Reading Essentials and Study Guide, Party Ideology and Identification
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THE ELECTION of 1912 Library of Congress of Library
Bill of Rights Constitutional Rights in Action Foundation SPRING 2016 Volume 31 No 3 THE ELECTION OF 1912 Library of Congress of Library The four candidates in the 1912 election, from L to R: William H. Taft, Theodore Roosevelt, Eugene V. Debs, and Woodrow Wilson. The 1912 presidential election was a race between four leaders Not surprisingly, the 1912 presidential election be- who each found it necessary to distinguish their own brand of came a contest over progressive principles. Theodore progressive reform. The election and its outcome had far reach- Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, Woodrow Wilson, and ing social, economic, and political consequences for the nation. Eugene Debs campaigned to convince the electorate Rapid industrialization in the 19th century led to a that their vision for change would lead America into a variety of American economic and social problems. new age of progress and prosperity. Among them were child labor; urban poverty; bribery and political corruption; unsafe factories and indus- Roosevelt, Taft, and the Republican Party tries; and jobs with low wages and long hours. Theodore Roosevelt (1858–1919) committed him- Beginning as a social movement, progressivism self early in life to public service and progressive re- was an ideology (set of beliefs) aimed at addressing in- forms. After attending Harvard University and a year at dustrialism’s problems. It focused on protecting the Columbia Law School, Roosevelt was elected to the people from excessive power of private corporations. New York State Assembly. He subsequently served in a Progressives emphasized a strong role for government number of official posts, including the United States Civil to remedy social and economic ills by exposing cor- Service Commission, president of the board of New York ruption and regulating big business. -
The Decline of Collective Responsibility in American Politics
MORRIS P. FIORINA The Decline of Collective Responsibility inAmerican Politics the founding fathers a Though believed in the necessity of establishing gen to one uinely national government, they took great pains design that could not to lightly do things its citizens; what government might do for its citizens was to be limited to the functions of what we know now as the "watchman state." Thus the Founders composed the constitutional litany familiar to every schoolchild: a they created federal system, they distributed and blended powers within and across the federal levels, and they encouraged the occupants of the various posi tions to check and balance each other by structuring incentives so that one of to ficeholder's ambitions would be likely conflict with others'. The resulting system of institutional arrangements predictably hampers efforts to undertake initiatives and favors maintenance of the status major quo. Given the historical record faced by the Founders, their emphasis on con we a straining government is understandable. But face later historical record, one two that shows hundred years of increasing demands for government to act positively. Moreover, developments unforeseen by the Founders increasingly raise the likelihood that the uncoordinated actions of individuals and groups will inflict serious on the nation as a whole. The of the damage by-products industri not on on al and technological revolutions impose physical risks only us, but future as well. Resource and international cartels raise the generations shortages spectre of economic ruin. And the simple proliferation of special interests with their intense, particularistic demands threatens to render us politically in capable of taking actions that might either advance the state of society or pre vent foreseeable deteriorations in that state. -
Republican Strategy and Winning and Losing Voters
Unintended Consequences: Republican Strategy and Winning and Losing Voters Rebekah E. Liscio Department of Political Science Maxwell School, Syracuse University And Jeffrey M. Stonecash Department of Political Science Maxwell School, Syracuse University Prepared for the 2009 State of the Parties Conference, the University of Akron, October 1 “McCain’s losing to Obama among college graduates and voters who have attended some college underscores how much the GOP franchise is in trouble. My hunch is that the Republican Party’s focus on social, cultural, and religious issues – most notably, fights over embryonic stem-cell research and Terri Schiavo – cost its candidates dearly among upscale voters.”1 “Suggestions that we abandon social conservatism, including our pro-life agenda, should be ignored. These values are often more popular than the GOP itself.”2 The struggle of the Republican Party in the late 1900s to become the majority party was lengthy, but by 2000 it was finally successful. In the 1994 elections Republicans won control of the House of Representatives for the first time since 1952. In the 1990s the percentage of Americans identifying as Republican twice surpassed the Democratic percentage, a rare occurrence in the last 50 years. In 2000 George W. Bush won the presidency and identification with the Republican Party once again equaled that for Democrats (Pew Research Center, 2008). Following 9/11 President George W. Bush had remarkably high approval ratings (Jacobson, 2006) and in the 2002 elections Republicans increased their number of seats in the House. They also held the Senate (Jeffers?) George Bush won re-election in 2004. -
