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TIGHTENING the SCREWS Azerbaijan’S Crackdown on Civil Society and Dissent WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS TIGHTENING THE SCREWS Azerbaijan’s Crackdown on Civil Society and Dissent WATCH Tightening the Screws Azerbaijan’s Crackdown on Civil Society and Dissent Copyright © 2013 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-0473 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2013 978-1-62313-0473 Tightening the Screws Azerbaijan’s Crackdown on Civil Society and Dissent Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Arrest and Imprisonment ......................................................................................................... -
Oct. 6-12, 2020 Further Reproduction Or Distribution Is Subject to Original Copyright Restrictions
Weekly Media Report –Oct. 6-12, 2020 Further reproduction or distribution is subject to original copyright restrictions. ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…… EDUCATION: 1. Marine Corps’ Landmark PhD Program Celebrates First Technical Graduate (Marines.mil 7 Oct 20) (Navy.mil 7 Oct 20) (NPS.edu 7 Oct 20) (Military Spot 12 Oct 20) … Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Taylor Vencill When the Marine Corps developed its new Doctor of Philosophy Program (PHDP), the service recognized the need for a cohort of strategic thinkers and technical leaders capable of the applied research and innovative thinking necessary to develop warfighter advantage in the modern, cognitive age. The Technical version of the program, PHDP-T, just celebrated its first graduate, with Maj. Ezra Akin completing his doctorate in operations research from the Naval Postgraduate School (NPS), Sept. 25. INDUSTRY PARTNERS: 2. Denver Startup Kayhan Space Lands $600k Seed Round for Collision Avoidance Software (ColoradoInno 6 Oct 20) … Nick Greenhalgh Much like on city streets, space traffic can be hectic and near misses are becoming all too common. Just last year, an in-orbit European Space Agency satellite was forced to perform an evasive maneuver to avoid a collision with a SpaceX satellite. Kayhan Space currently provides satellite collision assessment and avoidance support to the Naval Postgraduate School and BlackSky missions. FACULTY: 3. Will Armenia and Azerbaijan Fight to the Bitter End? [AUDIO INTERVIEW] (English News Highlights 5 Oct 20) Armenia and Azerbaijan accuse each other of attacking civilian areas as the deadliest fighting in the South Caucasus region for more than 25 years continues. KAN's Mark Weiss spoke with South Caucasus expert Brenda Shaffer, formerly a professor at Haifa University and now at the US Navy Postgraduate University. -
Nord Stream 2
Updated August 24, 2021 Russia’s Nord Stream 2 Natural Gas Pipeline to Germany Nord Stream 2, a natural gas pipeline nearing completion, is which accounted for about 48% of EU natural gas imports expected to increase the volume of Russia’s natural gas in 2020. Russian gas exports to the EU were up 18% year- export capacity directly to Germany, bypassing Ukraine, on-year in the first quarter of 2021. Factors behind reliance Poland, and other transit states (Figure 1). Successive U.S. on Russian supply include diminishing European gas Administrations and Congresses have opposed Nord Stream supplies, commitments to reduce coal use, Russian 2, reflecting concerns about European dependence on investments in European infrastructure, Russian export Russian energy and the threat of increased Russian prices, and the perception of many Europeans that Russia aggression in Ukraine. The German government is a key remains a reliable supplier. proponent of the pipeline, which it says will be a reliable Figure 1. Nord Stream Gas Pipeline System source of natural gas as Germany is ending nuclear energy production and reducing coal use. Despite the Biden Administration’s stated opposition to Nord Stream 2, the Administration appears to have shifted its focus away from working to prevent the pipeline’s completion to mitigating the potential negative impacts of an operational pipeline. Some critics of this approach, including some Members of Congress and the Ukrainian and Polish governments, sharply criticized a U.S.-German joint statement on energy security, issued on July 21, 2021, which they perceived as indirectly affirming the pipeline’s completion. -
Central Asia: Confronting Independence
THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY OF RICE UNIVERSITY UNLOCKING THE ASSETS: ENERGY AND THE FUTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS CENTRAL ASIA: CONFRONTING INDEPENDENCE MARTHA BRILL OLCOTT SENIOR RESEARCH ASSOCIATE CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE PREPARED IN CONJUNCTION WITH AN ENERGY STUDY BY THE CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY AND THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RICE UNIVERSITY – APRIL 1998 CENTRAL ASIA: CONFRONTING INDEPENDENCE Introduction After the euphoria of gaining independence settles down, the elites of each new sovereign country inevitably stumble upon the challenges of building a viable state. The inexperienced governments soon venture into unfamiliar territory when they have to formulate foreign policy or when they try to forge beneficial economic ties with