591–594 and Gideon Levy, The Punishment of Gaza (London: Verso Books, 2010). 35 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward W. Said , ed. Gauri Viswanathan (New York: Pantheon Books, 2001), 251. 36 . Gaza, suffering a blockade and, at this writing, recovering from yet another round of conflict with the Israeli military, has become little more than an refugee camp. See Roy, Failing Peace; and Levy, The Punishment of Gaza . See also Reuters, “Factbox: Living Conditions in Gaza,” Reuters , January 14, 2009, http://www.reuters.com/article /2009/01/14/us-palestinians-israel-gaza-conditions-idUS TRE50D47Q20090114 (accessed April 19, 2013); and Asher Zeiger, “UN Report Predicts Dire Living Conditions in Gaza,” Times of Israel , August 27, 2012, http://www.timesofisrael.com/un-report -predicts-dire-living-conditions-in-gaza/ (accessed April 19, 2013). 37 . Said, Question of Palestine , 181. 38 . See Said, Question of Palestine and his memoir Out of Place (New York: Knopf, 1999). For specific restrictions, see White, Palestinians in Israel . 39 . Justus Weiner, “‘My Beautiful Old House’ and Other Fabrications by Edward Said,” Commentary 108, no. 2 (September 1999): 23–31, claimed that Said’s claim to family residence in Jerusalem and thus to his Palestinian heritage was fraudulent. The response from Said and his defenders was swift and effective. See Edward Said, “Defamation, Revisionist Style,” Counterpunch, June 15, 1999, http://www.counter punch.org/1999/06/15/defamation-revisionist-style/ (accessed April 17, 2013). Among his defenders see , “The Commentary School of Falsification,” The Nation , September 2, 1999, 158 NOTES

http://www.thenation.com/article/commentary-school-falsification# (accessed April 17, 2013) and , “Defending the Integrity of Edward Said,” Los Angeles Times , August 29, 1999, http:// articles.latimes.com/1999/aug/29/opinion/op-4668 (accessed April 17, 2013). Weiner’s should be seen as part of a long line of attempts to deny the very existence of Palestinians. The assertion is traceable from early Zionists to Golda Meir to, most recently, the American presiden- tial candidate Newt Gingrich. See Associated Press, “Palestinians Are an Invented People, Says Newt Gingrich,” The Guardian, December 9, 2011, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/dec/10/palestinians -invented-people-newt-gingrich (accessed January 10, 2012). 40 . Said, Out of Place , 20. 41 . Said, in Question of Palestine , 105, writes that “any Palestinian can tell you the meaning of the Absentee Property Law of 1950, the Land Acquisition Law of 1953, the Law for the Requisitioning of Property in Time of Emergency (1949), the Prescription Law of 1958.” His observation is substantiated and elaborated upon in the United Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People Report (January 1, 1980) on “The Acquisition of Land in Palestine,” which reads in part: “The de facto acquisition of land in the above-mentioned districts under Israeli military occupation was all the easier because there was no precise legislation governing the management of land abandoned by the Arabs. It was not until 1950 that the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament) adopted laws which were supposed to legalize the de facto acquisition of land that had been the practice up to then. The institutions responsible for the management of land abandoned by the Palestinians, such as the Custodian of Absentee Property and the Jewish National Foundation, which had been improvising measures of expediency for acquiring the Palestinians’ abandoned land, found a justification for the measures they had taken with respect to the use of this land in the Absentee Property Law of March 1950. It is esti- mated that between 15 May 1948 and the end of 1951 more than 684,000 Jewish immigrants settled in Israel on a substantial part of the land abandoned by the Palestinians.” http://unispal.un.org/ UNISPAL.NSF/0/7D094FF80FF004F085256DC200680A27. T he report goes on to trace the development of the formal apparatus of land acquisition. 42 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 453. 43 . Ibid., 454. 44 . Ibid. The emphasis is mine. 45 . We can find an example of how a space may be multiply consti- tuted—and lived that way—in Iris Marion Young’s picture of the unoppressive city. See Iris Marion Young, “The Ideal of Community and the Politics of Difference,” Social Theory and Practice 12, no. 1 (1986): 1–26. NOTES 159

46 . Amahl Bishara, “House and Homeland: Examining Sentiments About and Claims to Jerusalem and Its Houses.” Social Text, 21, no. 2 (Summer 2003): 141–162. 47 . Ibid., 143. 48 . Ibid., 143. 49 . Ibid., 154. 50 . Ibid., 144. See Weiner, “My Beautiful Old House” and Said, “Defamation: Revisionist Style.” 51 . In a general way, the liberal property argument, articulated in Locke, is that property is both an expression of and an integral part of human personality, that is, being. See John Locke, Two Treatises on Government , ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 285–305. Also useful in this context is James Tully’s discussions of Locke on property and on aboriginal rights in An Approach to Political Philosophy: Locke in Contexts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 118–178. 52 . Bishara, “House and Homeland,” 159. 53 . A tactful account of these shared attachments to the same place can be found in Gregory Harms and Todd M. Ferry, The Palestine- Israel Conflict: A Basic Introduction , 3rd ed. (London: Pluto Press, 2012). 54 . See Edward S. Casey, “Keeping the Past in Mind,” in American Continental Philosophy: A Reader, ed. Walter Brogan and James Risser (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2000), 241–257 and Casey, The Fate of Place: A Philosophical History , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997). 55 . See Duncan Ivison, et al., eds. Political Theory and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). Iris Young, “Hybrid Democracy: Iroquois Federalism and the Postcolonial Project,” in that volume (237–258) is particularly insightful. 56 . See Bonnie Honig, Democracy and the Foreigner and “Difference, Dilemmas, and the Politics of Home,” in Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political , ed. Seyla Benhabib (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 257–277. 57 . See Asad, On Suicide Bombing . 58 . See Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994). 59 . Said Power, Politics, and Culture , 130. 60 . Compare with Sari Nusseibeh, “Personal and National Identity: A Tale of Two Wills,” in Philosophical Perspectives on the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict , ed. Tomas Kapitan (London: M. E. Sharpe, 1997), 205–220. 61 . Said Power, Politics, and Culture , 188. 62 . Ibid., 189. 63 . Ibid., 189. 64 . Ibid., 72. 160 NOTES

