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Postcolonialism, Neo-Colonialism and the “Pacific Way”: a Critique of (Un)Critical Approaches1

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Postcolonialism, Neo-Colonialism and the “Pacific Way”: a Critique of (Un)Critical Approaches1 THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY School of International, Political and Strategic Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia State Society and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2010/4 POSTCOLONIALISM, NEO-COLONIALISM AND THE “PACIFIC WAy”: A CRITIQUE OF (UN)CRITICAL APPROACHES1 ABSTRACT When Fiji’s first Prime Minister, Ratu Sir supported colonial hegemony. This in turn STEPHANIE Kamisese Mara, first used the term the provided an important stimulus for the LAWSON “Pacific Way" during an address to the development of postcolonial theory as an UN General Assembly in 1970, its specific anti-hegemonic discourse critical not just of referent was the smooth transition to colonial history but manifestations of neo- independence of Fiji and several other Pacific colonialism in the contemporary period. island states that had thus far gone through In this paper I suggest that although the the decolonization process. The “Pacific “Pacific Way” is generally presented as Way" was soon used to denote a collective a counter-hegemonic discourse, in some political identity for the island states of the manifestations it provides support for other Pacific region in the postcolonial period kinds of hegemony. This is because it and, together with the “Melanesian Way", has so far evinced very little concern with developed the characteristics of an anti- colonial discourse — something that had the hegemonic practices of local elites. been noticeably lacking in Mara’s original At the same time, it continues to invest in formulation. During much the same period, the overarching West/non-West bifurcation Edward Said’s critical study, Orientalism, of the world, which also produces quite began to make its mark, especially in terms simplistic images of contemporary regional of its critique of the nexus between power politics that mask a much more complex set and knowledge and the way in which this of social, political and economic relations. Postcolonialism, Neo-Colonialism and the “Pacific Way" INTRODUCTION accountability, responsibility and sovereign 2 rights as well as the efficacy and legitimacy of “Western” modes of governance vis-à-vis In 1970, Fiji’s first Prime Minister, Ratu Sir local institutions and practices. The latter Kamisese Mara, delivered an address to the have often been defended through invocation UN General Assembly, characterizing the of the Pacific Way, the Melanesian Way and/ experiences shared by Fiji and some other or the narrower national formulations. Pacific island states in achieving a smooth The Pacific Way idea has had a varie- path to independence as the “Pacific Way”. gated political career in the postcolonial This term soon came to denote a collective period. One commentator notes that in its political identity for the island states of the early years it reflected a romantic euphoria Pacific region in the aftermath of indepen- about a Pacific renaissance which could dence, one which claimed a unique Pacific embrace modernity while fostering a unique character as based on broadly shared social Pacific identity shared by all island states, or and political values. It also came to acquire more especially, by emergent Pacific elites a strong anti-colonial resonance, comparable “who saw themselves as founders … of the in some ways to the négritude movement of new postcolonial Pacific order”. (Ratuva, postcolonial Africa as well as the later devel- 2003: 247). While the Pacific Way idea has opment of discourses about “Asian values” sometimes prompted cynicism, especially and the “ASEAN Way” in East and Southeast to the extent that it has been perceived as Asia, all of which sought a reaffirmation of serving the interests of those elites rather local ways in the aftermath of colonial rule. than Pacific people as a whole, it still has The Pacific Way was later joined by a much positive currency. Thus despite its elit- more specific assertion of a sub-regional ist orientation, as well as the fact that it is identity in the form of the Melanesian Way. often “embarrassingly clichéd", it remains a This was a more profoundly anti-colonial popular way of representing the region col- 2 articulation of identity from the start. Along- lectively. (Meleisa, 2000: 76). side the regionalist discourses also sit a The framework for analysis in this paper number of nationalist formulations such as takes its point of departure from postcolonial such as anga fakatonga (the Tongan Way), approaches which have been so influential fa’a Samoa (the Samoan Way) and vaka- in framing the terms of debate about the viti (the Fijian Way). While focusing on more colonial experience