ETHNOBOTANY OF KUTA ( SPHACELATA) IN BAY OF PLENTY AND NORTHLAND,

MIEKE KAPA

Kuta You entice kuta as your dark green lengths gleam in the sunlight and toss the light amongst you- your tubular stems air-filled thrusting upwards through the water from roots tenuously attached to the lake bed.

And as you mature you capture colour! creeping down from sky-yearning tips until you flash yellows and pinks greens, browns oranges and purples. And after harvesting- hung to dry in the darkness- how do your satin-soft strands transmute into gleaming coloured gold? Irresistible! Figure 1. Kuta, paopao (Eleocharis sphacelata ). Te Rito Maihi (2003)

Kuta (also known to Mäori as paopao and scientifically as Eleocharis sphacelata) is a culturally significant wetland (Fig. 1), the stems of which were harvested and woven into items such as whäriki ‘mats’, maro kuta ‘a small apron drawn between the legs and fastened to the belt’ and kakahu ‘cloaks’ (Best 1899, 1906, 1907, 1909; Grey 1853). While the everyday use of items made from kuta (i.e., kakahu and maro kuta) is no longer common, the use of kuta as a weaving resource continues (Brown and Ellis 2007, Te Rito Maihi and Lander 2005). Weaving resources used by Mäori more frequently, such as harakeke (Phormium tenax) and wharariki ( Phormium cookianum), have been the subject of a considerable amount of Western scientific research. There have also been efforts to record associated mätauranga ‘traditional knowledge’ and tikanga ‘customary practices’, while the mätauranga of kiekie (Freycinetia

131 132 Ethnobotany of Kuta baueriana) and pïngao ( spiralis), both also used as fibre resources, has been recorded, although to a lesser degree. Kuta, however, remains a weaving resource about which there is little published research either from a scientific or Mäori perspective (Kapa and Clarkson 2009). This is of concern not only to weavers but also to ecologists because kuta is an important member of wetland communities which are currently under threat from habitat loss. There is also a growing commercial interest in kuta owing to its potential for use in phyto-remediation of contaminated sites and wetland restoration (Sorrell, Tanner and Sukias 2002, Tanner et al. 2007, Tanner, Champion and Kloosterman 2006). Efforts to restore kuta habitat would assist in the restoration of wetland communities, support phyto-remediation projects, and ensure the future survival and availability of this valued resource for weavers. In this article I survey published information and draw upon interviews with weavers and historians concerning traditional knowledge and practices pertaining to kuta. This information draws upon my Masters research that addressed gaps in the recording of traditional knowledge of kuta, as well as advancing scientific knowledge concerning kuta growth and germination. NAMES AND TRADITIONAL UTILITY OF ELEOCHARIS SPHACELATA Eleocharis sphacelata is commonly known in English as giant spike-rush, tall spike-rush, and bamboo spike-sedge (Andersen 1926, Beever 1987, Johnson and Brooke 1989). Mäori call Eleocharis sphacelata kuta or paopao: Ngäpuhi generally use kuta (Wehi 2007) and Te Arawa more commonly use paopao (T. Wirihana pers. comm. 2007). Best (1899) initially identified kutakuta or paopao as Scirpus lacustris (renamed Schoenoplectus tabernaemontani in Smith [1995]) but later acknowledged kutakuta and paopao as “the water plant E. sphacelata”, which he also identifies as kuwawa, wawa and kuta in his 1907 publication. The confusion between Scirpus lacustris and Eleocharis sphacelata and the identification of kuta is demonstrated by Andersen (1926) who names E. sphacelata as kutakuta, paopao and ngawha, and Scirpus lacustris as kapungawha, kopupu, kopupungawha, kuwawa, papao and wawa. Most recently Beever (1987) names E. sphacelata as ngäwhä, kutakuta and paopao. Kuta was used in the past primarily for soft and comfortable mats inside whare ‘homes’ since air pockets within the culm, the jointed stem extending out of the water, give the fibre a warm and spongy feel. Because kuta mats were not particularly durable, stronger flax or kiekie mats were placed on top during the day and laid underneath for comfort at night. It was also used for clothing, such as maro kuta, and for pötae taua ‘mourning-caps or wreaths’ worn by widows and near relatives during periods of mourning (Best 1899, 1906). In preparing the pötae taua the culms were peeled, then tied around Mieke Kapa 133