3 Separation and the “Exile as Potentate” 1 . Edward W. Said, The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (New York: Vintage Books), 330. 2 . See Gudrun Kramer, A History of Palestine: From the Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel, trans. Graham Harman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011); Tom Segev, One Palestine Complete: Jews and Arabs Under the British Mandate, trans. Haim Watzman (New York: Henry Holt, 1999); and Ilan Pappe, A History of Modern Palestine, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 3 . Walzer concedes that “Good fences make good neighbors only when there is some minimal agreement on where the fences should go.” See Walzer, “The New Tribalism,” in Theorizing Nationalism , ed. Ronald Beiner, (Albany: State University Press of New York, 1999), 206. 4 . Wendy Brown, Walled States, Waning Sovereignty (Brooklyn, NY: Zone Books, 2010), 26. 5 . Edward W. Said, Reflections on Exile and Other Essays, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), 435. 6 . On walling in general and the Israeli “Separation Barrier” in par- ticular, see Brown, Walled States. We will return to Brown’s discus- sion below. For specific considerations of the Israeli “Apartheid Wall” see Rene Backmann, A Wall in Palestine (New York: Picador Books, 2010); Michael Sorkin, ed., Against the Wall (New York: The New Press, 2005) and Eyal Weizman, Hollow Land: Israel’s Architecture of Occupation (London: Verso Books, 2012), 161–184. 7 . An excellent survey of the issues surrounding the notion of exile in Palestine/Israel can be found in the essays in Ann M. Lesch and Ian Lustick, eds., Exile and Return: Predicaments of Palestinians and Jews (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005). 8 . Said, “Reflections on Exile,” in Said, Reflections on Exile, 173–186. 9 . Said, “Identity, Authority, and Freedom: The Potentate and the Traveler,” in Reflections on Exile , 404. 10 . Ibid. 11 . Ibid. 12 . Ibid. Said’s emphasis. 13 . Ibid. 14 . Said, Reflections on Exile , 178. 15 . See Elie Podeh, “The Right of Return versus the Law of Return: Contrasting Historical Narratives in Israeli and Palestinian School Textbooks” and Amal Jamal, “The Palestinian IDPs in Israel and the Predicament of Return: Between Imagining the Impossible and Enabling the Imaginative,” in Exile and Return: Predicaments of Palestinians and Jews, ed. Ann Lesch and Ian S. Lustick, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 41–56, 133–160. 16 . Said, Reflections on Exile , 178. NOTES 161

17 . Ibid., 179. 18 . Ibid., 173. 19 . Ibid., 177. 20 . Judith Butler, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence (London: Verso, 2004), 19–49. 21 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 327; 328. 22 . Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 54. 23 . Said, Reflections on Exile , 177; 181. 24 . Ibid., 183. 25 . Ibid., 384. 26 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 330. 27 . Ibid., 328. 28 . Edward W. Said, Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward W. Said , ed. Gauri Viswanathan (New York: Pantheon Books, 2001), 340. 29 . Backmann, A Wall in Palestine , 27–28. 30 . Ze’ev Jabotinsky (1923) quoted in Backmann, A Wall in Palestine , 27–28. 31 . Ian Lustick, “To Build and to be Built by: Israel and the Hidden Logic of the ‘Iron Wall’,” in Israel Studies 1, no. 1 (1996): 199. 32 . See Backmann, A Wall in Palestine . 33 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq and the Road Map: Essays, (New York: Pantheon Books, 2004), 281. 34 . While the idea of such a wall is as old as the Zionist movement, as Backmann, A Wall in Palestine shows, the idea of this wall took its impetus from an earlier barrier built for the same purposes between the Gaza Strip and Israel. The notion of building such a wall in the West Bank circulated for several years before finally being embraced by the Sharon government in 2002. There was some hesitation on the Israeli side, particularly among settlers who believed that the physical disengagement the wall represented might wind up cut- ting them off from the rest of Israel and consequently leave them besieged by Palestinians. These concerns were allayed—at least temporarily—by the subsequent construction of the wall that has now reached beyond the Green Line (the line marking the boundary between Israeli and Palestinian territory by the 1949 UN Armistice Agreements) taking in many settlements, especially those around Jerusalem. See Backmann. A Wall in Palestine and Weizman, Hollow Land . 35 . See Backmann, A Wall in Palestine , 196. 36 . Brown, Walled States , 30–31. 37 . The idea of collective punishment is a permanent feature of Said’s analysis of Israeli policy toward Palestinians. See, for example, Said, “Slow Death: Punishment by Detail,” in From Oslo to Iraq , 194–200. 162 NOTES

38 . See Sara Roy, Failing Peace: Gaza and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict , (London: Pluto Press, 2007), especially the chapter “Ending the Palestinian Economy,” 250–293; see also Ben White, Palestinians in Israel: Segregation, Discrimination, and Democracy (London: Pluto Press, 2012). In addition, the United Nations’ “Basic Facts and Figures” on Palestine notes the following consequences of the occupation on Palestinians more than a decade after Oslo: Percentage of the West Bank off-limits or tightly controlled to Palestinians: 38 % (1) (Source: “The Humanitarian Impact on Palestinians of Israeli Settlements and Other Infrastructure in The West Bank,” UN OCHA) West Bank separation wall: Total planned length: 708 km; 61.8% is complete and a further 8.2% under construction. When completed will cut off 9.4% of the West Bank (Source: UN OCHA, “Barrier Update July 2011”) Palestinian population in the OPT: 4 million (1.4 million in Gaza, 2.3 million in the West Bank, 265,000 in Jerusalem) (Source: IMF “Macroeconomic and Fiscal Framework for the West Bank and Gaza: 7th Review of Progress,” UNDP “Human Development Report 2009/10 OPT”) Palestine refugees registered with UNRWA: 4.9 million (1.1 million in Gaza, 848 thousand in the West Bank, 1.9 mil- lion in Jordan, 455 thousand in Lebanon, and 495 thousand in Syria) as of January 2011 (Source: UNRWA in Figures) Israeli settlers in the OPT, including : 450 thousand in 149 settlements, 2007 (Source: “The Humanitarian Impact on Palestinians of Israeli Settlements and Other Infrastructure in the West Bank” UN OCHA) Israeli roadblocks and checkpoints obstructing Palestinian movement: 522, most of them aimed to protect Israeli set- tlers. (Source: “Movement and Access in the West Bank,” UN OCHA Fact Sheet 2011) Conflict-related deaths 2000–2011: 6,803 Palestinians, 1,087 Israelis; including 1,370 Palestinian children and 126 Israeli children (Sources: UN OCHA Special Focus, OCHA online protection of civilians database) Per capita GDP West Bank and Gaza: $1,827, 2010 (2) (Sources: IMF “Macroeconomic and Fiscal Framework for the West Bank and Gaza: 7th Review of Progress”; IMF World Economic Outlook Database.) Poverty rate OPT: 16 % in the West Bank and 33 % in Gaza Strip, 2009 est. (Source: IMF “Macroeconomic and Fiscal Framework for the West Bank and Gaza: 7th Review of Progress”) Water: Palestinian per capita access in the West Bank is ¼ of Israeli access and declining (Source: World Bank “Assessment of Restrictions on Palestinian Water Sector Development,” 2009) NOTES 163