Time Line of the Progressive Era from the Idea of America™
Time Line of The Progressive Era From The Idea of America™ Date Event Description March 3, Pennsylvania Mine Following an 1869 fire in an Avondale mine that kills 110 1870 Safety Act of 1870 workers, Pennsylvania passes the country's first coal mine safety passed law, mandating that mines have an emergency exit and ventilation. November Woman’s Christian Barred from traditional politics, groups such as the Woman’s 1874 Temperance Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) allow women a public Union founded platform to participate in issues of the day. Under the leadership of Frances Willard, the WCTU supports a national Prohibition political party and, by 1890, counts 150,000 members. February 4, Interstate The Interstate Commerce Act creates the Interstate Commerce 1887 Commerce act Commission to address price-fixing in the railroad industry. The passed Act is amended over the years to monitor new forms of interstate transportation, such as buses and trucks. September Hull House opens Jane Addams establishes Hull House in Chicago as a 1889 in Chicago “settlement house” for the needy. Addams and her colleagues, such as Florence Kelley, dedicate themselves to safe housing in the inner city, and call on lawmakers to bring about reforms: ending child labor, instituting better factory working conditions, and compulsory education. In 1931, Addams is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. November “White Caps” Led by Juan Jose Herrerra, the “White Caps” (Las Gorras 1889 released from Blancas) protest big business’s monopolization of land and prison resources in the New Mexico territory by destroying cattlemen’s fences. The group’s leaders gain popular support upon their release from prison in 1889. -
China's Political Party System
China’s Political Party System: Cooperation and Consultation The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China June 2021 First Edition 2021 ISBN 978-7-119-12735-4 © Foreign Languages Press Co. Ltd., Beijing, China, 2021 Published by Foreign Languages Press Co. Ltd. 24 Baiwanzhuang Road, Beijing 100037, China Distributed by China International Book Trading Corporation 35 Chegongzhuang Xilu, Beijing 100044, China P.O. Box 399, Beijing, China Printed in the People’s Republic of China Contents Preamble 1 I. China’s Political Parties 3 II. A Unique Political Creation 10 III. Close Cooperation Between Political Parties 14 IV. China’s Political Party System Has Distinctive Characteristics and Strengths 16 V. The CPC Consults with Other Political Parties and Non-Affiliates 19 VI. The CPC Supports Other Political Parties and Non-Affiliates in Conducting Democratic Oversight 22 VII. The CPC Cooperates with Other Political Parties and Non-Affiliates in Governing the Country 24 VIII. Non-CPC Political Parties and Non-Affiliates Provide Advice on Economic and Social Development 27 IX. The CPPCC Is an Important Political and Organizational Platform in China’s Political Party System 30 Conclusion 33 Preamble A country’s political party system is a major component of its political framework and makes a critical contribution to democracy. The system best suited to a country is determined by its history, traditions, and realities. There are many types of political party system around the world, and there is not a single system that is good for all countries. The system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) is a basic element of China’s political framework. -
Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention. -
How Electoral Agency Shapes the Political Logic of Costs and Benefits
Coalition Parties versus Coalitions of Parties: How Electoral Agency Shapes the Political Logic of Costs and Benefits by Kathleen Bawn Department of Political Science UCLA and Frances Rosenbluth Department of Political Science Yale University Draft 1.10 August 2002 Abstract This paper argues that governments formed from post-election coalitions (majority coalition governments in PR systems) and pre-election coalitions (majority parties in SMD systems) aggregate the interests of voters in systematically different ways. We show that the multiple policy dimensional policy space that emerges from PR rules motivate parties in the government coalition to logroll projects among themselves without internalizing the costs of those projects in the same way that a majoritarian party would be forced to do. The size of government should therefore tend to be larger in PR systems. We further show that, although centrifugal electoral incentives dominate in PR systems, some incentives towards coalescence across groups and across parties exist through the greater likelihood that large parties have in becoming a member of a minimal winning coalition of parties. This paper was prepared for presentation at the annual meetings of the American Political Science Association, held in Boston, Massachusetts, August 28-September 2. Frances Rosenbluth would like to thank the Yale Provost Office and the Yale Leitner Program in International Political Economy for funding. We gratefully acknowledge the able research assistance of Abbie Erler and Mathias Hounpke in conducting this research. Introduction Democratic government is government by coalition. In many parliamentary systems, governments are explicit multi-party coalitions. Even in cases of single party government, a party that wins a parliamentary majority represents -- almost by definition -- a coalition of interests. -