Figure 2. Kete made of kuta, held in the Auckland War Memorial Museum Tamaki Paenga Hira (AM 55462). the head and occasionally adorned with dyed fibres, birds’ tails, seaweed, birds’ heads and bills (Best 1899, 1906; Kapa and Clarkson 2009; Mead 1969). Recently recorded information of kete ‘kits’ (Fig. 2), hats and capes suggests that there have been other traditional uses of items made from kuta (Pendergrast 1984, Pendergrast and Brake 1987). Although no participants who were involved in my study had used kuta specifically for insulation, Reimarie Kapa (Ngäti Rehia, hapü of Ngäpuhi), during an informal discussion in April 2007, stated that his whänau used kuta and raupo (Typha orientalis) bundled up as insulation within the walls of their whare.

TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE CONCERNING KUTA Ethnobotanical research is intended to provide information that covers all aspects of the relationship between people and within a particular community and place. This comprehensive body of information is also referred to in literature as “traditional ecological knowledge” (TEK) and is based on accumulated observations, knowledge and practices (both physical and spiritual) concerning their natural resources by indigenous peoples (Williams and Baines 1993). TEK is typically found among societies that are dependent on the natural environment for survival. Hence the accuracy of their knowledge, aimed at ensuring sustainability, is of critical importance (Berkes 1999, Huntington 1998, Parlee and Berkes 2006), as is the ability to memorise this information and hand it on from generation to generation. 134 Ethnobotany of Kuta

Here in New Zealand TEK comprises mätauranga and tikanga accumulated and adapted over the past 800 years or so by the descendants of the Eastern Polynesian settlers. It comprises a unique body of knowledge which has been recorded in waiata ‘song’, whakatauki ‘proverbs’, whakapapa ‘genealogies’, whakairo ‘carvings’, püräkau ‘storytelling’, and in karakia ‘prayers’—all of which demonstrate the close relationship of Mäori with their environment. TEK use is predicated on the principles of respect and reciprocity which over time has led to the development of a conservation ethic. This ethic is enforced by the use of tikanga by experts who act as kaitiaki ‘guardians’ to ensure the protection and sustainable use of resources for the group and for future generations (Roberts et al. 1995). Such people are found today among those who still retain a close connection with traditional resources, for example, weavers. With the support and blessing of Te Roopu Raranga Whatu o Aotearoa (Mäori Weavers of New Zealand) I interviewed five weavers between September 2007 and July 2008. The five people are regarded by their peers as experts in their field, some in the art of raranga ‘weaving’ and others in the collation of historical weaving patterns.1 An important principal of kaupapa Mäori research is the acknowledgement of the participants’ expertise by naming them in this research. One elder, however, did not wish their name to be used. In all cases, the research participants spoke about their own experiences; the majority chose not to speak on behalf of their hapü or iwi.

Table 1. Research participants’ name, age, regional affiliations and relationship with kuta/paopao harvest and use. Mieke Kapa 135