Note (1): Due to Israeli settlements, settlement outposts and related infrastructure, Israeli military bases and closed military zones, and Israeli declared nature preserves. Note (2): Compared with $27,085 in Israel. Source: United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine, “Basic Facts and Figures,” http://unispal.un.org /pdfs/optff.pdf (accessed April 20, 2013). 39 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 281. 40 . For the impact of the wall on Palestinians up to 2011, see the “Separation Wall and Displacement,” report of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, July 1, 2011 http://www.internal -displacement.org/idmc/website/countries.nsf/(httpEnvelopes) /9518BA834E2EA70FC12574B700307C65?OpenDocument#sou rces (accessed April 20, 2013). 41 . Weizman, Hollow Land . 42 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 281. 43 . See the discussion in White, Palestinians in Israel , 22–50. 44 . The latest Israeli government is no exception to this trend. See Geoffrey Aronson, “New Israeli Government Will Support Settlements,” Al-Monitor , April 5, 2013, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse /originals/2013/04/new-israeli-government-settlement-expansion -support.html (accessed April 20, 2013). Aronson’s Foundation for Middle East Peace (fmep.org) does an excellent job of chronicling Israeli settler activity, releasing periodic reports in addition to other materials. 45 . Brown, Walled States , 90. 46 . Ibid., 104. 47 . In Book XX of The Prince, Machiavelli argues “That prince who is more of afraid of his own people than of foreigners should build for- tresses; but one who is more afraid of foreigners than of his people should not consider constructing them.” See Peter Bondanella and Mark Musa, eds. and trans., The Portable Machiavelli (New York: Penguin Books, 1988), 149. 48 . Brown, Walled States , 29. 49 . Ibid., 116. See Said, From Oslo to Iraq, 199: “There is no Palestinian army of occupation, there are no Palestinian tanks, no soldiers, no helicopter gunships, there’s no artillery, no government to speak of. But there are the terrorists and the violence that Israel has invented so that its own neuroses can be inscribed on the bodies of Palestinians.” 50 . Butler, Precarious Life , 35–36. 51 . Brown, Walled States , 118. 52 . Ibid., 119. 53 . Ibid., 121. 54 . See Said’s critique of Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” thesis, “The Clash of Definitions: On Samuel Huntington,” in Reflections on Exile , 569–592. 164 NOTES

55 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 200: “Once in awhile we ought to pause and declare that there’s only one side with an army in the country: the other as a stateless disposed population of people without rights or in the present a way of securing them.” 56 . See Benny Morris, “Israel Under Siege.” The Daily Beast , July 31, 2012, http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/07/31/israel -under-siege.html (accessed August 6, 2012). See also Peter Beinart, The Crisis of Zionism (New York: Picador, 2013) and Gershom Gorenberg, The Unmaking of Israel (New York: Harper Perennial, 2012). For Said-inspired views from the “barbarians,” see Muge Gursoy Sokmen and Basak Ertur, eds., Waiting for the Barbarians: A Tribute to Edward Said (London: Verso Books, 2008). 57 . An excellent window on the scope of these peace efforts can be found in Maxine Kaufman-Lacusta, Refusing to be Enemies: Palestinian and Israeli Nonviolent Resistance to the Israeli Occupation (Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2011). After presenting her own case for nonviolent resistance, Kaufman-Lacusta brings together contributions from other peace activists and intellectuals like Ghassan Andoni and Jeff Halper. 58 . Brown, Walled States , 123. 59 . Ibid. 60 . Such discussions are in no way limited to Palestine/Israel. There was (and still is) a diversity of criticisms and defenses of the United States response to 9/11 and its embarkation upon wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. See Ken Booth and Tim Dunne, eds., Worlds in Collision: Terror and the Future of Global Order (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). Among political theorists, defenses for the military (and other forms of response) ranged from Jean Bethke Elshtain’s justifications for American preemption in Just War Against Terror: The Burden of Power in a Violent World (New York: Basic Books, 2004) to Michael Ignatieff’s defense of the need for democracies to dirty their hands in self-defense in The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004). More circumspect was Benjamin Barber in Fear’s Empire: War, Terrorism, and Democracy (New York: Norton, 2004). Butler’s Precarious Life remains an underappreciated and deeply humane response to 9/11 and its aftermath. 61 . Graham Usher, “Unmaking Palestine: On Israel, the Palestinians, and the Wall” Journal of Palestine Studies 35, no. 1 (Autumn 2005): 25–43. 62 . See Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). 63 . See Said, The Question of Palestine (New York: Vintage Books, 1992). advocated a binational sharing of the space of Palestine but lamented the intervention of “politics.” See Buber, NOTES 165

“Two Peoples in Palestine,” in A Land of Two Peoples: Martin Buber on Jews and Arabs , ed. Paul R. Mendes-Flohr (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 194–202. 64 . Said, Question of Palestine , 59 and 231. 65 . See, for example, Said’s reflection on being called “The Professor of Terror,” in Power, Politics, and Culture , 226. Meanwhile, for Judith Butler, overcoming the charge of “anti-Semitism” for her criticism of Israel’s Palestinian policies has been an ongoing feature of her work. See “The Charge of Anti-Semitism,” in Precarious Life, 101–127 and her Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012). 66 . See Talal Asad, On Suicide Bombing, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007). See also the perceptive work of Jacob Shamir and Khalil Shikaki, “Self-Serving Perceptions of Terrorism among Israelis and Palestinians,” Political Psychology 23, no. 3 (September 2002): 537–557. 67 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 328. 68 . My writing partner Carolyn M. Jones Medine and I have dis- cussed Said’s nationalism in relationship to Palestinian statelessness elsewhere finding that, at times, it carries a hint of what is called “Liberal Nationalism.” See John Randolph LeBlanc and Carolyn M. Jones Medine, “The Politics of Statelessness: Edward Said and the Ambiguities of Liberal Nationalism,” in Ancient and Modern Religion and Politics: Negotiating Transitive Spaces and Hybrid Identities (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 43–66. 69 . Said, Reflections on Exile , 177. 70 . Ibid. 71 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 327–328. 72 . See Muhammad Y. Muslih, Origins of Palestinian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988) and Khalidi, Palestinian Identity and Rashid Khalidi, The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (New York: Beacon Press, 2006). 73 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 249–250. 74 . Said, Question of Palestine , 135. 75 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 391. 76 . Ibid., 249–50. 77 . Said, Reflections on Exile , 431. 78 . Ibid. 79 . Ibid., 182. 80 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 340. 81 . Ibid. 82 . Ibid., 129. 83 . Ibid., 239. 84 . Said’s post-Oslo analyses are run through with criticisms of the Palestinian leadership. See Said, End of the Peace Process and From Oslo to Iraq . See also As’ad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics after Arafat: A 166 NOTES

Failed National Movement (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2010). 85 . For a perspective on how Palestinians began localizing their struggle after Oslo, see Eli Rekhess’s work in “The Arabs of Israel after Oslo: Localization of the National Struggle,” Israel Studies 7, no. 3 (Fall 2002): 1–44 and “The Evolvement of an Arab-Palestinian National Minority in Israel,” Israel Studies 12, no. 3 (Fall 2007): 1–28. 86 . Telling this story is Said’s larger point in The Question of Palestine ; it is particularly well-developed in Chapter 2 “Zionism from the Standpoint of its Victims,” 56–114. 87 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 52. 88 . Ibid., 52; 54. 89 . For example, see Haym Benaroya et al., “Letters: Rock Throwing Raises Hackles,” Academe 87 no. 2 (March–April 2001): 2–3. 90 . The Israeli Committee Against Home Demolitions estimates that 27,000 Palestinian structures were demolished between 1967 and 2012: http://www.icahd.org/the-facts (accessed April 20, 2013). The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East keeps a running tab on the demolitions and the number of Palestinians displaced. See UNRWA, “Demolition Watch,” http:// www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1001 (accessed April 20, 2013). See also, for example, Amnesty International, “Israel Intensifies West Bank Palestinian Home Demolitions,” July 21, 2010): http://www .amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/israel-intensifies-west-bank -palestinian-home-demolitions-2010–07–21 (accessed August 21, 2010). 91 . See Edward Said, After the Last Sky: Palestinian Lives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999). We will take up this text and how it fits in the project in chapter 5 . 92 . Shamir and Shikaki, “Self-Serving Perceptions.” 93 . According to UNISPAL, “Basic Facts and Figures,” “conflict-related deaths 2000–2011: 6,803 Palestinians, 1,087 Israelis; including 1,370 Palestinian children and 126 Israeli children (Sources: UN OCHA Special Focus, OCHA online protection of civilians database).” http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1001 (accessed April 20, 2013). 94 . Said, The End of the Peace Process . 95 . Khalidi, The Iron Cage. 96 . In establishing their mandatory power in Palestine, the British pro- ceeded on a set of colonialist assumptions, to which the Palestinian elites acceded and, in the process, collaborated in the creation of cir- cumstances that made those assumptions appear to be self-fulfilling prophecies. First, Khalidi argues, colonized societies were always seen as religious and communitarian rather than national or political. In the case of Palestine, Khalidi argues in The Iron Cage that “the British rigorously denied the Palestinians access either to the forum of the NOTES 167