foreign investors. What often proves especially difficult is the process of redefining the new country's relationship with its old colonial ruler or federation partners. In addition to these often-encountered hurdles, the newly independent states of Central Asia-- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan-- have faced a host of particular challenges. Some of these emanate from the Soviet legacy, others--from the ethnic and social fabric of each individual polity. Yet another group stems from the peculiarities of intra- regional dynamics. Finally, the fledgling states have been struggling to step out of their traditional isolation and build relations with states outside of their neighborhood. This paper seeks to offer an overview of all the challenges that the Central Asian countries have confronted in the process of consolidating their sovereignty. The Soviet Legacy and the Ensuing Internal Challenges What best distinguishes the birth of the Central Asian states from that of any other sovereign country is the incredible weakness of pro-independence movements throughout the region. -
Poverty in Central Asia: Kazakhstan Versus Tajikistan
Global Majority E-Journal, Vol. 2, No. 1 (June 2011), pp. 19-30 Poverty in Central Asia: Kazakhstan versus Tajikistan Gregory Chapman Abstract This article reviews the existence and nature of poverty in the two very different Central Asian nations of Kazakhstan and Tajikistan. Kazakhstan is oil-rich and agriculturally productive. Tajikistan is poor, rural, isolated and mountainous. Summarizing the nature of poverty in these two countries, this article seeks to understand some of the driving factors behind it. Though by no means comprehensive or complete, this article illustrates the vast differences between these two countries of the same ‘neighborhood’ and, sadly, one has great hope of outgrowing poverty and the other has not. I. Introduction Central Asia has long been a so-called ‘crossroads of the world’, a place where ‘east meets west’ in the narrow valleys and of the Tian Shan and on the vast plains of the Steppe.1 Although central to both the 19th century geopolitical struggle known as the ‘Great Game’ as well as to modern energy-driven geopolitics, the region remains little understood - perhaps sheltered by its high mountains and long wind-swept winters, perhaps by its long Soviet past or even by its intricate, ostensibly foreign culture. Though this region is, due to its fragile post-Soviet independence and relative richness in energy reserves, more vital to our own national interests than ever, it is safe to say that most Americans know very little of this ‘land of the Stans’. Despite the seemed wealth of some of the Central Asian nations, particularly Kazakhstan,2 in oil, natural gas and other mineral resources, as well as a relative abundance of arable 1 One of the world’s highest mountainous plateaus, stretching from western China in the east to central Kazakhstan and eastern Uzbekistan in the west. -
Physical Culture and Sports in the USSR and Soviet Kazakhstan in 1940-1980
Opción, Año 35, Especial No.19 (2019): 2337-2365 ISSN 1012-1587/ISSNe: 2477-9385 Physical Culture and Sports in the USSR and Soviet Kazakhstan in 1940-1980 Zauresh Galimzhanovna Saktaganova1, Aleksandr Anatolievich Grigorkevich1, Zhanna Sabitbekovna Mazhitova2, Assem Serikovna Sagatova3, Saule Suyundykovna Kassimova3 1Karaganda State University named after E.A. Buketov, 100028, Karaganda, Kazakhstan, Universitetskaya Street, 28 2University of Astana, 010000, Astana, Kazakhstan, Abai Street, 13 3Karaganda State Technical University, 100028, Karaganda, Kazakhstan, Mira Boulevard, 56 Abstrac The present article considers the problems of physical culture and sports in the Soviet history. It emphasizes the fact that physical culture and sports had a complicated history. In the pre-war period, sports were considered to serve a narrow utilitarian purpose of establishing healthy society via doing exerci- ses and training bold fighters for the bright new dawn of communism. Later, sports were perceived as one of the key components of social and political life – an effective means to increase labor productivity and bring up a stron- ger next generation. Analyzing the government actions on establishing sports infrastructure, the authors conclude that physical culture and sports in the USSR and Soviet Kazakhstan transformed into an independent area of cultural development. The conclusion states that high achievements in conventional sports were to prove the benefits of living in a socialist country to its citizens and the rest of the world. In turn, such a circumstance led to the disregard of sports peculiarities of Kazakhstan and the gradual fallback of national sports. Keywords: Soviet history, physical culture, sports, Soviet Kazakhstan, national sports. 2338 Zauresh Galimzhanovna Saktaganova et al. -
3. Energy Reserves, Pipeline Routes and the Legal Regime in the Caspian Sea