All the people with whom I spoke had learned their craft or practices pertaining to the use, harvesting, preparation and conservation of kuta from elders in their hapü or from weaving peers. “I mean life then was totally different to what it is today. The young people had nothing else to do so you are trailing after the older lot, whatever they were doing…. the thing is when the older women are sitting down we like to stick our noses in and have a hakinohi [‘nosey, sneaky look’—MK]... and as time went on we sort of cotton on to how the thing was done” (Participant 4). Discussion with the participants, the oldest of whom was 79, focused primarily on their personal experiences and knowledge of kuta over the last 70 years. Tribal affiliations are noted to identify the area from which the knowledge was presumed to have been derived (Table 1). TIKANGA ASSOCIATED WITH KUTA HARVESTING Generally harvesting was undertaken before the cooler waters of late winter and completed before new growth appeared in spring. “When you go out for kuta you start off in the months of April to August. No earlier, no later. From April to August… they are mature then. So those months are spent collecting as much material for weaving, say for big marae’s eh” (Participant 4). Tina Wirihana remembers her father going out when the water was cooler, and thought that perhaps the time to harvest was indicated by the first appearance of Matariki (Pleiades) in June. The two participants from Te Rarawa, Northland, talked of their harvesting site as Lake Ngatu and would not harvest from any other location because of the abundance, quality and tradition pertaining to kuta at that site. “That place has been there for centuries, hundreds of years and it has always been known as a kuta place, nothing else… it’s got a value” (Ross Gregory pers. comm.). Other participants, though, lamented that sites have been lost and quality harvesting areas have suffered because of increased pollution, the drainage of swamp and lakes for farmland, and the recreational uses of waterways. The process for harvesting kuta was generally described the same way by all participants. Harvesting was a group endeavour. Divers went down to the bottom of the lake bed and cut the culms as close to the rhizome as possible: “…he slashed at the base then everything just sprang up so there was minimal handling to eliminate the creases… they automatically moved together within the movement of the lake” (Tina Wirihana pers. comm.). Floating stems were sorted naturally, with culms in senescence falling from the surface. A second stage of sorting was completed at the water’s edge where the good stems were tied into small bundles for ease of handling. All participants agreed that the length of the kuta stem was an important consideration, and none used culms that were short: ideal culm length is estimated to be longer than 1.5 metres. 136 Ethnobotany of Kuta

Indeed, Tina Wirihana suggested that it was because of the length of the kuta culms that Ngäti Pikiao in the Bay of Plenty was renowned for its kuta mats. All participants agreed that the strength of the culm came from the submerged section underneath the water and it was this quality, together with the length, which accounted for deep water harvesting areas being so sought after. TIKANGA ASSOCIATED WITH PREPARATION OF KUTA Unlike using harakeke which generally needs extensive preparation before use, once kuta is harvested minimal preparation is needed before weaving. There was no clear consensus among participants about the drying process once away from the water, however. Tina Wirihana remembers her father using a thin covering that totally eliminated light while ensuring the culms were not subjected to any compression. Ross Gregory recalls that they covered their harvested kuta with the weight of damp sacks in order to dry the stems slowly.

We took it back to the Marae and they just put wet blankets on it, a wet covering in a dark place… in a warm, yet damp place with a bit of ventilation so the wind could get at them. They [the aunties] had a look and if we needed to dry the blankets out a bit or they needed a squirt with a bit of water to dampen, to maintain the sort of texture and to control the drying.

Participant 4 hung kuta bundles to dry in the shade of the trees near the marae.

…bundling them up and hanging them up to dry, you don’t have to have them out in the direct sun…when you think about it there was always trees… because when they are out in the sun for that period of time you are going to find they’ll break… just like harakeke.

Kuta culms do not dry in a uniform manner, each drying at a different rate while slowly revealing a variety of rich hues thought to reflect the differing nutrient content in the lake bed.

Of course they didn’t dry out even... some were yellow green, some were more green than yellow some were more golden… [Then the aunties] got to the point where they were satisfied that they were sufficiently dry to be able to work the resource and of course the drying process still continued after that… the finished article was still allowed to dry. (Ross Gregory pers. comm.)