state, or to a nationalist para-state structure, and that the Palestinians themselves ultimately failed to develop their own institutions that might serve this purpose” (62). Efforts were made, but Palestinian elites, deprived of a space to make political claims, were instead allowed to establish local and religious institutions in lieu of political ones. The value of Khalidi’s work Palestinian Identity on the one hand (see also Muslih, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism) and Palestinian political struggles (The Iron Cage) on the other is his pri- mary concern with Palestinians and their agency. Like Said, he reads Palestinians not as some uniform whole, but rather as a congeries of sometimes conflicting motivations with the consequence that they were not only victims but also made choices that played a role in creating their circumstances. Neither Said nor Khalidi is interested in exonerating the British or their Zionist clients. Living inside “the iron cage” limited Palestinian options. But the Palestinian elites played along and helped render the whole population vulnerable. In other words, what Khalidi attends to is Palestinian agency. His concern with how Palestinians participated in helping to construct the iron cage in which the Palestinians lived and continue to live is referent to the kind of self-conscious Palestinian political agency that Said envisioned. 97 . Said, “Truth and Reconciliation,” in The End of the Peace Process , 312–321. 98 . Ibid., 315. 99 . Ibid., 328. 100 . Ibid., 315. 101 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 61. 102 . Ibid. 103 . Said Power, Politics, and Culture , 330.

4 The “Exile as Traveler”: Exodus and Reconciliation 1 . Edward W. Said, The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (New York: Vintage Books, 2001), 330. 2 . By “cosmopolitan” here, I mean to suggest an orientation to those whose proximity we have denied rather than those whose distance from us is rather more (geographically and culturally) obvious. Developing this capacity would seem prerequisite to the kind of cosmopolitanism that, write Gillian Brock and Harry Brighouse, “guides the individual outwards from obvious, local, obligations, and prohibits those obli- gations from crowding out obligations to distant others. Contrary to a parochial morality of loyalty, cosmopolitanism highlights the obli- gations to those whom we do not know, and with whom we are not intimate, but whose lives touch ours sufficiently that what we do can affect them.” See Brock and Brighouse, eds., The Political Philosophy of Cosmopolitanism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 168 NOTES

3. See also the exchange between Seyla Benhabib, Jeremy Waldron, Bonnie Honig, and Will Kymlicka in Another Cosmopolitanism , ed. Robert Post (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008). 3 . Giorgio Agamben, Means without End: Notes on Politics, trans. Vincenzo Binetti and Cesare Casarino (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000). 4 . Agamben, Means without End, 23. 5 . See Said, “A State, Yes, But Not Just for Palestinians,” in Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward W. Said, ed. Gauri Viswanathan, (New York: Pantheon Books, 2001), 432–436. 6 . Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life , trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), especially 104–111. 7 . We should read Said’s memoir Out of Place (New York: Knopf, 1999) this way. 8 . Said’s evocative descriptions of Palestinian life with photographs by Jean Mohr in After the Last Sky: Palestinian Lives (New York: Colum- bia University Press, 1999). We will turn to this text in chapter 5. 9 . Simone Weil, The Need for Roots: Prelude to a Declaration of Duties towards Mankind (London: Routledge, 1996). 10 . See Said’s account of returning to Palestine in 1992, “Return to Palestine-Israel,” in Edward W. Said, The Politics of Dispossession (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), 175–199. 11 . See Arendt on the condition of the stateless in The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt-Brace, 1973), and, among her intellectual inheritors, see Agamben, Homo Sacer , and Seyla Benhabib, The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents, and Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 12 . Said, “Reflections on Exile” in Reflections on Exile and Other Essays (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), 173–186. 13. Edward W. Said, Question of Palestine (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), xxxix. 14 . As I have suggested and tried to show, this critique is ongoing in Said’s work: see, for example, The Question of Palestine; the occa- sional essays and analyses in The Politics of Dispossession; Peace and Its Discontents (New York: Vintage Books,1995); The End of the Peace Process (New York: Vintage Books, 2001); and From Oslo to Iraq and the Road Map: Essays (New York: Pantheon Books, 2004). 15 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 424. 16 . Said’s perceptive and pointed criticisms of Oslo and its offspring began almost immediately. See “The Morning After,” written in October 1993, in Said, Peace and Its Discontents , 7–20. This collec- tion of occasional essays and those that follow trace the failures of Oslo and the “peace process” for Palestinians in often painful detail. See for further examples Said, The End of the Peace Process and the last collection From Oslo to Iraq . NOTES 169

17 . See, for example, Said, The Politics of Dispossession , xlii–xlvi. 18 . Edward W. Said, Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward W. Said , edited by Gauri Viswanathan (New York: Pantheon Books, 2001), 221–222. 19 . Ibid., 239–240. 20 . Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 112–116. 21 . Edward W. Said, Reflections on Exile , 185–186. 22 . Ibid., 185. 23 . Ibid. 24 . Ibid. 25 . Ibid. 26 . Ibid. 27 . Ibid., 186. 28 . Ibid. 29 . Ibid., 184. 30 . See Chinua Achebe, Hopes and Impediments: Selected Essays (New York: Anchor/Doubleday, 1988). 31 . At line 899, Orestes hesitates to kill his mother to avenge his father, noting that his obligations conflict. Pausing, he turns to Pylades and asks, “What shall I do, Pylades? Be shamed to kill my mother?” Pylades reminds him of his obligation to Apollo and Orestes agrees. But his initial lack of certainty is critical. Aeschylus, Oresteia , trans. Richmond Lattimore (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), 124. 32 . Said, “Permission to Narrate” in Politics of Dispossession , 247–268. 33 . Like exile, negotiating paradoxes was a permanent fixture of Said’s work and life. See his essays and discussions with Daniel Barenboim on the intersections between society music in Parallels and Paradoxes (New York: Vintage Books, 2004). 34 . Said, Reflections on Exile , 185. 35 . Ibid., 183. 36 . Ibid., 185. 37 . Michael Walzer, Exodus and Revolution (New York: Basic Books, 1985). See also William D. Hart’s analysis of the exchange in Edward Said and the Religious Effects of Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). The letters between Walzer and Said are reproduced on pages 187–199. 38 . Walzer, Exodus and Revolution , 134. 39 . Walzer takes particular issue with those, like right wing Zionists in his own environment, who take refuge in realpolitik or some messi- anic understanding of the circumstances in contemporary Palestine. See Walzer, Exodus and Revolution , 135–141. 40 . Said, “Michael Walzer’s Exodus and Revolution: A Canaanite Reading ,” in Edward W. Said and Christopher Hitchens, Blaming the Victims: Spurious Scholarship and the Palestinian Question (London: Verso Books, 2001), 165. 170 NOTES