3. Energy reserves, pipeline routes and the legal regime in the Caspian Sea John Roberts I. The energy reserves and production potential of the Caspian The issue of Caspian energy development has been dominated by four factors. The first is uncertain oil prices. These pose a challenge both to oilfield devel- opers and to the promoters of pipelines. The boom prices of 2000, coupled with supply shortages within the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), have made development of the resources of the Caspian area very attractive. By contrast, when oil prices hovered around the $10 per barrel level in late 1998 and early 1999, the price downturn threatened not only the viability of some of the more grandiose pipeline projects to carry Caspian oil to the outside world, but also the economics of basic oilfield exploration in the region. While there will be some fly-by-night operators who endeavour to secure swift returns in an era of high prices, the major energy developers, as well as the majority of smaller investors, will continue to predicate total production costs (including carriage to market) not exceeding $10–12 a barrel. The second is the geology and geography of the area. The importance of its geology was highlighted when two of the first four international consortia formed to look for oil in blocks off Azerbaijan where no wells had previously been drilled pulled out in the wake of poor results.1 The geography of the area involves the complex problem of export pipeline development and the chicken- and-egg question whether lack of pipelines is holding back oil and gas pro- duction or vice versa. -
42-58 Cooperation
42 IPRI Journal Pakistan XVI-Azerbaijan, No.1 (Winte Economicr 201 and6): Defence42-58 Cooperation Pakistan-Azerbaijan Economic and Defence Cooperation Dr Kamal Makili-Aliyev and Khurram Abbas** Abstract Azerbaijan and Pakistan have a very unique political relationship that has surpassed territorial boundaries and geographical distance. It offers opportunities for cooperation in many areas, especially in the economic and defence sectors. Diplomatic relations, established since Azerbaijan‟s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, have allowed these two countries to start developing cooperation very rapidly. Pakistan was the second country to recognise Azerbaijan‟s independence, and has not established diplomatic relations with Armenia.1 Both countries have supported each other diplomatically on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and Kashmir dispute at all international forums. This article is an attempt to identify the prospects and potential of strengthening economic and security ties between Pakistan and Azerbaijan. It also tries to explore the reasons behind the low volume of trade between the two countries, and makes concrete recommendations on how this trade volume can be increased. Key words: Pakistan, Azerbaijan, Economy, Security, Defence, Cooperation. Introduction akistan and Azerbaijan share common historic, cultural and religious values. The relationship between the two countries has covered P economic, defence, political and diplomatic cooperation since Azerbaijan‟s independence. However, despite a historically cordial political and strategic relationship between the two countries, their bilateral economic relations remain tepid. Both countries began economic The author is a Research Fellow at the Center for Strategic Studies (SAM) under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. ** The author is a PhD scholar at the Centre for International Peace and Stability (CIPS), National University of Science and Technology (NUST), Pakistan. -
Azerbaijan's Cooperation with Israel Goes Beyond Iran Tensions by Brenda Shaffer
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2067 Azerbaijan's Cooperation with Israel Goes Beyond Iran Tensions by Brenda Shaffer Apr 16, 2013 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Brenda Shaffer Brenda Shaffer is an adjunct professor at the Center for Eurasian, Russian, and East European Studies at Georgetown University and a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council's Global Energy Center. Brief Analysis Azerbaijan has ample, independent strategic reasons for its cooperation with Israel and poor relations with Tehran, notwithstanding the recent spike in Iranian tensions. n recent years, Israel and Azerbaijan have intensified their security cooperation and military trade. At the same I time, tensions between Azerbaijan and Iran have increased. Yet these two developments have been largely independent of each other, despite Tehran's efforts to promote misconceptions to the contrary. ISRAELI-AZERBAIJANI RELATIONS I srael recognized Azerbaijan's independence in 1991 and opened an embassy there in 1993. Since then, several Israeli delegations have visited the country: in 1997, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu met with then-president Heydar Aliyev; in 2009, three Israeli ministers and fifty businessmen joined President Shimon Peres to visit current president Ilham Aliyev, with whom Peres is close; and former foreign minister Avigdor Liberman visited in February 2010 and April 2012. Baku has not reciprocated by opening an embassy in Israel, citing fears that Muslim-majority states in the UN would vote unfavorably on its conflict with Armenia over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. Yet several Azerbaijani officials have visited Israel, including Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources Huseyn Bagirov (December 2002 and November 2006), Minister of Communications and Information Technologies Ali Abbasov (November 2003), Minister of Emergency Situations Kemaleddin Heydarov (March 2007), and Transportation Minister Ziya Mammadov (June 2007). -