Kuta can be kept for use at a later date provided the material is kept dry and not remoistened. Mieke Kapa 137

The very nature of the kuta stem allows nearly all of the length to be used, nothing was wasted and the smaller pieces of remaining material were made into pötae ‘hats’, kete ‘bags’, toys and other items. Täpau kuta ‘kuta mats’ used on marae floors are prized in the Te Rarawa and Ngäti Pikiao areas and were widespread in many Northland marae—“It used to be a great thing with all the marae up north here” (Participant 4 )—where they were spread on the floor for sleeping and general use, providing comfort and warmth. Participants commented on the large size of the kuta mats, on occasion large enough to fill a room with a single mat. In the opinion of all the participants, the reduced use of kuta mats on marae was because of the continual need to replace the worn mats when modern fabrics such as carpet or mattresses provided the same or higher level of comfort and lasted considerably longer. During the 1970s restoration of Pukepoto Marae in Te Rarawa new kuta mats, which replicated patterns taken from the worn mats, were placed on the walls as a testament to the skill of previous weavers (Ross Gregory pers. comm.). TIKANGA ASSOCIATED WITH CONSERVATION AND ECOLOGY OF THE KUTA Strong guardianship of the harvesting sites was advocated by all participants, although specific practices for kaitiaki ‘guardians’ of kuta were either not mentioned or known. Their general belief was that areas were effectively self managed through natural means or through sustainable cultural harvest. Sites accessed by hapü are important sources of fibre product and Tina Wirihana would only harvest locally in the Ngäti Pikiao rohe ‘tribal area’ if the source available could be used sustainably: “…rather than just go in there and take and weave.” She explained, “To me it’s a little bit more than that. And because at this time I don’t have a need to use it… but I know that the source is there when I am ready”. All participants stressed the importance of harvesting only what was necessary and ensuring that they used every portion of the harvested culms where possible. They recalled family members (or they themselves) consistently returning to harvest kuta from the same site and consider these locations to be ones their ancestors had harvested from. Areas such as those where harakeke is found growing are referred to as pa harakeke, a locale that is looked after, nurtured and revisited when the need arises for that resource. Participants believe that parallels could be drawn between pa harakeke and pa kuta for kuta areas annually frequented by the same whänau. Planting kuta into new areas was approached by most participants in a holistic manner with most emphasising that self-establishment (e.g., by wind or bird dispersal) of kuta only occurs if conditions are suitable. Pa kuta were prized as a resource and therefore it was felt that any site restoration should 138 Ethnobotany of Kuta take the original plant composition into consideration. It was regular practice for Participant 4 to gather seed at the time of harvest and distribute it into areas to aid establishment of juveniles, but others had not heard of nurturing or establishing new plantations with either seeds or rhizome material. All participants strongly believed that kuta had the same appearance in all areas yet transferring seed or vegetative cuttings out of their own ecological area was not favoured. Some participants felt that it was imperative to keep the importance of kuta alive and believed that reviving its use would lead to an increase in connectivity with harvesting sites, as well as increasing the mana ‘prestige’ and wairua ‘spiritual feeling’ of the site. OTHER MATAURANGA AND TIKANGA RECALLED BY PARTICIPANTS Ross Gregory suggested that there may have been separate karakia ‘rituals, prayers’ used before the harvesting of kuta, rather than a generic karakia covering all plant fibres used in weaving, because kuta primarily comes from a water source and therefore was under the spiritual guardianship of Tangaroa. Most other fibres come from the land which was under the spiritual guardianship of Tane. However non-specific tikanga is used for handling all weaving fibres, e.g., no walking over material, no eating while working, and returning waste back to the harvesting site. The use of oral communication to transfer ecological knowledge from one generation to another has been recognised by indigenous researchers (e.g., Huntington 2000) as a valid source of TEK. A single waiata was recollected during the interviews and thought to pertain to the use of kuta as a wrapping or armour aiding in reducing impact from blows to the forearm received during fighting. This wrapping was called a puru (whakapuru tao: arm pad used as protection [Williams 1992]).

Sometimes they use these ones for fighting… they call it Te puru, they wrapped this stuff around [indicating a wrap around the forearm] to ward off blows. And sometimes they made them out of kuta or sometimes made them out of the körari [Phormium tenax]. Well the ones I know are to do with te puru because one of our tribes went to war and said ‘Ko te puru’…. (Ross Gregory pers. comm.)