41 . Walzer, Exodus and Revolution , 141. 42 . Ibid. 43 . Ibid., 142. 44 . Said and Hitchens, Blaming the Victims , 177. 45 . See, for example, Butler’s essay “The Charge of Anti-Semitism,” in Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence (London: Verso, 2004), 101–127. 46 . Ibid., 125. 47 . Judith Butler, Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism , (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), 29. 48 . Edward W. Said, Freud and the Non-European (London: Verso Books, 2003). 49 . Ibid., 54. 50 . Butler, Parting Ways , 31. 51 . Ibid. 52 . Agamben, Means without End , 23; my emphasis. 53 . There are a variety of approaches to these questions. See, for exam- ple, Walter D. Mignolo, Local Histories / Global Designs: Coloniality, Subaltern Knowledges, and Border Thinking (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); and Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). 54 . Said and Hitchens, Blaming the Victims , 178. 55 . See Michael Ignatieff, The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004). 56 . Said, Reflections on Exile , 315; my emphasis. 57 . Fred Dallmayr, picking up on Edward W. Said’s brief discussion in Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994) of the work of Deleuze and Guattari suggests that their notion of the “nomad” would be a good image for what we are calling the exile as traveler. See Dallmayr, “The Politics of Nonidentity: Adorno, Postmodernism—and Edward Said,” in Political Theory 25, no. 1 (February 1997): 33–56. The discussion is at page 50–52. 58 . See Butler’s discussion in “Violence, Mourning, Politics” in Precarious Life , 19–49. 59 . Said, “Truth and Reconciliation” in End of the Peace Process, 312–321. 60 . Desmond Mpilo Tutu, No Future without Forgiveness (New York: Image Books, 2000). 61 . Ibid., 30. 62 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 316. 63 . Ibid., 316. 64 . See Uri Davis, “Whither Palestine-Israel? Political Reflections on Citizenship, Bi-nationalism, and the One-State Solution,” Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 199–210 and Rumy Hasan, “The NOTES 171

Unitary, Democratic State and the Struggle Against Apartheid in Palestine-Israel” in Holy Land Studies 7, no. 1 (2008): 81–94. 65 . Buber, A Land of Two Peoples: Martin Buber on Jews and Arabs, ed. Paul R. Mendes-Flohr, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 197. 66 . See Hannah Arendt, The Jewish Writings, ed. Jerome Kohn and Ron H. Feldman (New York: Schocken Books, 2007), 399. 67 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 318–19. 68 . Ibid., 319. 69 . Elizabeth Mavroudi makes a compelling case for this reimagining in “Imagining a Share State in Palestine-Israel” in Antipode 42, no. 1 (2010): 152–178. See also Ali Abunimah, One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse (New York: Henry Holt, 2006); Rabbi Michael Lerner, Embracing Israel/Palestine: A Strategy to Heal and Transform the Middle East (Berkeley, CA: Tikkun Books, 2012) and Thich Nhat Hanh, Peace Begins Here: Palestinians and Israelis Listening to Each Other (Berkeley, CA: Parallax Press, 2004). 70 . See Said’s consistent position on the failure of Oslo and other “peace” efforts in The Politics of Dispossession ; Peace and Its Discontents ; The End of the Peace Process ; and From Oslo to Iraq . 71 . For example, in an essay in The End of the Peace Process, Said wrote of Oslo and after “If this is the kind of peace that the Palestinian Authority under Arafat is able to achieve, then we should call it by its real name: a protracted, disorderly, hypocritical, and undig- nified surrender” (17–18). The theme is developed and repeated throughout Said’s post-Oslo writings. Nor did things improve as Arafat’s power waned. See also Rashid Khalidi, The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood, (New York: Beacon Press, 2006); and As’ad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics after Arafat: A Failed National Movement, (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2010). 72 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 319. 73 . See especially Said, Politics of Dispossession , xx–xxii. 74 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 320. 75 . Ibid., 318 76 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 450. 77 . Said, From Oslo to Iraq , 186. 78 . Two excellent but under-attended examples of how narratives can begin this process are the collections by Robert I. Rotberg, ed., Israeli and Palestinian Narratives of Conflict: History’s Double Helix (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006) and Paul Scham, et al., eds., Shared Histories: A Palestinian-Israeli Dialogue (Oak Grove, CA: Left Coast Press, 2005). 79 . In a 2002 essay collected in From Oslo to Iraq , 186, Said writes, “It seems to me useless to wait for Arafat, or Europe, or the United 172 NOTES

States, or the Arabs to do this [reform in Palestinian life and condi- tions ‘despite Israeli incursions and the occupation’]: it must abso- lutely be done by Palestinians themselves by way of a constituent assembly that contains in it all the major elements of Palestinian society.” 80 . Said, End of the Peace Process , 321. 81 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 204. 82 . Ibid., 450; my emphasis. 83 . We will develop this idea and two forms it can take in the next chapter. The therapeutic dimension of articulating one’s experi- ences, especially the traumatic ones, is well-developed in a variety of literatures. See for example Susan Brison’s account of working through the profound trauma of rape in Aftermath: Violence and the Remaking of a Self (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003). Brison describes how the trauma erased what she had been, how she coped, and how, through articulating the experience to others who actually listened, she was able to refashion a self, albeit a dif- ferent one.

5 Articulating Presence, Narrating Detachment 1 . Edward W. Said, Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward W. Said, ed. Gauri Vismanathan (New York: Pantheon Books, 2001), 203. 2 . Ibid., 130. See also Edward W. Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004. 3 . See Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), especially, “The Commitment to Theory” and “DissemiNation: Time, Narrative and the Margins of the Modern Nation,” 19–39, 139–170. 4 . Edward W. Said, After the Last Sky: Palestinian Lives, with photo- graphs by Jean Mohr (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. 5 . See Rogers Smith, Stories of Peoplehood: The Politics and Morals of Political Membership (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), which discusses with the narrative dimensions of the creation and sustaining of peoples but deals only rather obliquely with ter- ritorial dimensions of the claim to peoplehood. Seyla Benhabib, in The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents, and Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), argues that the “the ideal of territorial self-sufficiency flies in the face of the tremendous interde- pendence of the peoples of the world” (216), but concedes that she sees “no way to cut this Gordian knot linking territoriality, repre- sentation, and democratic voice” (219). See also, Benhabib, Another Cosmopolitanism, ed. Robert Post, with commentaries by Jeremy Waldron, Bonnie Honig, and Will Kymlicka (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008) NOTES 173