and its aftermath. The tightly bounded notions of local indigenous paper therefore looks first at some of the identities, these nonetheless resonate with main assumptions of postcolonial theory and aspects of the broader regional articulations then the specific circumstances in which the and contribute to their substance. Pacific Way was first articulated, as well as In one way or another, all these discourses the meaning with which it was imbued. Here are manifestations of postcolonial thinking — we see that although the Pacific Way has a style of thought which is generally critical since acquired many of the characteristics of not simply of the colonial past but of the a postcolonial discourse in the critical sense continuing effects of that past in the present. in which this term is generally understood, it Thus the Pacific Way and cognate discourses was anything but in its original formulation. have persisted into the present period, often Accordingly, the next section traces some as undertones but sometimes more explicitly of the shifts in meaning and application in debates about relations between Pacific as it developed over the next few years, island states and their regional neighbours, especially through the voice of academic especially Australia and New Zealand, interlocutors. Taken together, these two sec- countries which often stand accused of tions illustrate a significant transformation in neo-colonial attitudes and practices. At the meaning, thereby demonstrating some inter- centre of these debates are broad issues of esting contradictions and tensions.3 We then governance, security, aid, development and consider the issue of neo-colonialism with dependency, which in turn raise questions of specific reference to democracy promotion Postcolonialism, Neo-Colonialism and the “Pacific Way" as part of the broader “good governance" yet to penetrate the thinking, or perhaps agenda. Here we look at several critiques of “unthinking", of various politicians, journal- 3 Australian policy in particular, and the way ists, bureaucrats, consultants and other in which debates about Australia’s relations experts located in metropolitan centres far with the Pacific islands has been framed. from the everyday lives and experiences To the extent that these critiques embrace of Pacific islanders (Fry, 2000). Postcolo- the principles of postcolonial analysis they nial approaches themselves, however, are also embrace some of its shortcomings. The scarcely beyond criticism, especially to the concluding section therefore suggests that extent that they remain concerned with good critical scholarship, if it is seriously to issues of cultural identity at the expense of address problems of hegemony in the Pacif- pressing issues of political economy which ic islands, needs to avoid adopting the more are, for many, a matter of life and death. Arif simplistic postures of postcolonial analysis Dirlik and Aijaz Ahmed, in particular, have that has limited its scope to date. also take postcolonial theorists to task for abandoning or at least playing down class POSTCOLONIALISM as a category of analysis (Dirlik, 1997; Ahmed, 1994). As for postcolonial theory’s concern with unmasking historical ideas Edward Said’s critical study Orientalism which supported colonialism, even sympa- (Said, 1978), is widely regarded as the thizers such as Michael Hardt see a need to founding text in the genre of postcolonial move on, arguing that “the residues of colo- studies. It is a study in comparative lit- nialist thinking are not the central pillars of erature, but at the same time is much more contemporary forms of domination”.(Hardt, than that, setting out a scathing political 2001: 248). To these critiques it may be and social critique of key aspects of Euro- added that postcolonial approaches often pean colonialism. Said’s notion of Oriental- have a strong tendency to gloss over cases ism consists in a discourse through which involving forms of local (non-Western) domi- Europeans have historically represented the nation and subordination because they do “Orient" as an exotic space occupied by an not fit the particular normative framework inferior “Other" (the Oriental) against which of the postcolonial genre which has been positive images of Europe and the Euro- set up largely as a critique of “Western" pean self have been constructed. These practices. claims are embedded primarily in a critique This paper therefore takes issue with of colonial power relations and, in particular, postcolonial theory’s claims to constitute a the links between power, representation counter-hegemonic discourse. I argue that and knowledge. A recent text proposes that while it has certainly contributed a great postcolonial critique emerges as the product deal to the critique of (Western) colonialism of resistance to colonialism and imperial- and its mechanisms of oppression and ism and therefore
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