This recollection of the armour made from kuta, as featured in the waiata and sung as tribal members went to war, demonstrates the importance of oral methods used by Mäori who employed this method to retain TEK from one generation to another. Mieke Kapa 139

PUBLISHED INFORMATION In addition to interviews with practitioners, I researched published documents held at public libraries, displays at the Auckland Museum and Te Papa Tongarewa Museum of New Zealand, and online databases for references to kuta. A whakapapa of fibre plants, including kuta, is displayed in the Mäori Natural History Gallery (Te Ao Turoa) at the Auckland Museum (Fig. 3). Hohepa Delamare of Te Whänau-ä-Apanui (North Island east coast) and Tühoe (Bay of Plenty) told Mere Roberts and Brad Haami this whakapapa, which has subsequently been abbreviated by the curators of the gallery and further reproduced by Simpson (2000). It begins with Rangi-nui and Papa- tu-a-nuku (the primordial parents, sky father and earth mother) and one of their offspring, Tane (the progenitor of forest, birds, insects, rocks and stones) who manifests here as Tane -oioi. He takes as his wife Maunga who produces a group of plant and animal species that share similar coastal lowland and forest-edge habitats. In support of the whakapapa displayed at the Auckland Museum a small section in White (1887, 1890) records the same lineage: “Tane took Maunga to wife, by whom he had Te Piere (called) and Te Matata (carried on a litter) and Toetoe (split in shreds) and Te Kawha (Ngawha, split open)” (White 1887: 144). Additionally White (1890: 203) notes: “Tane (male) took (ka moe i a) Maunga (mountain) (first wife - wahine tua-tahi) and had (tana ko) Te-Piere (earnest desire), ko eT-Matata (carry on a litter), ko Toetoe (strip into shreds), ko Te Kawha (Ngawha) (burst open).” Included among the descendants of the coupling of Tane-oioi and Maunga in the Delamare whakapapa, and partly expressed in White (1887, 1890), are three bird species oi, piere and matata . Oi (grey faced petrel, or North Island mutton bird Petrodroma macroptera) is a native species once widespread with breeding colonies in scrub and forests on the east and west coasts of the North Island and its offshore islands (Heather and Robertson 2000: 217). Piere (robin, Petroica australis [Williams 1992: 278]) is an endemic bird species that once was widespread across a variety of scrub and forest habitats in New Zealand (Heather and Robertson 2000: 397). Matata or fernbird (Bowdleria punctata) prefers a habitat of low dense shrub, swamps, pakahi ‘heathland’, or rush and tussock-covered saltmarsh (Heather and Robertson 2000: 386). The similarity of all three habitats preferred by these birds is reflected in the plant species named in the whakapapa namely toetoe, harakeke, kiokio and raupo . Toetoe is a generic name for a number of grasses and sedges with fluffy heads including Cortaderia, Ghania, Carex, Cyperus etc. (Beever 1987: 66). Raupo, kuta and Schoenoplectus tabernaemontani are all wetland 140 Ethnobotany of Kuta of fibre plants as told by H. Delamare (Te Whänau-ä-Apanui). whakapapa of fibre plants as told by H. Delamare (Te Auckland Museum, Te Ao Turoa Mäori Natural History Gallery, Auckland War Memorial War Auckland Mäori Natural History Gallery, Turoa Ao Te Auckland Museum, Museum, Tamaki Paenga Hira. Tamaki Museum, Courtesy of the Figure 3. Nga rau muka o toe Mäori, Mieke Kapa 141 , Cortaderia sp. Whenua – Landcare Research, Ngä Tipu o Tipu Whenua – Landcare Research, Ngä , Schoenoplectus tabernaemontani sourced from Manaaki Eleocharis sphacelata Aotearoa – New Zealand plants database (http://nzflora.landcareresearch.co.nz/default.aspx). Typha orientalis Phormium tenax and Typha Figure 4. An abbreviated classification of 142 Ethnobotany of Kuta plant species