6 . I will use the original PRIME texts as they were made available and in translation online: Peace Research Institute in the Middle East, Learning Each Other’s Historical Narrative: Palestinians and Israelis . 1st booklet (2002): www.vispo.com/PRIME/leohn1.pdf; 2nd booklet (2004): www.vispo.com/PRIME/narrative.pdf . The quote here is from booklet I, page i. These texts, unlike the recent valuable published edition Side by Side: Parallel Histories of Israel-Palestine, ed. Sami Adwan, Dan Bar-On, Eyal Naveh, and PRIME (New York: The New Press, 2012), preserve the blank space between the two narra- tives for student/reader comments. The significance of this space will become clearer later in this chapter. 7 . Edward W. Said, The Question of Palestine (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), 8; my emphasis. 8 . See Martin Buber, On Zion: The History of an Idea, trans. Stanly Godman (London: Horovitz Publishing, 1973) and A Land of Two Peoples: Martin Buber on Jews and Arabs, ed. Paul R. Mendes-Flohr (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983). See also Jacqueline Rose, The Question of Zion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005) 9 . Like Said, Iris Marion Young challenges this assumption, writing in Inclusion and Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), that while “some group-based jurisdictions should be associated with place in order to serve as anchor for identities that have been hybrid, inter- regional character,” “the right to a place to exercise self-determination does not entail exclusive rule of the bounded territories Israel now claims. Because Palestinians also have legitimate claims to self-determi- nation, certain vital resources, such as water, must be fairly shared, and certain spaces, such as the city of Jerusalem, must also be shared jurisdic- tions” (262). 10 . Said, Question of Palestine , 173; my emphasis. 11 . Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 147. See Edward W. Said, Politics of Dispossession (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), xvi-xvii. 12 . Said, Politics of Dispossession , 63–64. 13 . Said, Question of Palestine , 139. 14 . Reuters, “Khaled Meshaal, Hamas Leader, Vows Never to Recognize Israel,” Huffington Post, December 8, 2012, http://www.huffing tonpost.com/2012/12/08/khaled-meshaal_n_2262926.html (accessed April 21, 2013) and United Press International, “Abbas Criticizes Meshaal’s Israel Comments,” United Press International , December 12, 2012, http://www.upi.com/Top_News/World -News/2012/12/13/Abbas-criticizes-Meshaals-Israel-comments /UPI-21991355411549/ (accessed April 21, 2013). 15 . Said, Question of Palestine , 49. 16 . See, for example, Said, Power, Politics, and Culture, 221–222, 391–392, 430–431. See also Muhammad Y. Muslih, The Origins 174 NOTES

of Palestinian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988); Khalidi, Palestinian Identity 17 . See Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 129–131; 140–141; “Secular Criticism” in Edward W. Said, The World, the Text and the Critic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 1–30, and Humanism and Democratic Criticism, especially chapters 1 , 2 , and 5. 18 . Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (New York: Norton Books, 2001), 316. See also Nicholas Guyatt, The Absence of Peace: Understanding the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (London: Zed Books, 1998), 10. 19 . Anne Phillips, “Dealing With Difference: A Politics of Ideas or a Politics of Presence?” in Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, ed. Seyla Benhabib (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 143. 20 . Ibid.,142. 21 . Said, After the Last Sky , xi. 22 . Ibid., 38. 23 . Ibid., 41. 24 . Ibid., 101. 25 . Ibid., 96. 26 . Ibid., 129. 27 . Ibid., 140. 28 . Ibid., 108. 29 . Ibid., 141. 30 . Ibid., 145. 31 . Ibid., 150. 32 . Said, Power, Politics, and Culture , 257 33 . Said, Politics of Dispossession , 247–268. 34 . See Rose, The Question of Zion ; and Judith Butler, Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012). 35 . See David Hartman, “Essentials for a Lasting Peace” in Peace in the Promised Land, ed. Srdja Trifkovic (Rockford, IL: Chronicle Press, 2006), 191–208. 36 . See David Grossman, The Yellow Wind, trans. Haim Watzman (New York: Picador Books USA, 2002) and The Smile of the Lamb , trans. Betsy Rosenberg (New York: Picador Books USA, 2003). 37 . In this discussion, I will be using the first two booklets, published online in English translation. 38 . Peace Research Institute in the Middle East, Learning Each Other’s Historical Narrative , 1st Booklet, “Introduction,” i. 39 . Ibid. 40 . This is Said’s stated purpose in The Question of Palestine and it carries through the rest of his political and, more often than not, his critical work. NOTES 175

41 . Dan Bar-On and Sami Adwan, “The Psychology of Better Dialogue between Two Separate but Interdependent Narratives” in Israeli and Palestinian Narratives of Conflict, ed. Robert I. Rotberg (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), 205. 42 . Ibid., 205. 43 . Ibid., 217. 44 . Ibid., 206. 45 . See also Elie Podeh, “The Right of Return versus the Law of Return: Contrasting Historical Narratives in Israeli and Palestinian Textbooks,” in Exile and Return: Predicaments of Palestinians and Jews , ed. Ann M. Lesch and Ian S. Lustick (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 41–56. 46 . Bar-On and Adwan, “The Psychology of Better Dialogue,” 207. 47 . Ibid., 207. 48 . Ibid., 206. 49 . See Wendy Brown’s discussion of Freud in relation to the practices of walling in Walled States, Waning Sovereignty (Brooklyn NY: Zone Books, 2010), 123–133; and Naveh Eyal, “The Dynamics of Identity Construction in Israel through Education in History” in Israeli and Palestinian Narratives of Conflict , ed. Rotberg, 244–270. 50 . Bar-On and Adwan, “The Psychology of Better Dialogue,” 206; my emphasis. 51 . See teacher testimonies in Bar-On and Adwan, “Teachers’ Personal Trajectories” in Side by Side, ed. Adwan, Bar-On, Maveh and PRIME, 393–398. 52 . Ibid., 208. 53 . Ibid., 207. 54 . Ibid., 207. See Bar-On and Adwan, “The Dual Narrative Approach” in Side by Side , ed. Adwan, Bar-On, Maveh and PRIME, ix–xviii. 55 . Ibid., 212. 56 . Ibid., 216; my emphasis 57 . Bhabha, Location of Culture , 15. 58 . Ibid., 145. 59 . Ibid. 60 . Bar-On and Adwan, “The Psychology of Better Dialogue,” 216. 61 . Ibid. 62 . PRIME, Learning Each Other’s Historical Narrative, 1st Booklet, 2. 63 . Ibid., 31. 64 . Ibid. 65 . The completed text, compiled and translated into English in Side by Side , provides narratives up until 2001. 66 . Bar-On and Adwan, “The Psychology of Better Dialogue,” 216. 67 . See Said, Power, Politics, and Culture, 129–131; 140–141; “Secular Criticism” in The World, the Text and the Critic, 1–30; and Humanism and Democratic Criticism , especially chapters 1 , 2, and 5 . 176 NOTES

68 . Bar-On and Adwan, “The Psychology of Better Dialogue,” 218. 69 . This lack of Palestinian self-representation was a constant foe in Said’s early work on the politics of Palestine/Israel. See Said, The Question of Palestine , and the essays in Politics of Dispossession. Examples from the latter include but are not limited to “Who Would Speak for Palestinians?” and “Permission to Narrate,” 80–83, 247–268. 70 . Bhabha, Location of Culture , 2. 71 . Nathan Jeffay, “Banned Textbook Offers Lesson in Mideast Politics,” Forward.com, December 3, 2010, http://forward.com/articles /133422/banned-textbook-offers-a-lesson-in-mideast-politic / (accessed March 16, 2013). 72 . Bhabha, Location of Culture , 36; my emphasis. Bibliography