Azerbaijan Modifications to the Constitution Submitted
Strasbourg, 19 September 2016 CDL-REF(2016)054 Opinion No. 864/2016 Engl.Only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) AZERBAIJAN MODIFICATIONS TO THE CONSTITUTION SUBMITTED TO THE REFERENDUM OF 26 SEPTEMBER 2016 Unofficial translation This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int - 2 - CDL-REF(2016)054 MODIFICATIONS TO THE CONSTITUTION OF AZERBAIJAN PROPOSED FOR THE REFERENDUM OF 26 SEPTEMBER 2016 1 . 1. Article 9. The Armed Forces I. The Republic of Azerbaijan establishes its Armed Forces and other military troops to ensure its security and protection. The Armed Forces consist of Azerbaijani Army and other armed units. II. The Republic of Azerbaijan rejects war as a means of encroaching on the independence of other States and of settling international conflicts. III. The President of the Republic of Azerbaijan is the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. 2. Article 24 Main Principles Concerning Human Rights and Civil Liberties I. Human dignity is protected and respected. II. Every citizen from birth enjoys inviolable, undeniable and inalienable rights and freedoms. III. Rights and freedoms also include commitments to society and other individuals. Abuse of rights is not allowed. 3. Article 25: Right to Equality I. Everyone is equal before the law and the court. II. Men and women have equal rights and freedoms. • Equality regardless of gender III. Everyone has equal rights and freedoms irrespective of race, nationality ethnicity, religion, sex, origin, property status, social position, convictions, political party, trade union organization and social unity affiliation. Limitations or recognition of rights and freedoms because of race, nationality ethnicity, social status, language, origin, convictions and religion are prohibited IV. -
DNA Evidence of a Croatian and Sephardic Jewish Settlement on the North Carolina Coast Dating from the Mid to Late 1500S Elizabeth C
International Social Science Review Volume 95 | Issue 2 Article 2 DNA Evidence of a Croatian and Sephardic Jewish Settlement on the North Carolina Coast Dating from the Mid to Late 1500s Elizabeth C. Hirschman James A. Vance Jesse D. Harris Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/issr Part of the Anthropology Commons, Communication Commons, Genealogy Commons, Geography Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Hirschman, Elizabeth C.; Vance, James A.; and Harris, Jesse D. () "DNA Evidence of a Croatian and Sephardic Jewish Settlement on the North Carolina Coast Dating from the Mid to Late 1500s," International Social Science Review: Vol. 95 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/issr/vol95/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Social Science Review by an authorized editor of Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. DNA Evidence of a Croatian and Sephardic Jewish Settlement on the North Carolina Coast Dating from the Mid to Late 1500s Cover Page Footnote Elizabeth C. Hirschman is the Hill Richmond Gott rP ofessor of Business at The nivU ersity of Virginia's College at Wise. James A. Vance is an Associate Professor of Mathematics at The nivU ersity of Virginia's College at Wise. Jesse D. Harris is a student studying Computer Science -
Azerbaijan Goes to the Polls | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 792 Azerbaijan Goes to the Polls by Brenda Shaffer Oct 14, 2003 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Brenda Shaffer Brenda Shaffer is an adjunct professor at the Center for Eurasian, Russian, and East European Studies at Georgetown University and a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council's Global Energy Center. Brief Analysis he Republic of Azerbaijan, a secular, predominately Shii-populated state, will hold presidential elections on T October 15, 2003. The state borders Iran, produces significant quantities of oil and gas, and conducts a pro- American foreign policy. The capital, Baku, maintains extremely close ties with Turkey, including military cooperation, and is friendly to other U.S. allies, including Israel. The imminent presidential elections represent a turning point for Azerbaijan because the current president, Heydar Aliyev -- who has led Azerbaijan through most of the last three decades -- is not a candidate. The leading candidates are Ilham Aliyev (Azerbaijans current prime minister, son of the current president, and former first vice-president of the state oil company) and Isa Gambar (a leading opposition figure who heads the Musavat Party). Over the last decade, Washington has had remarkable success in establishing a U.S. presence in the Caspian region in various spheres (e.g., economic, political, military). Neither of the main presidential candidates is expected to alter Azerbaijans primary foreign policy decisions; the countrys pro-American orientation will continue regardless of the election results. Election Conduct and Implications As with most of the other states of the Caucasus and Central Asia, the democratization of Azerbaijan has not progressed as Washington had hoped it would when the Soviet Union first began to dissolve.