with a preferred habitat of shallow to deeper waters in lowland lakes, rivers, streams, swamps and ponds (Johnson and Brooke 1989: 126, 168, 146). Not only do the whakapapa and White’s script reflect a habitat shared by certain birds and plants but also the seven plant species detailed are a significant proportion of those used for fibre by Mäori. As previously mentioned the author of this whakapapa, Hohepa Delamare, had Bay of Plenty and East Coast tribal connections and hence was almost certainly describing habitats and species with which he was familiar. Best (1914) additionally identifies the presence of kuta in the Tühoe region in recounting the story of a woman who abandoned her maro kuta at a place now called Kutarere situated at the edge of Ohiwa Harbour in the Bay of Plenty. Before European settlement the Tühoe rohe was bordered by a large wetland on its western flanks and large tracts of forest on the three other sides, remnants of which exist today. This immense wetland was altered in the early 1900s by straightening two prominent local rivers and numerous drainage canals creating what is now known as the Rangitaiki Plains. It may be assumed, then, that the whakapapa is a description of this landscape before European settlement, one that consisted of contiguous coastal, estuarine, freshwater wetland and terrestrial bush ecosystems. Whakapapa, it is argued by Roberts et al. (2004), functions to assign origins and descent lines and relationships between things, acting as a classification and ecosystem map. Biologists call “family trees” based on the evolutionary history of descent of a group of taxa from their common ancestors, phylogenies. These phylogenies are presumed to reflect the descent of all species by natural selection from a common ancestor (Campbell, Reece and Mitchell 1999). In this sense both whakapapa and phylogenies have similar but analogous theoretical underpinnings, both attempting to represent the relationships between all things and both classify a species within its ecological predilection. By comparison to the above, a scientific taxonomy of kuta is shown in Figure 4 based on the Flora of New Zealand (Allan 1985). This much abbreviated phylogeny indicates that the three species, raupo, Eleocharis sphacelata and Schoenoplectus tabernaemontani, described as offspring of Te Kawha in the whakapapa, are descended from a common ancestor belonging to class Liliopsida. Additionally included in the phylogeny are the plants Cortaderia and Phormium tenax, which in the whakapapa are close whänau members (Fig. 3). These five species are of the Liliopsida class: seed plants that produce an embryo with a single cotyledon and parallel veined leaves, including grasses, lilies, palms and orchids (Allan 1985). Cyperales, Typhales and Liliales are orders of flowering plants and the families , Poaceae, Typheraceae and Agavaceae are each a taxon of Mieke Kapa 143 flowering plants (or herbs) that resemble grasses (some superficially), rushes or tufted plants (Allan 1985, Johnson and Brooke 1989). An unexpected and interesting piece that includes reference to kuta comes from a chapter in Grey’s (1853) publication. This extract was subsequently translated by Hawira Hape, a descendant of Te Hapüku o Ngäti Whatuiäpiti hapü, Ngäti Kahungunu (East Coast North Island), with the guidance of his elders. During an informal conversation the translation of the publication was discussed and permission given to reproduce the interpretation here (see Appendix 1). In its explicit depiction of the uses of kuta ( kutakuta in this text) it acknowledges important commonplace events, rituals and tikanga employed by Mäori at this time. In essence, Hape believes that this passage reflects circumstances surrounding the procedure employed when a female loses her child during