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Abbas, Mahmoud, 127 Buber, Martin, 109, 116 Achebe, Chinua, 104 Butler, Judith, 72, 80, 109–10, 115, Adwan, Sami, 8, 125, 133–42 125, 133 Aeschylus, 104 Agamben, Giorgio, 7, 97–8, 110–14 Canaanites, 107–8, 112 agon, 31–7 Casey, Edward, 61 antagonism, 10, 31, 37, 119 Certeau, Michel de, 50 antecedent justifications. See Said, colonialism/imperialism. See Said, Edward W. Edward W. “Apartheid Wall.” See security barrier community, noncoercive, 27–8, 35, Arabs, 16, 44, 72, 76, 127 146 Arafat, Yasir, 2, 17–19, 86, 88, 119 Arendt, Hannah, 30, 71, 109, 116 Dayan, Moshe, 43–4, 53, 76, 128 articulation, 6, 47, 49, 55–6, 60, democracy or democratic, 5, 10, 66, 69, 75, 83–4, 93, 114, 19–39, 55–7, 65, 79, 82, 118–20, 125–6, 129, 132–46 85–6, 93, 97, 105, 119, Ashcroft, Bill, 9 141–4 attachments, 3, 5–6, 41–65, 67, 71, democratic paradox, 5, 31–9 96–9, 101–6, 110–13, 125, demos, 12, 14, 32 128, 145 elections, 5, 10–11, 16–18, 20–1, 24–5 Balfour (Lord Arthur) Declaration exported from the West, 18 (1917), 45, 139 “fugitive” democracy (Wolin), 21 Barak, Ehud, 72 as ideology, 10–11, 24–5, 28–9 Bar-On, Dan, 8, 125, 133–42 institutions, 10, 22, 119 Ben-Gurion, David, 139 liberal forms, 12–13, 29–39, Bhabha, Homi, 3, 7–8, 123–5, 119 137–8, 142–4 meaning, 10–13, 19–22, 29–39 Bishara, Amahl, 6, 58–9, 61 practices, 12, 82, 119 Bloom, Harold, 33–4 tension with liberalism, 29–39, Brown, Wendy, 5, 6, 19–20, 68, 119 79–84 as theory, 10–11, 19–39 on democracy, 5, 19–20 undemocratic practices, 5, 15, 19, four national fantasies, 80–3 22–3, 25, 32, 82 192 INDEX democratic critic and democratic Hebrew Bible, 44, 47, 61, 107–8 criticism, 5, 10, 12, 19–39, 40, Book of Exodus, 107–8 65, 141 Herzl, Theodor, 43, 139 detachment, 1, 7, 58, 69, 96–8, history, 1, 3, 5, 7–8, 15, 17, 23, 26, 102–5, 115, 118, 121, 123–46 34–6, 38, 41–2, 46–7, 50–3, diaspora, 45, 48 55–6, 58, 61, 65–6, 68, 70, 72, 82, 84, 86–7, 91–5, 100–1, equality, 1, 5, 31–2, 38, 66, 84, 90, 103, 107–9, 113–14, 116, 93–4, 117–21 119–40, 144–6 erasure, 44, 53, 134 home, 7, 54–5, 56–63, 64, 70–1, exile, 6, 7, 39, 60, 67–94 74–8, 80–1, 96, 98–99, 101–6, the exile as aspiring potentate, 6, 111, 113–17, 128, 132, 139, 68–75, 78–86, 93–5, 97–102, 143, 145 105–12, 115 fragility of, 54–5 the exile as traveler, 7, 69–70, and homeland, 58–9 95–8, 101–15, 118, 121, 124, and law’s authority, 57–63 130, 145 and self, 54–5 exodus, 7, 97–8, 105–15, 123, 125, as sites of conflict, 57–63 131, 143 Honig, Bonnie, 63 extremism, 10, 19, 56, 119 Hugo of St. Victor, 102 humanism, 5, 12, 29, 33–42, 111 Fanon, Frantz, 16 Huntington, Samuel, 3 Fatah, 118, 127 hybridity, 62–7, 75, 79, 87, 101, Ferguson, Michaele, 22 103, 105, 110, 143 Foucault, Michel, 3, 23, 79 freedom, 5, 13–14, 16–17, 22, identity, 55, 65–6, 71, 72–5, 80, 30–2, 35, 85, 113 83–7, 96, 101–3, 109–10, 115, Freud, Sigmund, 109 123–30, 133–9, 141–2, 144–6 frontier, 31, 51, 69, 71 imperialism. See Said, Edward W.: fundamentalism, 6, 25, 33, 58, imperialism/colonialism 67–8, 73, 85–7, 101 interpretation, 42–50, 55, 68, 86, 93, 107, 123, 126, 134, 141 Gandhi, Leela, 10 interstices, 142–3 Gaza, 11, 15, 17, 25, 48, 52–4, 58, Iron cage, 74, 91–4, 100 74, 86, 88, 146. Iron wall, 75–7, 83, 92 “disengagement”/unsettling Israel, state of (2005), 48–9, 53–4, 58 Absentee Property Law of 1950, Great Britain, 130. See also Balfour 57 (Lord Arthur) Declaration as democracy, 3, 14–15, 82 (1917) and eretz Israel idea, 23, 43, 95 Grossman, David, 109 Law of Return, 57, 62 and Palestinian dispossession, 3, Halpern, Jeff, 109 10, 12, 15, 30, 42, 46, 48–9, Hamas, 11, 15, 17–18, 25, 127 53–5, 57–8, 63, 78, 88, 95, 99, election of 2006, 17–18 108, 131–2, 140 INDEX 193

and Promised Land idea, 7, 44, Mouffe, Chantal, 5, 12, 22, 31–3, 107–8, 111 36–7 Israelis Mufleh, Mahmoud, 140 as human presences, 45–7 the Settler Movement, 3, 15, 19, nakhba (“The Catastrophe”), 49, 43, 45, 49–56, 76–8, 81, 90, 53, 55, 57 129, 139 narrative, 6–8, 29, 36–9, 51–3, 55–6, 58, 60–6, 90, 92–3, 97, Jabotinski, Ze’ev, 75–7, 78 100, 114, 120–46 Jerusalem, 43, 50, 57–9, 77, 81, nationalism, 12, 14, 16, 32, 34–6, 119, 121 59, 65–7, 74–5, 79–94 Talbiyah (Said’s home in), Arab, 85 57–8, 63 as a form of separation, 84–9 Jews, 2, 6, 7, 8, 14, 32, 38, 41–52, as fundamentalism, 12, 35, 67 54, 57, 59, 61, 67–8, 70–6, 78, Israeli, 14–15, 68, 87 80–3, 86–9, 92, 94–7, 100–1, national identity, 6, 34–6, 106–10, 116–17, 121, 126–8, 85–6 131, 134, 139–40, 144 Palestinian, 74–5, 84–9. and purity, 35, 66, 86 Khalidi, Rashid, 46, 91 separatist logic of Palestinian form, 84–9 Levinas, Immanuel, 109 negotiation, 11, 36, 66, 68, 73, Lewis, Bernard, 3 87, 90, 94, 103, 105–6, liberalism, liberals, 5, 10, 11, 13–14, 118–19, 131, 134, 137, 16, 22, 29, 30–3, 41, 48, 51, 142–3, 145 56, 59, 82 human rights, 13, 30, 32, 38, 42, Orestes’ (Aeschylus) pause, 104–5, 63, 98, 111, 144 110 tensions with democracy, 29–39 Oslo peace process, 8, 18–19, 22, location, 9, 26, 39, 124, 130, 142–3 75, 94, 100, 116–18, 129–30 Losurdo, Domenico, 30 Lukacs, Georg, 28 Palestine/Israel one- or two-state Lustick, Ian, 76 solution, 88–9, 93, 94, 98, Lyotard, Jean-Francois, 37 116, 140 Palestine Liberation Organization Machiavelli, Niccolo, 79 (PLO), 18, 86–7, 100, 127, Mandela, Nelson, 116 140 Manifest Destiny, 23, 53 Palestinian National Authority, 135 Marxist language, 14–15 Palestinian National Congress, 2 Meir, Golda, 43, 127 Palestinians memory, 36–8, 60–1, 77, 146 as democratic movement, 11, Meshaal, Khaled, 127 14, 32 Mitchell, W. G. T., 39 depicted as terrorists, 10, 19, 52, Mohr, Jean, 7, 48, 124, 130–1 64, 72, 77, 79–80, 84, 89–91, Moses, 109–10 93, 105, 130, 135 194 INDEX