Parental Socialization and Rational Party Identification
Political Behavior, Vol. 24, No. 2, June 2002 ( 2002) PARENTAL SOCIALIZATION AND RATIONAL PARTY IDENTIFICATION Christopher H. Achen This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation be- tween parents’ and children’s partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay. Key words: socialization; party identification; political parties; party systems; Bayesian; retrospective voting. All I know is we’re not Republicans. My father isn’t.—Judith, age 10 (Greenstein, 1969, p. 23) INTRODUCTION The predictive power of “party identification” in American elections is well- nigh overwhelming, and, after some initial setbacks, evidence has accumulated that, properly measured, it does well elsewhere, too (Converse and Pierce, 1985, 1986; Green, Palmquist, and Schickler, 2002; Johnston, 1988; Miller and Shanks, 1996; Shively, 1980). Partisanship remains the central factor in explaining not just how people vote, but also how they see the political world, just as Campbell, Converse, Miller, and Stokes (1960/1980) asserted 40 years ago and as sophisticated recent investigations have confirmed (Bartels, 2001b). -
SS.7.C.2.8 Low Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation
SS.7.C.2.8 Low Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation Question What are the names of the two major political parties in the The correct answer should identify the two current and United States today? main political parties in the United States. A Democratic and Republican Correct – The Democrats and Republicans are currently the two major political parties in the United States. B Democratic and Libertarian Incorrect – The Libertarian Party is a minor, or third party. C Socialist and Republican Incorrect – The Socialist Party is a minor, or third party. D Socialist and Libertarian Incorrect – Both parties are minor, or third parties. SS.7.C.2.8 Moderate Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation Question The statement below is from a political party platform. The passage describes the ideas of a modern political party. We, the workers and our allies, need to take power from the hands of the wealthy few, their The correct answer should identify the current political corporations, and their political operatives. party that the passage describes. Which political party’s position is represented in the statement? A Communist Correct – The Communist Party supports workers controlling all governmental power. B Democratic Incorrect – The Democratic Party supports a stronger federal government and more government services but does not support a worker-controlled government. C Republican Incorrect – The Republican Party supports a weaker federal government, lower taxes, and fewer government services. D Socialist Incorrect – The Socialist Party supports cooperative ownership of private industry but does not support taking all power from the rich and giving it to the working class. -
WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report. -
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe. -
American Hunger: a Political Introduction Ashley Hanson College of Arts & Behavioral Sciences Nominated by Erik Trump, Department of Political Science
American Hunger: A Political Introduction Ashley Hanson College of Arts & Behavioral Sciences Nominated by Erik Trump, Department of Political Science Ashley Hanson grew up in Midland, MI, has a double major in Political Science and Criminal Justice, and plans on attending law school after graduating from SVSU. She is currently involved in the SVSU Law Club, Honors Program, and Club Red Ambassador Program, and enjoys riding and showing horses in her free time. “Politics was not my game; the human heart was my game, but it was only in the realm of politics that I could see the depths of the human heart.” Richard Wright, Black Boy, p. 372 In his book American Hunger, author Richard Wright describes himself as a conveyer of human emotions, especially those shared by African Americans, rather than a political writer. This book, set in the late 1920s and 1930s, describes Wright’s experiences and hardships as a young African American man in Chicago. On the surface, it is obvious that Wright delivers his story in an emotional context. However, when examining the book from a deeper perspective, it becomes clear that this text is not only an emotional depiction of African American life in the 1930s, but is also set in a much larger political context that greatly influences the structure and transformation of the African Ameri- can community. Through his experiences, Richard Wright exposes much of the political unrest that African Americans endured during this time, which resulted in political transformations, Communist allegiance, and new, artistic visions shaped by the New Deal programs.