pregnancy. Scented mosses, fluffy raupo seed and toetoe plumes were all prized for their absorbency (Hawira Hape pers. comm. 2008), while muka ‘fine soft flax fibre’, raurekau (Coprosma robusta) and kuta were fibres for making maro (Best 1899, Mead 1969). The concluding paragraph of Grey’s (1853) text includes a procedure in which aborted offspring were wrapped using kuta and the above fibres in a special arrangement before interment in a waterway as an offering to the atua ‘gods’. In his discussion of this extract, Hape believes that Grey (1853) was constrained from going into more specific details concerning information of this nature given to him by Mäori elders as Victorian etiquette did not allow for candour which might cause offence once published. A more recent contribution to kuta lore from a well known and respected weaver has been provided by Te Rito Maihi (2003) and appears at the beginning of this article. Her mihi ‘greeting, acknowledgement’ to kuta conjures up visual imagery of the weaving fibre in its natural habitat and celebrates its usefulness and mana as a weaving fibre. Her reference to “…your dark green lengths [that] gleam in the sunlight…. your tubular stems air-filled thrusting upward through the water from roots tenuously attached to the lake bed…” gives precise information about its morphological structure. Clearly, kuta is regarded as an attractive plant by this weaver and one enticing to anyone who views its splendour, ensuring they will not be able to resist using it as a weaving resource. The piece highlights seasonal changes occurring in the varying colours of the reflective and glossy stem as it matures. The “…sky-yearning tips…” bring to mind the value (or mana) placed by the resource users on the length and strength of the kuta that is submerged under the water. An important reference to the harvesting and preparation techniques of the kuta is made in this poem “…after harvesting— hung to dry in the darkness… your satin-soft strands 144 Ethnobotany of Kuta transmute into gleaming coloured gold…”, implying kuta that is excluded from light during drying will allow a variety of colours to be accentuated. The use of the metaphor “…satin-soft hands…” refers to the delicate nature of the culms that should not be mistreated if a woven article without imperfections in the kuta is required. The concluding remark, “Irresistible!”, once again emphasises the importance or mana of the plant and its place in a wetland habitat as visually and aesthetically pleasing and capable of being transformed into a weaving item of significant value. * * * From my research involving formal and informal discussions with expert weavers and historians as well as a search of published works, it is apparent that kuta had important traditional uses. Despite a decline in its use through time and with it an associated loss of knowledge, there remains a small but living repository of traditional information concerning kuta among some Mäori weavers. Despite the loss of many kuta specific traditions, methods and vocabulary that pertain to kuta harvest, preparation and use, the people with whom I spoke were a valuable source of knowledge and supportive of any remaining information they had being recorded for posterity and for the conservation of the plant itself. My research shows that kuta was, and still is, a culturally valued plant, but its use and the knowledge associated with it are slowly disappearing along with its habitat. This is of concern not only because wetlands and its constituent species provide important ecosystem services but also because its loss will further impoverish the valued TEK of Mäori. By recording its traditional utility and surviving knowledge, this research hopes to contribute to its restoration and ongoing use in ways old and new.