Palestinians—Continued Said, Edward W. displacement and dispossession, 3, antecedent justifications, 6, 10, 12, 15, 30, 42, 46, 48–58, 42–51, 53, 55, 64, 65, 100, 63, 78, 88, 95, 99, 108, 131–2, 146 140 and Arafat, Yasir, 2, 17–19, 86, as human presences, 7, 38, 88, 118. 42–66, 68, 70, 73–83, 92, 100, contrapuntal approach, 2–4, 9, 117–22, 123–46 35, 102–6, 126, and Israeli democracy, 13–19, 82 critical consciousness, 27–9 Pappe, Ilan, 109, 125 and cultural imperialism, 15 Peace Research Institute in the democratic aspirations, 1, 5, Middle East (PRIME), 8, 125, 9–39, 85, 119 133–46 democratic criticism, 4, 12, Learning Each Others’ Historical 22–39, 41, 65–6 Narrative (textbook), 8, 125, and the democratic paradox, 5, 133–46 22, 29–36 peacebuilding, 1, 134–5, 137–8 democracy and use of “the pedagogical, 7, 123–6, 130, 133–43 democratic,” 5, 9–39, 55–7, performative, 7, 124–6, 130, 137–8, 65, 79, 82, 85–6, 93, 97, 105, 141, 143–4 119, 141–4 Phillips, Anne, 129 on exile, 6–7, 67–94. place, 5, 6, 10, 15, 23, 30, 41–66, humanism and humanist practice, 69–72, 75, 77, 86–9, 95–126 5, 12, 33–42, 111 pluralism, 21, 31, 37 imperialism/colonialism, 2, postcolonialism, 9–10, 24, 33–5 10–11, 13–15, 35, 42–3, 48, presence, 3–8, 11, 24, 38, 41–66, 51, 64, 67, 75–6, 84, 93, 105, 73–7, 80–1, 83, 92, 96–8, 132, 143 100–1, 108, 113–18, 120–2, intellectual as countermemory, 123–46 37–8 purity, 6, 64, 66, 73, 82, 84, 86–7, nationalism, 13, 16 101, 109–10, 115, 146 and Palestine Liberation of cultures, 73 Organzation (PLO), 15, 18, and fundamentalisms, 73 75, 86–7, 100, 127, 140 of identities, 73 and Palestinian National Congress, 2 reconciliation, 4, 7, 31, 38, 50, 56, and Palestinian nationalism, 6, 16, 68, 65, 68, 91, 94, 96–9, 106, 73–5, 84–9, 140 115–22, 123, 125, 134, 142–6 and political theory, 1–4, 8, 106, redemption, 29, 104, 108 146 refugees, 38, 42, 74, 88, 97, 99, and postcolonialism, 9–10, 135, 140 11–12, 14, 16, 24–5, 33–5, 55, representation, 3, 9, 11, 14, 23, 79, 84, 101, 142 90–3, 104, 135, 140, 142, 144 secularism, 8, 12, 18, 33, 36, Rose, Jacqueline, 3, 125, 133 70, 85, 102, 106–7, 119, Roy, Sara, 48 128, 146 INDEX 195

on South Africa’s example, travels, 11, 19–29 115–16, 119, 145 worldliness or secularism, 19–29 suspicion of fundamentalisms, Truth and Reconciliation 13, 33 Commission (South Africa), worldliness, 23, 27, 33 116, 120, 121, 145 Schmitt, Carl, 31, 36, 81 Tutu, Desmond, 116 secular, 8, 12, 18, 33, 36, 70, 85, 102, 106–7, 119, 128, 146 United Nations Resolutions, 140 security barrier, 48, 77–84 United States, 5, 10, 16–17, 30, 53, self-determination, 14, 16, 32, 52, 112 119, 140 separation, 67–94, 144 Vance, Cyrus, 2 and enclosure, 74, 89–94 Vico, Giambattista, 3, 33, 94, 128, and exile, 6, 67–72, 96–7, 132 116–19 victimization, 17, 73, 83, 95, 99, ideology of, 72–3 100, 109 116, 120, 131 strategies of, 6–7, 67–89, 93, vital medium, 99, 111 96–7, 102, 110, 115 walls and walling, 6, 56, 67–8, 72, settling and unsettling, 50–6, 75–7 75–84, 86–7, 92, 112–21, 129, al-Shahhat, Muhammad, 140 146 Shoah/Holocaust, 54, 87 and enclosure, 81, 83 Socrates, 39 psychology of, 75–84 South Africa, 115–16, 119, 145 Walzer, Michael, 3, 7, 67, 97, sovereignty, 6, 20, 22, 37, 42–50, 106–9, 112, 115 55–6, 60, 63, 67–8, 79–81, 84, Exodus and Revolution, 106–9 113, 129, 138, 141 “War on Terror,” 83 sovereign interpretations, 42–50 Weil, Simone, 99 and walls, 78–84 Weizman, Eyal, 78 space, 6–12, 23–4, 27–8, 36–7, Weizmann, Chaim, 139 41–2, 44–51, 54, 57, 59, 62, West Bank, 15, 43, 48–9, 52, 74, 66–9, 71–2, 74–81, 83, 87, 89, 77, 86, 88 92–8, 100, 102–6, 109–22, Wolin, Sheldon, 5, 20–1 124–6, 130, 133, 136–8, centrifugal power, 21 141–6 centripetal power, 21 “fugitive” democracy, 21 terrorism, 77–8, 91 theory, 1–4, 19–39, 42, 47, 59, 69, Zionism, 8, 13–14, 23, 30, 41, 44, 96–100, 107, 130–1, 133, 146 51–6, 65, 85–9, 91, 95, 97, bad infinity, 25–6, 47 100–1, 106, 108–9, 116–17, and criticism, 19–39 125–8, 130–1, 133, 139, 140, and ideology, 28–9 145 the politics of, 19–29 as interpretation, 42–50 translation in space, 24–8 narrative roots, 41, 44–5