APPENDIX 1 The following is a piece of script taken from Grey (1853:1xxvii).

No. 5. – Ko nga atua Mäori Nga ika i te wai tai, i te wai Mäori. He atua anake mo nga tangata, nga mea ia i atuatia ai, ko nga hapü o te wahine i mate roto tonu mai, a whakatahetia ana tana tamaiti, whiua atu ki te wai, kainga mai e aua ika, a waiho tonu mai hei atua ngau tangata, wahine, tamariki. Ka hapü ano, ka mate roto, whakatahe tonu, whiua atu ki te whenua, kainga mai e nga mea o te whenua, e nga manu o te rangi, waiho tonu iho hei atua ngau tangata, wahine, tamariki, aha, aha noa atu. Otira, he atua ano nga atua nunui o mua, no roto ano i te tutakinga Mieke Kapa 145

o Rangi’, raua ko Papa’, i wahia i roto i nga tupuna nga ingoa. Ina hoki era nga ingoa. Ko Maru, he atua, ko Rongomai, he atua, ko Itupawa, he atua, ko Hangaroa, he atua, ko Ihungaru, he atua, ko te Iho-o-te-rangi, he atua. Ko nga atua enei i haere mai i tawahi i Hawaiki, na enei i ahuahu nga hapü whakatahe o nga wahine o tawahi, me nga wahine o tenei taha. Mei kore he atua nui o namata, e kore e whai atua ririki nga Mäori. Ko nga ara whakatara, he harakeke, no te tatuatanga e taua wahine, waiho tonu iho hei ara whakataki, ina mate te tupapaku, ka whakatakototia te ara, ki runga i taua mahaki, ka karakia atu ai te tohunga, ina ka rongo te atua ngau, ki te rawa tika ia i kitea e nga matakite. Ki to rawa ngaro, e kore e ora, ko te tarutaru ano tetehi, ara no te marohanga e te wahine he raupo, he toetoe, he kutakuta, he raurekau, he aha, he aha nga ara o te atua.

Below is the translation and interpretation by Hawira Hape (2008), reproduced and included in this article, and with his permission.

No.5. – The Mäori Gods Fish in coastal estuaries and marshland swamps, the true God of mankind, sanctified all creation, in pregnancy, miscarried or aborted foetus and afterbirth are placed in waterways, to be eaten by fish, the child’s spirit is demonised by men, women and children. Also in other pregnancies, which miscarry or abort, the foetal matter is placed on land, to be eaten by land creatures, fowls of the air, the child’s spirit is also revered by men, women and children, any and all creatures. Also, other Deity of this era are supernal, they originate from the union of Rangi and Papa, and are remembered in the naming rituals. Even to using their very names. Maru is a God, Rongomai is a God, Itupawa is a God, Hangaroa is a God, Ihungaru is a God and Iho-o-te-rangi is a God. These Deity have prospered since settlement from abroad and are considered the origin of abortion in women from abroad or women from here. If it were not for these supernal Deity, a belief system would not exist for Mäori. Supplications are prepared, in flax wrappings, used as a girdle by the woman, to avert similar misfortune and mourned, the offerings are laid in a special arrangement and over these donations, the priest prays, if accepted, the demi-god will give a sign, to be acknowledged by the diviner. In post-natal haemorrhages, usually fatal, scented moss bandages are used, worn under an apron, dressings made from raupo, toetoe, kutakuta or raurekau, anything from nature (© H. Hape).

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Support was received from eT Roopu Raranga Whatu of Aotearoa (Mäori Weavers of New Zealand) at the commencement of this research (July 2007). Mere Roberts was an invaluable support during the thesis study and the writing of this article. I wish to especially thank Tina Wirihana, Joy Wikitera, Ross Gregory, Mick Pendergrast, Hawira 146 Ethnobotany of Kuta

Hape, Toi Te Rito Maihi and Participant 4 all of whom were happy to impart their knowledge and were all extremely helpful, patient and wise. This research was aided by grants gratefully received from: Manaaki Whenua – Landcare, Wetland Enhancement FRST project (C09X0508) Masters Award, University of Waikato Masters Research Scholarship, Hillary Jolly Memorial Scholarship, Auckland Botanical Society Lucy Cranwell Student Grant for Botanical Research, Waikato Botanical Society and Waikato Forest and Bird, and Valder Conservation Grant.

NOTE 1. The interviews were at all times at the location chosen by the participant and a semi-directed interview technique was employed as outlined by Huntington (2000) and Smith (1999), whereby guided questions were used to start the flow of a conversation and to redirect conversation if the need arose. This type of interviewing technique enabled me to restart a new topic during a lull, while making allowances for the flow to develop into a new topic if it was one not previously considered.

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ABSTRACT Kuta or paopao (Eleocharis sphacelata) is a wetland plant of Mäori cultural significance. It has special weaving qualities and is a biologically significant member of the wetland ecological community. Published information, and interviews with weavers and historians concerning traditional knowledge and practices pertaining to kuta is reported and discussed. Kuta’s indigenous whakapapa is seen to reflect its biological genealogy.

Key words: Wetland plants, Mäori weaving, kuta (Eleocharis sphacelata), traditional ecological knowledge, indigenous and biological plant genealogies.